A Text Book of Church History, Vol 4. AD 1517-1648, Gieseler, Transl. Smithl. 1868

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BR 145 .G47 E5 1868 v.

Gieseler, Johann Karl
Ludwig, 1792-1854.
A text-book of church
A TEXT-BOOK
CHURCH HISTORY.
BY DR. JOHN C. L. GIESELER.
EranslatcU antr ISliiteU
BY HENRY B. SMITH,
PEOFESSOB IN TIIE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YOKE.
VOL. IV.— A.D. 1517-1G48.
THE REFORMATIOX AND ITS RESULTS TO TIIE PEACE QF WESTPHALIA.
NEW YORK:
HARrE It & BROTHERS, TUBL I S II ER S,
FRANK MN S QUAR K.
18 6 8.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred
and sixtj-one, by
HARPER & BROTHERS,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
Only three sections of the present volume of G-ieseler's Church
History have ever before been publishecl in an English transla-

tion. These were contained in the Fifth Volume of the Edin-
burgh edition, and are here given in a revised version, extending
to page 122 of this volume. The history of the Reformation, in
its general as well as in its religious bearings, was one of the fa-
vorite objects of Dr. Grieseler's indefatigable researches. In no

part of his great work is he more thorough ; in none is the value
of his labors more generally recognized. Dr. Redepenning, the
editor of the later volumes, says '•
that the crown of his labors in
church history is found in his exposition of the doctrinal develop-

ment in the period of the Reformation to the Peace of West-
phalia." Certainly in no part of his work does he add more to
the desiderata of our English literature. Neander's history does

not reach to the Reformation ; our popular histories of the Refor-
mation do not introduce us to the sources. Though the account
of the English and Scotch Reformation is comparatively meagre,
yet this can easily be supplied from other accessible works.
The present volume contains the whole history of the Reforma-
tion to the Peace of Westphalia. The history of the Roman Cath-
olid Church during the same period will be given in the Fifth
Volume, which will also comprise the history of the whole Church
from 1648 to the present times, as published by Redepenning from
Dr. G-ieseler's notes.
Apart from its precise and condensed statement of facts and re-
sults, the chief value of this work to the student is perhaps to be

4# INTRODUCTORY NOTE.
found in its accurate citations from the original autliorities. To

retain this characteristic even in the translation seemed to be in-
dispensable. But as many of the notes are in German, and as
the bulk of the volume would be too much enlarged by giving
both the Grerman and a translation, the plan has been adopted of
inclosing in brackets a condensed statement of the main points,
which may prove sufficient for the general reader.
As to the value of this history, the verdict is unanimous among

all German, English, and American scholars, of every ecclesias-
tical denomination. It is an indispensable help and guide to all
interested in such investigations. It is so thorough and exact,

that it is itself an authority. It is so impartial, that even when
we differ from its judgments it gives us the data by which we
may fortify our dissent. And it fosters in every student the love
of historic truth and the spirit of Christian charity.

H. B. S.
Union Theological Seminary,

New York, February 25, 1861.
CONTENTS OF VOL IV.
FOURTH PERIOD.
FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE PRESENT TIMES.
FIRST DIVISION.
A.D. 1517-1G48.
FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE REACE OF WESTPHALIA.
PART FIRST OF FIRST DIVISION.

EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.
FIRST CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN AND SWISS REFORMATION.
I'AOE
SOUKCES AND LlTERATUHE 'J
§ 1. German Reformation to 1524 13

Martin Luther 16
John Tetzel 21
John Eck 27
Cardinal Cajetan 30
Philip Melancthon 32
The Elector of Saxonj- 34
Carlstadt and the Leipsic Disputation 36
Luther's Appeal to the Nobles 42
De Captivitate Bahylonica 47
Bull of Condemnation 51
Diet of Worms 56
Carlstadt and the False Prophets 61
Hadrian VI 66
Clement VII. and Cardinal Campeggio 70
Extent of German Reform 71
§ 2. Reformation in Switzerland to 1525 75
Ulrich Zwingle 76
Bernhardin Samson at Zurich 81
Zurich Disputation (Faber) 88
Appenzell 96
Berne (Sebastian Meyer) '.
97
Basle (Capito and Iledio) 98
Oecolampadius and Farel 99
§ 3. Controversies prejudicial to the Reformation
Luther against George of Saxony and Henrj- VIII. of England 100
Luther vs. Erasmus 101
On the Lord's Supper (Carlstadt) 107
Anabaptists (Miinzer) 112
Peasants' War 114
ii
CONTENTS.
PAGE
'
§ 4. German Reformation to 1530 123
Philip of Hesse 124
Diet of Spires 126
Eome taken 127
Synod of Homberg 127
Protestants 131
Conference of Marburg , I'SS
Diet of Augsburg 135

§ 5. Continuation, to the Peace of Nuremberg, July 23, 1532 137
The Emperor and the Elector 138
Augsburg Confession 139
Confessio Tetrapolitana 149
Smalcald Lejigue 153
Peace of Nuremberg 154
§ G. Swiss Reformation to the Second Peace, Nov., 1531 155
Struggle in Basle (Oecolanipadius) 156
Burgher Eights 159
Battle of Cappel 162
§ 7. German Reformation to the Recess of the Diet of Ratisbon, July 29, 1541 162
Landgrave Philip 163
Treaty of Cadan 164
Paul III •
: 165
Smalcald Articles 168
The Holy League 169
Ratisbon Interim 173
§ 8. Continuation, to the Close of the Smalcald War, 1547 .178
Diet of Spires, 1542 178
Hermann of Cologne 179
Council of Trent, summoned 182
Luther's Death 184
Duke Maurice 187
§ 9. Continuation, to the Religious Peace of Augsburg, Sept. 25, 1555 191
Augsburg Interim 193
Formula Reformationis 194
Leipsic Interim 201
Council of Trent, assembling 205
Treaty of Passau 206
Peace of Augsburg 207
§ 10. The Swiss Reformation to 1555 209
German Switzerland (Bullinger and Mj-conius) 209
The Catholic Cantons 211
French Switzerland (William Farel, at Geneva) 213
John Calvin 214
Italian Switzerland 217
§ 11. Relations of the Two Religious Parties in Germany, to 1618 218
.'
Ferdinand I 219
Maximilian II '. 221
Rudolph II 224
The Reformed Calendar 225
Colloquy at Ratisbon 226
Jiilich-Cleves 231
§ 12. The Thirty Years' War 233
Frederick V 233
Treaty of Lubeck 234
Gustavus Adolphus '.
236
1
CONTENTS. ill
PAGK
Peace of "Westphalia 237
§ 13. Ecclesiastical Affairs in Switzerland, to 1648 240
Charles Borromeo 241
Francis of Sales 242
The Grisons 243
SECOND CHAPTER.
THE REFORMATION IN OTHER LANDS.
§ 14. Bohemia and Moravia 243
Calixtines and Bohemian Brethren 244
Confession of Faith 24G
Conipactata 248
Bohemia plundered 249
§ 15. Poland, Prussia, and Livonia 250
Albert of Brandenburg 251
Sigismund August 252
Gotthard Kettler 253
S}"nod of Sendomir 254
Pax Dissidentium 255
Jesuits in Poland 25G
Conference of Thorn 257
§ It Hungarj' and Transj-lvania 257
Hungarians in Wittenberg 258
Matthias Devaj' 259
Isabella 2G0
Unitarians 261
Jesuits 263
Gabriel Bethlen 264
Treaty of Linz 265
§ 17. Denmark, Norwaj', and Iceland 2G5
Christian II 26G
Frederick 1 267
John Bugenliagen 268
Christian III. of Norway 269
§ 18. Sweden 269
Olaf and Lawrence Peterson 270
Gustavus Vasa 271
Erich XIV., John III 273
§ 19. Italy 27G
Antonio Brucioli 277
Augustinianism 278
Ferrara, Venice, Naples 279
Ochino, Peter MartjT 280
Paleario's Del Beneficio di Christo ,
'
28
Inquisition 284
Index Librorum Prohibitorum 286
§ 20. Spain 288
Seville and Valladolid 289
De Valero, Cazalla 290
Franz Enzinas 291
Anto-da-fes 292
Bartholomew de Carranza 293
-iy .
CONTENTS.
PAGE
§ 21. France 293
Bishop Briqonnet 294
Francis 1 295
Jlargaret of Navarrs 295
Calvin's Preface 298
Confession of Faith, 1559 299
§ 22. Continuation, to the Edict of Nantes 300
Catherine de' Medici 300
Huguenots 300
Charles IX 302
Night of St. Bartholomew 304
Henry IV 305
§ 23. Continuation, to the Peace of Westphalia 306
Louis XIII 307
Dulie de Rohan
'.
308
§ 24. The Netherlands 309
The First Martyrs - 310
Maria, Stadtholder 312
Sect of Free Spirit 313
Bishop Granvella 314
The Beggars and Margaret 315
Union of Utrecht '
317
William of Orange 317
§ 25. Scotland 318
Patrick Hamilton 318
John Knox 319
Alary Stuart 320
James TI , 321
THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.
SoDncr.s and Litehatuke 321
^ 2G. Under Henry YIII 323

Adsertio VII. Sacramentorum • 323
Tyndal's New Testament : 324
Cranmer 325
Head of the English Church 326
Thomas Cromwell 327
Excommunication 329
§ 27. Under Edward VI. and Mary 330
Homilies, Liturgj', and Forty-two Articles 331
Reunion with Rome , 333
§ 28. Under Elizabeth 334
Act of Uniformity 334
Archbishop Parker 335
Thirty-Nine Articles 336
Mary Stuart executed 337
Puritans 339
Robert Brown 340
§ 29. Under James I. and Charles 1 341
Gunpowder Plot 343
Sunday Sports 345
CONTENTS. y
PAGH
Episcopacy in Scotland 34G
Archbishop Laud 347
Oliver Cromwell 348
FOURTH CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE MINOE RELIGIOUS PARTIES OF THE REFORjVIATION
PERIOD.
§ 30. Anabaptists and Antitrinitarians 351
Denck, Hetzer, Servetus 351
Christus David 352
Melchior Hoffmann, Campanus 353
§ 31. Unitarians 354
ItalianHumanists 355
Servetus burned 357
Laelius Socinus 358
Valentinus Gentilis 360
Blandrata, Peter Statorius 3G1
Francis Stancaro 3G2
Polish Unitarians ; 363
Catechism of Cracow 364
Faustus Socinus • 365
Racovian Catechism 367
Unitarians in Transylvania 3G8
Francis Davidis 369
The Adorantes 369
Jesuits 370
§ 32. The Mennonites 371
Menno Simons 372
Waterlanders, Flemings 375
S 33. Schwenckfeld 378
PART SECOND OF FIRST DIVISION.

INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE EVANGELICAL CHURCHES.
FIRST CHAPTER.
FORMATION OF THE DOCTRINAL SYSTEM IN THE EVANGELICAL
CHURCHES.
§ 34. First Shaping of the System of Doctrineg in the Lutheran Church 385
Luther's Doctrinal Views 385
Predestination 387
Justification hy Faith 389
The Holy Scriptures , 391
Melancthon's Articles for the Saxon Visitors 396
Antinomian Controversy 397
Confession of Faith 399
§ 35. First Shaping of the Doctrinal Sj-stem in the Swiss Church 400
Z wingle 400
The Lord's Supper 407
'
VI
CONTENTS.
PAOK
Bucer 409
Basle Confession 410
First Helvetic Confession 411
John Calvin 412
Consensus Tigurinus 416
Bolsec 418
Theodore Beza 419
Calvin's Death 421
Heidelberg Catechism 421
Second Helvetic Confession 422
Confessio Belgica, Confessio Gallicana 423
§ 36. Melancthou's Theological Relations to Luther 423
Loci Communes Theologici 424
Necessarianism 420
Lord's Supper 428
Nicholas von Amsdorf 429
Caspar Cruciger 430
Augsburg Variata 432
Cologne Project 433
Wittenberg Reformation Articles 434
§ 37. Controversj- of the Philippists and Strict Lutherans, to the Death of Melanctbon 435
Matthias Flacius Ill3-ricus 430
Adiaphoristic Controversy 437
Majoristic Controversy 438
Calvinistic Controversy 440
Crypto-Calvinists 441
Sj'nergistic Controversy 444
Tilemann Hesshusius 447
Melancthou's Views 451
John Brenz 451
Communicatio Idiomatum 452
Melancthou's Death 453
§ 38. Continuation, to the Fall of Crj-pto-Calvinism in the Electorate of Saxonj-, 1574 454
Ubiquity of Christ's Bodj- 454
Flacius on Original Sin 455
Bremen Controversies (Hardenberg) 456
Elector August and Caspar Peucer 457
Conference at Altenburg 458
Abjuration of Flacianism 460
John Saliger and Transubstantiation 462
Andreae for Peace 405
Consensus Dresdensis 406
Wittenberg on the Lord's Supper 468
469
§ 39. Osiandric Controversy
Andreas Osiander ".
4/0
Justification (Staphylus) 472
John Funck 477
Francis Stancarus 480
§ 40, Redaction of the Formula Concordiae 481
Andreae's Efforts 481
Suabian Confession, Maulbronn Formula 482
Torgau Book 483
Bergen Convention and Book 485
Formula subscribed 489
Formula not universally- accepted 490
CONTENTS. vii
PAGE
§ 41. German Reformed Churches . .
.^ 493
The Palatinate, Nassau 494
Bremen 495
Electoral Saxony, Anhalt 490
Hesse-Cassel 497
John Sigismund, Elector of Brandenburg 498
§ 42. Final Statements of the Lutheran Doctrine 501
Samuel Iluber and Aegidius Huunins 502
Giessen and Tubingen Kenotists and Ciyptists
: 503
§ 43. Calvinism in the Netherlands Armiuian Controversj-
: 505
James Arminius and Francis Gomarus 507
Simon Episcopius and John Uytenbogaert 508
Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants „ 509
Synod of Dort 510
§ 44. Historj' of the Remonstrants, continued 512
The Collegiants (Rhynsburgers) 512
Remonstrant Peculiarities 513
§ 45. The Doctrine of Predestination after the Synod of Dort 515
French Reformed Church 51G
SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE EXTERNAL ORDER AND WORSHIP OF THE EVANGEL-
ICAL CHURCHES.
§ 4G. Constitution and Government of the Evangelical Churches 518
Luther's Principles. Zwingle 518
Superintendents 525
Luther and the Jurists 527
Government by Princes 532
Denmark and Sweden 533
Swiss Cantons 533
Calvin and Geneva 536
The French Reformed Church 538
Netherlands 539
§ 47. The Order of Public Worship 539
Luther and Zwingle 540
Luther's Writings on the Subject 541
Reformed Church of Zurich 547
Basle, Geneva 549
THIRD CHAPTER.
THEOLOGICAL AND RELIGIOUS CULTURE IN THE EVANGELICAL
CHURCHES.
§ 48. History of Theologj- 55I
The Scriptures. Aristotelian Philosoplij- 552
Ramus. Descartes 554
Lutheran Divines 555
Reformed Theologians 5*7
French Reformed Church 560
§ 49. Religious Education of the People 561
Universities and Academies 561
viii CONTENTS.
PAGE
Catechetical Instruction 562
Polemics and Preaching 563
Church Discipline 565
Witchcraft 565
§ 50. Counter-workings of Jlysticism and of Practical Christianitj- in the Lutheran'
Church 56G
Paracelsus. Wcigel 566
Jacob Bohme 567
Joh. Talent. Andreae. Eosicrucians 570
John Arnd. John Gerhard 573
§ 51. Attempts at Union 575
Erasmus, Cassander 575
De Dominis 579
Lutherans and Reformed 579
John Dury 583
§ 52. George Calistus 584
;
CHURCH HISTORY.
FOURTH PERIOD.
FIRST DIVISION.
FROM THE EEFOKMATION TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA, 1517-16i8.
FIRST CHAPTER.
HISTOEY OF THE GERMAN AND SWISS REFORMATION.
I. Sources for the History of loth Countries : Jo. Sleidani (his family name was Phillipp-
sou of Slcida in the connty of Manderscheid, Professor of Law at Strasburg, f 1556)
De Statu Religionis et Reipublicae, Carolo V. Caesare, Commentarii. Libb. xxvi.
Argentor. 1555. foL' best edition, multis annotationibus illustrata a Chr. Car. Am-
;
Ende. Francof. ad M. 1785, P. iii. S ; in French, with notes by P. F. le Courayer, a

la Have. 17G7. 3 voll. 4; in German with the notes of Courayer and others, original
documents and a preface by J. S. Semler (by F. A. Stroth). Halle, 1771. 4 Bde. 8. [An
English translation of this work, by Bohnn, was published at London, 1689.]
Supplementary Works : khr. Sculteti (Professor at Heidelberg, afterward preacher at Em-
den, f 1625) Annalium Evangelii, passim per Europam decimo sexto Salutis partae
Seculo renovati, Decas I. et II. (from 1516 to 1536, the other decades were destroyed
at the conquest of Prague). Heidelb. 1618. 8, reprinted in V. d. Hardt, Hist, liter. Ee-
formationis. P. V. Dan. Gerdes (Professor at Groningen, f 1765) Introductio in Hist.
Evangelii saec. xvi. passim per Europam renovati. Groning. 1744-52. Tomi iv. 4.
To this is to be added his collection of tracts and original documents Scrinium Anti-
:
quarium, s. Miscellanea Groningana nova ad Hist. Eeformationis ecclesiasticam prae-

cipue spectantia, 1748-63.
ib. Tomi viii. 4. K. R. Hagenbach Vorlesungen fiber
Wesen u. Gesch. Reform, in Deutschland u. d. Schweiz. 4 Th. Leipz. 1834-39. 8
d.
new edition, 1852 sq. H. N. Clausen populare Vortrage iiber die Reformation. Leip-
zig. 1837. 8. [J. H. Merle D'Aubigne, History of the Great Reformation in Germany,
Switzerland, etc. 5. 8. New York, 1843 sq.]
;
' As to the first two editions see AmEnde, in Schelhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten aus der
Kirchenhist. u. Literatur. Bd. Against Sleidan Simeon Fontaine, His-
2. s. 414, 653. ;
toire Catholique de nostre Tems touchant I'etat de la Religion Chretienne, contre I'Hist.
de J. Sleidan. Antverp. 1558. 8 Roveri Pontani (Carmelite at Brussels) Vera Narratio
:
Rerum, ab anno 1500 usque ad annum 1559, in Republ. Christiana memorabilium. Colon.
1559. fol. Laur. Surii (Carthusian at Cologne, f 1578) Commentarius Brovis Eerum in
:
Orbe Gestarum, ab ann. 1500 usque 1566. Colon. 1567. 8.
VOL. IV. 1
IQ FOURTH PEEIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
Eeformations-Almanacli herausgeg. v. Friedr. Kej'ser. 3. Jahrgg. Erfurt, 1817. 19.
21. in 12.
II. Ujioii the History of the German Reformation. Sources Ge. Spalatini (proper!}'
:
Burckart, of Spelt, in the bishopric of Eichstiidt, court preacher of Saxony, afterward

Superintendent at Altenburg, and historiographer of Saxonj-, f 1545^) Aunales Refor-
mationis or Yearbooks of the Reformation of Luther, published from his Autograph
by E. S. Cyprian. Leipsick, 1718. 8. (cf. Spalatini Anuales a mense Aug. 1513 usque
ad finem Menckenii Scriptt. Rerum Germ. t. ii. p. 589 ss., but not printed
fere 1526, in
accurately, nor complete see Veesenmeyer in Vater's Archiv, 1825, s. 73 also, Spala-
; ;
tini Vitae aliquot Electorum et Ducum Saxoniae, in Menckenii Scriptt. Rerum Ger-
—
manic, t. ii. p. 1067, ss.). Frid. Myconii (or Mekum, Superintendent at Gotha, f 1546^)
Hist. Reformationis a.d. 1518-1542, from the author's autograph, and illustrated with
a preface by E. S. Cyprian; a second impression, Leipsick, 1718. 8. Phil. Melanch- —
thonis Hist. Vitae Mart. Lutheri, preface to Lutheri 0pp. Lat. Vitemberg, t. ii. 1546,
often issued separatelj-, e. g. by Chr. A. Heumann, Gottingae, 1741., 4. hy J. Chr. G.
Augusti,* translated b}' F. Th. Zimmerman, with notes by Villers, and a preface by
—
Planck, second ed. GiJttingen, 1816. 8. Jo. Mathesii (pastor in Joachimsthal, f 1568)
Historien von D. Martin Luther's Anfang, Lehren, Leben, standhaft Bektintniss seines
Glaubens und Sterben (in twenty-seven sermons), 1565. 4, often published e. g. Frank-
fort and Leipsick, 1724. 8., in extracts hy L. A. v. Arnim. Berlin, 1817. 8. Joach. —
Camerarii (Prof, in Leipsick, f 1574) De Phil. Melanchthonis Ortu, totius vitae cur-
riculo et morte, iraplicata rerum memorabilium temporis illius hominumque mentione
atque indicio, cum expositionis serie cohaerentium narratio diligens et accurata. Lips.
1566. 8 published several times
;
recensuit, notas, documenta, bibliothecam librorum
;
Melanchth. aliaque addidit G. Th. Strobel. Halae, 1777. 8. On the edition by Au-
gusti, see note 4.
Hostile to the Reformation : Jo. Cochlaei (Canon successively at Frankfort, IMay-
ence, Vienna, Breslau, f 1552) Commentaria de Actis-et Scriptis Mart. Lutheri, chro-
nographice ex ordine ab anno Dom. 1517 usque ad annum 1547 inclusive fideliter con-
scripta. Mogunt. 1549. fol.,- also Paris, 1565, Colon. 1568. 8.
Original Documents Val. E. Loscher vollstiindige Reformations- Acta und Documenta.
:
—
3 tomi (for the years 1517-1519). Leipz. 1720-29. 4. Documente zur Reformations-
historie, in German, in Walch's edition of Luther's Works, Th. 15-17.
The Works of the Reformers : Luther's works the Wittenberg edition consists of 12
:
volumes in German (1539-59) and 7 in Latin (1545-58). The Jena edition is printed
accurately after the autographs, with the exception of the first part of the German
works, 8 volumes in German (1555-58) and 4 in Latin (1556-58), and two supple-
mentarj' volumes by Aurifaber, Eisleben, 1564-65. The Altenburg edition contains
only the German works, by John Christfried Saggitarius, 10 vols. 1661-64. A sup-
plementary volume to all earlier editions, by J. G. Zeidler, Halle, 1702. The Leipsick
edition, 22 voll. 1729-40. fol. The most complete edition is that of Halle, by J. G.
Walch, 24 Thle. 1740-50. 4. In the last two editions the Latin works are found only
in a German [A new edition by Plochman v. Irmischer, 65 vols. 8. Er-
translation.^
langen, 1826-55.] Of is Dr. M. Luther's Briefe, Sendschreiben u. Be-
special value
denken, herausgeg. von Dr. W. M. L. de Wette. Berlin, 1825-56. 6 Th. 8.
Phil. Melanchthonis Opera (theol. ed. Casp. Peucer) Witteb. 4 Partes, 1562-64.
Consilia theologica ed. Christ. Pezelius. Neustadii, 1600. 8. Christliche Berathschla-
gungen und Bedenken—in teutscher Sprach gestellet, zusammengebracht durch Christ.
^ Historia Vitae Ge. Spalatini exposita ab Chr. Schlegelio. Jenae, 1693. 4.

^ Narratio de Frid. Myconio primo dioeceseos Gothanae Superintendente, scrips. C. H.
G. Lommatzsch. Annaebergae, 1825. 8.
* Phil. Mel. de Vita Mart. Luth. Nan-atio, et Vita Phil. Mel. ab Joach. Camerario
conscripta, ed. D. J. Chr. Gu. Augusti, Vratisl. 1819. 8.

^ Upon the editions of Luther's works, see Walch in the Halle edition. Th. 24. s. 582 ff.
—
EISE OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY AND SWITZERLAND. H

Pezelium, Reustadt Hardt, 1600. 8. The best edition is Ph. Mel. Epistolae, Prae-
a. d.
Schedae Academicae. voll. xxv. (151-1-57), or, Corpus
fationes, Consilia, Judicia,
Reformatorum ed. C. G. Bretschneider, post Bretschneiderum ed. H. E. Bindseil, vol.
i.—xxv. Halis, 1834-57. 4.
There are useful documents in illustration of the earlier historj' of the Reformation,
contributed from the originals bj' E. S. Cyprian, at the end of W. E. Tentzel's Histor.
Bericht vom Anfang und ersten Fortgang der Reform. Lutheri. Leipzig, 1718. 2 Th. 8.
^-J. E. Kapp kleine Nachlese einiger zur Erlauterung der Reformationsgeschichte
niitzlicher Urkunden. Leipz., 1727 fF. 4 Th. 8. —
Dr. Th. G. Neudecker's Urkunden aus
der Eeformationszeit. Cassel, 1836. 8. Also his merkw. Aktenstiicke aus dem Zei-
talter der Reformation. 2 Abtheil. Niirnberg, 1838. 8.
Historical Works: Vit. Lud. a Seckendorf (privy councilor in Saxony, afterward in
Brandenburg, f at Halle, 1692) Commentarius Historicus et Apologeticus de Luther-
anismo. libb. iii. ed. 2. Lips., 1694. fol. (written against the Histoire de Lutheranisme
of L. Maimbourg, the Jesuit, Paris, 1G80. 4). —
Christ. Aug. Salig (Co-rector in Wolf-
enbiittel) Vollstandige Historic der Augsb. Confession u. derselben Apologie (1517-
15G2). Halle, 1730-35. 3 Th. 4.— G. J. Planck Gesch. der Entstehung, der Verander-
ungen u. der Bildung unsers protest. Lehrbegrifts bis zur Einfiihrung der Concordien-
formel. Leipzig, 1781-1800. 6 Bde. 8 (a second edition of volumes 1-3. 1791-98).
C. L. Woltmann sets out from a political point of view in his Gesch. der Reform, in
Deutschland. 3 Th. Altona, 1800-05. small 8.— Ch. W. Spieker Gesch. Dr. Mart. Lu-
ther's u. der durch ihn bewirkten Kirchenverbesserung in Deutschland. Bd. 1 (to 1521).
Berlin, 1818. 8. —
K. A. Menzel Neuere Gesch. d. Deutschen v. d. Reformation bis zur
—
Bundesacte. Bd. 1-8. Breslau, 1826-39. 8. Ph. Marheineke Gesch. der teutschen Ref-
ormation, 4 Th. Berlin, 1816-34. 8 (a second edition of Parts 1 and 2, 1831). L. Ranke —
deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation, 5 Bde, Berlin, 1839-43. [Trans-
lated by Sarah Austin. Lend. 1844. Phil. 1844.]
Essai sur I'esprit et I'influence de la Reformation de Luther par Ch. Villers. Paris,
1804 translated into German by K. F. Kramer, with a Preface and several Treatises
;
by Henke, 2 Abtheil (2te Aufl. Hamburg, 1828. 8). [Translated into English by S.
Miller, 12. Phil. 1833.]
III. Upon the of the Reformation in Switzerland. Accounts bj' contemporary' writ-
Uistort/
ers : (1.) By Reformers
Bernh. Weiss (burgher of Zurich, perished at Cappel, 1531)
:
Kurze Beschreibung der Glaubensanderung im Schweizerlande (in Fiissli's Bey triige iv.
32). Valerius Aushelm (phj'sician and historian of Bern) Berner Chronik bis 1526 (pub-
lished by Stierlin and Wyss. Bern, 1825-33. 8. 6 Bde.) from volume 5, s. 368 on.
Henry Bullinger (Antistes of the Church of Zurich, f 1575) Reformationsgeschichte
(to 1532), published by J. J. Hottinger and H. H. Viigeli. 3 Bde. Frauenfeld, 1838-40.
large 8. (2.) By Catholics : Joh.. Salat (clerk of the court at Lucerne)
Beschreibung
von Anfang Ursprung Luther,
u. Zwiuglischer Secten v. 1516-1535 (extant in man-
u.
uscript, partisan throughout, and
full of calumnies see Fiissli's Beytriige, ii. 81. Schu-
;
ler's Huldreich Zwingli, Einleit. s. xix.). Valentin Tschudi (Pastor in Glarus, f 1555)
Kurze Histor. Beschreibung der in Kriegs- u. Friedenszeiten verloffenen Sachen u.
Handeln zu Glarus u. in einer Eidgenossenschaft, down to 1523, very impartial (in
manuscript see Egedius Tschudi's Leben u. Schriften von lid. Fuchs. St. Gallen,
;
1805. Th. 2. s. 33 Schuler as above, s. xxiv. 46).

; Egidius Tschudi (magistrate
at Glarus, f 1572) Chronik. The part which relates to this period, extant onh' in
manuscript, is a rich collection of origuaal documents (see lid. Fuchs. u. s. Th. 2. s.
89).
Oecolampadii et H. Zwinglii Epistolarum libb. iv. cum praef. Theod. Bibliandri
J.
W. Capitone et Osw. Myconio auctoribus. Basil,
et utriusque vita et obitu, S. Grj-naeo,
1536. fol. The Vita Zwinglii hy Oswald Myconius (schoolmaster at Lucerne and Zu-
rich, from 1531 preacher at Basle,
f 1552), is printed separatel}' in Staudlins u. Tzschir-
ner's Archiv. fiir Kirchengesch. Bd. 1. St. 2. s. 1. Important supplementar}' facts are
contained in that part of the Narratio verissima civilis Helvetiorum belli (Capellani)
;
12 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1G48. .
per modum dialogi, ab Osvaldo Mj-conio congesta, which is printed in the above work,
s. 38 sq.
Original Documents: the works of the Reformers, Ulr. Zwinglii Opera. Turici, 1544. 4
voll. fol. The first complete edition of Zwingle's works is bj' M. Schuler and J. Schul-
thess, 8 vols. 8. Zurich, 1828-42. 12 vols. [vols, i., ii., the German works, vols, iii.-
viii., the original Latin works, and the German translated]. Jo. Calviui [Opera Theol.
12 fol. Genev. 155G] Opera Amstel. 1667 ss. 9 voll. fol. [Calvin's Works, translated
and published in Edinburgh, 1842 sq. in 52 volumes.]
Miscellanea Tigurina. 3 Theile. Ziirich, 1722-24. 8. J. Conr. Fiissli (treasurer of the
Chapter at Winterthur, f 1775) Beytrage zur Erlauterung der Kirchen-Reformations-
gesch. des Schweizerlandes. Zurich, 1741-53. 5 Th. 8. Ejusd. Epistolae ab Ecclesiae
Helveticae Reformatoribus vel ad eos Scriptae. Tiguri, 1742. 8. J. J. Simler (Censor
of Zurich, f 1785) Samml. alter und neuer Urkuuden zur Beleuchtung der Kirchen-
gesch. vornemlich des Schweizerlandes. Zurich, 1767. 2 Bde. 8 (this gives only a
small part of what is contained in the great manuscript-collection of Simmler in the
town-librarj' of Zurich see Lebensgesch. Oecolampads von S. Hess. Vorr. s. iii.).
;
Historical Works : J. H. Hottingeri (Professor at Zurich, f 1667) Hist. Eccles. (P. ix.
Hanoviae et Tiguri 1655, ss. 8.) P. v. sq. J. J. Hottinger (Prof, in Zurich, f 1735) Hel-
vetische Kirchengeschichten (4 Th. Zurich, 1708 4.), Th. 3.
flf". Abrah. Ruchat (Preach-
er and Professor at Lausanne), Hist, de la Reformation dela Suisse. Geneve, 1727 sq. 6
voll. 12. Ludw. Wirz. (pastor at Munchaltdorf near Ziirich, f 1816) Neuere Helvetische
Kirchengeschichte, 2 volumes were published, Zurich, 1813. 1819. 8 (the second bj'
Melch. Kirchhofer, pastor at Stein, on the Rhine, comes down to 1523). Sal. Hess,
(pastor of St. Peter's in Zurich) Ursprung, Gang u. Folgen der durch Zwingli in Zu-
rich bewirkten Glaubensverbesserung und Kirchenreform. Zurich, 1819. 4. J. v. Miil-
lers u.Rob. Glutz Blotzheim's Geschichten Schweizerischer Eidgenossenschaft, con-
tinued by J. J. Hottinger. 6th vol. from page 237 sq. and 7th vol. (Zurich, 1825 u.
1829) reaches down to 1531.
Lebensbescnreibung M. Ulrich Zwingli's von J. C
Hess, from the French, with a
literary and historical Appendix, by Leonh. Usteri, Professor at Zurich, 1811. 8 (Nach-
trage bj' fiir Kirchengesch. Bd. 1. St. 2. u.
Usteri in Stiludlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv.
Bd. 2. Huldreich Zwingli, Geschichte seiner Bildung zum Reformator des
St. 3).
Vaterlandes, von J. M. Schuler, Pfarrer zu Bozberg im Canton Aargau. 2te Ausg. Zu-
rich u. Leipzig, 1819. 8. —
Jac. Tichler Diss, de Indole Sacrorum Emendationis a Zwiu-
glio institutae rite dijudicanda. Traj. ad Rhenum, 1827. 8. —
Biographien beriihmter
schweizer. Reformatoren. Bd. 1. Lebensgesch. D. Job. Oekolampads (l)j'Sal. Hess).
Zurich, 1793. 8. —
Lebensgeschichte M. Heinr. Bullingers, Antistes der Kirche Zurich,
von Sal. Hess. Zurich. 1828, two volumes published, 8. Bertold Haller, oder die —
—
Reformation von Bern, von M. Kirchhofer. Zurich, 1828. 8. Das Leben Wilh. Farel's
aus den Quellen bearbeitet. v. M. Kirchhofer. 2 Bde. Zurich, 1831. 33. 8.— Das Leben
Joh. Calvin's des grossen Reformators, mit Benutzung der handschriftl. Urkunden,
vornehmlich der Genfer und Zuricher Bibliothek, entworfen, nebst einem Anhang
bisher ungedruckter Briefe u. anderer Belege von Paul Henry, Pred. zu Berlin, 3 Bde.
Hamburg, 1835-44. 8. [Translated by II. Stebbing, excepting the Appendix, 2. 8.
Lond. 1844.]
\_Biographiesof the Reformers. Vitae quatuor Reformatorum Lutheri a Melanchthone, ;
Melanchthonis a Camerario, Z^vinglii a Myconio, Calvini a Theodoro Beza conscriptae,

jimctim editae. Berol. 1841.- -D. Schenkel, Die Reformatoren und die Reformation, 8.
1856.
See below.
Luther.
Als Praeceptor Germaniae, A. H. Niemeyer, Hal. 1817 Facius, 1832
Melanchtlion. ; ;
Galle, Charakteristik Melanchthons, Halle, 2te Aufl. 1845 Matthes, Altenb. 1841 ;
Melanchthon's Leben und Wirken, Altenb. 1841 C. F. Ledderhose, Life of Mel. from
;
German, by G. F. Krotel, New York, 1854; Life by Dr. Cox, Lond. 1815, Bost. 1835.
Calvin. Beza's Life of C, translated bj' Gibson, Phil. 1836; Life by Waterman,
;
CHAP. I.— GERJIAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 13
Lond. 1813 ; hy T. Smj'tli, Phil. 1835. Bib. Sacra, vols. ii. iii., bj' Prof. Robbins
Kitto's Journal, vols. iii. and vii. ; Princeton Rev. xx.
Presb. Quarterly, Dec. 1854 ;
North British, xiii. Calvin's Life, with Extracts from his Correspondence, by Thos.
H. Dyer, Lond. and New York. Calvin's Correspondence, edited by Bonner, trans-
lated, two vols, issued, Edinb. 1856-57. Deutscher Kirchenfreuud, Phil., Juli u. Aug.
1857. M. M. Haag, La France Protestante, article on Calvin. The Life of Calvin,
by Audin, Par. 2. 8., transl. Louisville, is Roman Catholic and invidious.
Zwingle. Life and Times, translated from the German of G. G. Hottinger, by Rev.
T. C. Porter, Ilarrisb. 185G. Das Theol. System Z.'s, D. E. Zeller, Tubingen, 1853.
G. W. Roder, d. Schweizer. Ref., Huldr. Zw., St. Gallen, 1855. C. Sigwart, D. Char-
akter d. Theol. Syst. Zwingli's, mit Riicksichaft auf Picus Mirandula, 1855. Zeller,
Charakter ds. Zwinglischcn Lehrbegriffs, Theol. Jahrb. 1857. Jager in Stud. u. Krit.
185G. T. Ticliler, H. Zwingli, de Kerkhervormer, Utrecht, 1857. Life, by Prof. Rob-
bins, in Bib. Sacra, vols. viii. and ix. Iless's Life of Z., transl. by Lucj' Aiken, Lond.
1812.
Beza. Leben Beza's, von Schlosser, 1809. Baum Thoodor Bcza nach handschriftl.
Quellen, Bd. i. 1843 Bd. ii. 1852. Fard, by Schmidt, Strasb. 1834.
; Virct, by Jaquc-
mont, Strasb. 183G.

Under the superintendence of Prof. Ilagenbach there i.; now in the course of publica-
tion a series of volumes on the Lives and Writmgs of the Founders of the Reformed
Church the first, on Zwingle, is by Christoftel the second, by Hagenbach, will be
: ;
on Oecolampadius and M3-conius the others arc, Capito and Bucor, bj' Baum Calvin,
; ;
by Stahelin ; BuUinger and Leo Jud, by Pestafozzi Beza. by Baum Peter Martyr, by ; ;
Schmidt; Olevianus and Ursinus, by Siidhoff; Farel, Viret, etc., by other authors.]
Additional Worlcs on the General History of the Reformation. Thuanus (De Thou) His-
toriarum sui Temporis libri 138 (154G-1G47), Fcf 1625. 5 fol., 7 fob, cum Continuationc,
Londini, 1733. Beausobre, Hist, de la Refonn. 4. 8. 1785. Robertson's History of the
Emperor Charles V., numerous editions. Neudecker, Gcsch. d. Reformation, 1517-32,
Lpz. 1843, and his Gesch. d. Protestantismus, 1844, 2 Bdc. Buchholz, Ferdinand I.,
Wien, 1832-38, 9 Bde. C. A. Menzel, Geschichte Deutschlands, 12 Bde. 1836 sq. J.
Dollinger (Rom. Cath.), Die Reformation, etc., Ratisbon, 3. 8. 1846-18, 2d ed., 1851.
Gaillard's Historj- of the Reformation, 8., New York. Guericke, Geschichte d. Ref.
(from his General History), Berl. 1855. Frd. Blaul, D. Reformationswerk in der Pfalz,
«., Speyer, 1846. K. T.Keim, D. Schwabrische Ref. Gesch. bis 1531. 8. 1855. E. F.
Gelpke, Kirchengesch. d. Schweiz. 1 Theil., Bern, 1856. Gobel, Geschichte ds. Christ-
lichen Lebens in d. Rheinischen Westphal. Kirche, 2. 8. 1853. F. W. Hassenkamp,
Ilessiche Kirchengeschichte, 2 Bde. 8. 1852. H. Stebbing, History of Reformation, 2.
18. 183G. G. Waddington, History of Ref., 3, 8., Lond. 1841. Charles Hardwick, His-
tory of tlie Church during the Reformation, 8., Cambr. 1856. H. Soames, Historj- of
the Reformation, 4, 8. 1826.]
§ 1-
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY TILL 1524.
W. E. Tentzel's Hist. Bericht vom Anfang u. ersten Fortgang der Reform. Lutheri, mit-
getheilt v. D. E. S. Cyprian, 3ter Druck. Leipz. 1718. 8.
The corruption of the Church, and the necessity of a Reforma-

tion, had been long and strongly urged, though understood and
felt
stated with very different degrees of precision. The people were

made indignant by the immorality of the clergy, complained of ec-
14 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
clesiastical oppression, suspected many a pious deception, and felt
the emptiness of what Church offered them in the name of re-

the
ligion. Princes and bishops saw that their rights were contemned
by the Papacy, and that manifold disorders had crept into the
Church and they desired an aboUtion of these evils by a Refor-
;
mation in Head and Members. A few persons of deeper pene-

tration saw that the real ground of the corruption was in the per-
version of doctrine by means of human ordinances, and hence
wished to have the doctrines brought back to their proper Biblical
basis.
The Papacy repelled all these various demands, for it feared that
every concession would be a confession of past errors, and that its
power would thus be undermined. After it had overcome the vio-

lent pressure of the secular and ecclesiastical aristocracy, in the
fifteenth century, for a reform in head and members, it was able
so to turn against each other the different powers that were hos-
tile to itself that they were mutually held in check. But its firm-
est hold was still upon the common people for although popular
;
enthusiasm for the Church had long since vanished, and though
there was no lack of discontent on many points, yet the masses
still quieted their religious needs by the mechanical system of the
Church. The Pope was to them not only the centre of the Church,
out of which there could be no salvation, but also the highest pos-
sessor of all those ecclesiastical rewards and penalties which would
be perpetuated in the world to come. Hence, a struggle against
the papacy, carried to extremities, still threatened such an arous-
ing of the masses as might well inspire terror even among the
strongest.
The time, however, could no longer be distant when the nations
would be compelled to free themselves from the insnaring influence
of Rome for the revival of thought and learning, begun with giant
;
strides, must gradually penetrate the popular mind. But here a

new danger threatened. Philosophical culture could not be direct-
ly diffused among the people but only its most general and intel-
;
ligible results. These results, however, without a knowledge of

their grounds and reasons, could only generate a spirit disposed to
deny every thing, and which would be likely to attack not merely
eccle.siastical abuses, but even religious truth itself. In opposition
to this negative spirit a fanatical enthusiasm would naturally be
CHAP. I.— GERJIAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. I5
evoked.^ Only a well-timed and genuine reformation, overthrow-

ing error by the quickening influence of truth in the hearts of the
people, could at the same time break in pieces the traditional yoke
of spiritual bondage and shield from the impending perils. Those
elementary principles of morality and religion which are near to
every heart, and the contrast between them and the existing eccle-
siasticism, must be brought to distinct consciousness among the
people and then enthusiasm for the newly-discovered truth would
;
be kindled at the same time with hostility to the long-endured

deception. From the nature of the case such intelligent and quick-
ening influences could make their way to the heart only by de-
grees. The whole truth, suddenly presented, would have blinded
and not enlightened. Accordingly, no Reformation could hope for
success which did not begin with opposition to those errors and
abuses that could be directly demonstrated to all that have moral
and religious feelings, and then advance step by step from truth
to truth, so that the people might follow with conviction and en-
thusiasm. Hence, it would be a great advantage if the Reformer
himself had advanced only by slow degrees in his own perception
of the truth, so that he might always be in a condition to proclaim
all the truth known by himself, without weakening the effect of
his enthusiastic influence upon the people, by calculating how

much should be given to them. For only enthusiasm can rouse
enthusiasm without this no one could hope to succeed in opposi-
:
tion to the formidable colossus of the Papacy. Only an enthusiast-
> Luther's advice to the elector John during the diet at Spires in April, 1529 (Luther's
Letters, bj- de Wette, iii. 439) :
" Since such abuses were so insufferably man}' and great,
and were not changed by those who ought in justice to have done it, thej' began to fall
down of themselves every where in German lands, and the clergy to be despised on ac-
count of them. But when, besides this, unskillful writers tried to defend and retain
them, and j-et could not bring forward any thing righteous, the}- made the evil so much
the worse tliat the clerg}' were ever}' where held to be unlearned, incapable, and even
hurtful people, and their cause and defense derided. This falling down and perishing
of abuses was already in full sweep in man}' parts before Luther's doctrine came for ;
all the world was so tired of the abuses of the clerg}- and hostile to them, that it was to
be feared that there would be a lamentable perdition in the German land if Luther's doc-
trine did not come into it, so that the people might be instructed in the faith of Christ
and obedience to the authorities. For they would not endure the abuses any longer, and
would have a change right oft", if the clerg}- would not yield or stop, so that there should
be no resistance. It would have been a disorderly, stormy, and perilous mutation or
change (as the Munzer began it) if a steadfast doctrine had not come in between, and
without doubt all religion would have fallen to pieces, and Christians become pure
Epicureans."
;
16 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
ic, world-despising piety could give adequate courage and strength

to the man who was to enkindle such a movement ; but clear in-
sightand thorough knowledge would he necessary to guard his

enthusiasm from fanaticism, and to give internal steadfastness and
permanence to his work.
Martin Luther,^ born at Eisleben on the 10th of November, 1483,
became, in consequence of peculiar providences, a monk in the
monastery of the Augustine Eremites at Erfurt (1505). He was
early led to Augustinism and the study of the Bible^ by a profound
' Des scl. Zeugeii Gottes D. M. Luther's merkwiirdige Le'uens-Umstiinde von F. S.
Keil. 4 Th. Leipzig, 1764. 4.Luther's Leben mit einer kurzen Reformationsgeschiehte
Deutschlands u. der LiterAtur v. G. H. A. Ukert. 2 Th. Gotha, 1817. 8. Martin Luther's
Leben von Gustav Pfizer. Stuttgart, 183G. 8. [Biographies hy Stang, Stuttg. 1835-38
Ledderhose, Speier, 1836 H. Gelzer, 1848 K. Jurgens, Luther's Leben, 1483 to 1517,
; ;
Lips. 1846 sq. 3. 8. M. Meurer, L.'s Leben, aus den Quellen, Dresd. 3. 8. 1843-52. Mar-
tin Luther, illustrated Life, bj' G. Konig and H. Gelzer, Hamburg, 1851, translated,
London and New York, sm. 4. 1857. Dollinger's Sketch, 1851, translated, Lond. 1851,
is polemical and Roman Audin's Life, 2. 8., Paris, translated, Phil. 1841, is a
Catholic.
collection of all the calumnies against the Reformer. Biographies of Luther in English,
by Bower J. E. Riddle, Lond. 1837 J. Scott, New York, 1833 Michelet's Life, trans-
; ; ;
lated from the French, New York, 1846 ; Life bj^ Henry Worsley, 2. 8., Lond. 1856-57.
Life of Luther by Dr. Sears, Phila. Archdeacon Hare's Defense of Luther against Sir
AVm. Hamilton, in the Notes to his Mission of the Comforter, and separateh-, 1855.]
^ Melanchthon in Vita Lutheri ed. Heumann, p. 7 Occasio autem ingrediendi illud
:
vitae genus, quod pietati et studiis doctrinae de Deo existimavit esse convenientius, haec
fuit, ut ipse narrabat, et ut multi norunt saepe eum cogitantem attentius de ira Dei,
:
aut de mirandis poenarum exemplis, subito tanti terrores concutiebant, ut paene exani-
—
maretur. Etsi doctrinam in scholis usitatam quotidie discebat, et Sententiarios legebat,
et in disputationibus publicis labyrinthos aliis inextricablies diserte multis admirantibus
explicabat, tamen quia in eo vitae genere non famam ingenii, sed alimenta pietatis quae-
rebat, haec studia tanquam parerga tractabat, et facile arripiebat illas scholasticas meth-
odos. Interea fontes doctrinae coelestis avide legebat ipse, scilicet scripta Prophetica et
Apostolica, ut mentem suam de Dei voluntate erudiret, et firmis testimoniis aleret timo-
rem et fidem. Hoc studium ut magis expeteret, illis suis
doloribus et pavoribus move-
batur. Et senis cujusdam sermonibus in Augustiniano collegio Erfordiae saepe se con-
firmatum esse narrabat, cui cum consteruationes suas expojieret, audivit eum de fide
multa disserentem,seque deductum ajebat ad sj'mbolum, in quo dicitur credo remissio- :
nem jjeccatorum. Hunc articulum sic ille interpretatus erat, non solum in genere cre-
deudum esse, aliquibus remitti, ut et daemones credunt, Davidi aut Petro remitti, sed
mandatum Dei esse, ut singuli homines nobis remitti peccata credamus. Et hanc inter-
pretationem confirmatam dicebat Bernardi dicto, monstratumque locum in concione de
Annuntiatione, ubi haec sunt verba sed adde—ut credas et hoc, qiiod per ipsum peccata
:
tibi donantur. Hoc est testimonium, quod perhibet Spiritus sanctus in corde tuo, dicens :
dimissa sunt tibi peccata tua. Sic enim arbitratur Apostolus, gratis justificari hominem per
fidem. Hac sevoce non solum confirmatum esse Lutherus dicebat, sed commonefactum
esse de tota Pauli sententia, qui toties inculcat hoc HAcivim.: fide justificamur. De quo
cum multorum expositiones Icgisset, tunc et ex hujus sermonibus et e suae mentis con-
soiatione animadvertisse interpretationum, quae tunc in manibus erant, vanitatem. Pau-
latim legenti et conferenti dicta et exempla in Prophetis et Apostolis recitata, et quotidi-
ana invocatione excitanti fidem, plus lucis accessit. Tunc et Augustini libros legere
:
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 17
religious spirit, which could not he satisfied hy the mechanical

system of the Church. Transferred in 1508 to the Augustine
cloister at Wittenberg, he devoted himself, in the newly-founded
University (1502), first as bachelor,* from 1512 as doctor, with
special zeal to promote the study of the Bible.^ He met with
>
coepit, ubi et iu Psalmorum multas perspicuas

enarratione, et in libra de spiritu et litera
sententias reperit, quae confirmabant hanc de fide doctrinam et consolationem, quae in

ipsius pectore accensa erat. Nee tamen prorsus reliquit Sententiarios Gabrielem (Bid) ;
et Cameracensem (Petrus de Alliaco) paene ad verbum memoriter recitare poterat. Diu

niultumque legit scripta Hujus acumen anteferebat Thomae et Scoto. Dili-
Occam.
gcnter et Gersonem legerat. Sed omnia Augustini monumenta et saepe legerat, et op-
time meminerat. Hoc acerrimum studium inchoavit Erfordiae, in cujus urbis collegio
Augustiniano commoratus est annos quatuor.
* Melanchthon continues, p. 11 Eo autem tempore quia reverendus vir Staupicius
:
(John of Staupitz, Provincial of the Augustines, and Professor at Wittenberg), qui ex-
ordia Academiae Wittebergensis adjuverat, studium theologicum in recenti Academia
excitare cupiebat cum ingenium et eruditionem Lutheri considerasset, traducit eum
Wittebergam anno MDVIII., cum jam ageret annum vicesimum sextum. Hie inter
quotidiana exercitia scholae et concionum niagis etiam lucere ejus ingenium coepit.
Cumque eum attente audierant viri sapientes, Doctor Martinus Mellerstadius et alii,
saepe dixit Mellerstadius, tantam esse vim ingenii in hoc viro, ut plane praesagiret,
mutaturum eSse vulgare doctrinae genus, quod tunc in scholis unicum tradebatur. Hie
primimi Dialecticen et Physicen Aristotelis enarravit interea tamen suum illud studi-
:
um legend! scripta theologica non omittens. On the 17th March, 1509, Luther wrote to
John Braun at Eisenach see Luther's Letters, collected by de Wette, Th. 1. s. 6 Sum
; :
itaque nunc jubente vel pcrmittente Deo Wittenbergae. Quod si statum meum nosse
desideres, bene habeo Dei gratia, nisi quod violentum est studium maxime philosophiae,
quam ego ab initio libentissime mutarim theologia, ea inquam theologia, quae nucleum
nucis et medullam tritici et medullam ossium scrutatur. However, even then he gave
himself up to theological studies. He is enrolled under tlie Rector Nicol. Viridimon-
tanus, ann. 1508, thus Fr. Martinus Luder de Mansfeld, admissus mox 1509 d. 9 Mart.
:
Baccalaureus tanquam ad Biblia see Sennerti Athen. Vitemberg. p. 57.

;
^ Luther's oath on talking his Doctor's degree is in the Liber Decanorum Facult. theol.
Acad. Vitebergensis, ed. C. E. Foerstemann. Lips. 1838. 8. p. 146. Luther's glosses on

the alleged Imperial edict of 1531 (Walch's edition of his Works, Theil. xvi. s. 20G1)
"But I, Doctor Martin, am thereto called and forced, that I must become Doctor with-
out mj' thanks from pure obedience then I had to take the Doctor's office, and swear
:
and vow hy mj' best beloved Holj- Scripture, to preach and teach it truly and purel}-.
In such teaching the Papacj- fell in mj' way, and would keep me from it thereupon ;
matters have gone with it as we all see, and shall go on worse and worse, and it shall
not be able to resist me." Mathesius, s. 17 " With this regular and public call, made
:
to him bj- an established University, in the name and b3-the order of his High Imperial
Majestj' and of the See of Rome, after the counsel and decree of his preceptors and legal
clerical superiors, and by the gracious promotion and authorit}* of his elector and liege
lord, and also hy his solemn oath which he made to God, to the Holy Scriptures, and
to the University of Wittenberg, Luther did often comfort and support himself in great
Straits and struggles, when the devil and the world would have made him anxious and
fearful as to who had commanded him, and how he was to answer for it, that he had
started such a commotion in the whole of Christendom. Then, I say, he would recall and
comfort himself with his orderlj- doctorate and public calling and solemn oath, on account
of which he had continued on unterrified in his (trulj- God's) cause in the name of Christ
with honor and much acceptance, and with the help of God honestly' carried it forward."
VOL. IV. 2
;
:
18 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
great success as a teacher. By him and like-minded fellow-lator-

ers the theological studies of Wittenberg were turned from Aris-
totle and the schoolmen to Avigustine and the Holy Scriptures.
Rejecting the whole system of holiness by works, he made the
doctrine that man's salvation is only through faith in Christ to be
his living centre.^ Such a practical and scriptural tendency had
^ At Wittenberg an aversion to scholasticism was avowed from the very first. Thus
Martin Polichiixs of Mellerstadt, who had been active in the foundation of the Univers-
ity-, and then lectured there himself, declared the subtilties of the schoolmen to be un-
profitable and, on the other hand, insisted on the importance of philology for theology
;
on this point he got into a controversy with Wimpina at Leipsic, in 1505 see Losch- :
er's Reformationsacta, i. 87. Melanchthon, in Vita Lutheri, p. 12 Postea (after he was

:
made Doctor) enarrare Epistolam ad Romanos coepit, deinde Psalmos. Haec scripta
sic illustravit, ut post longam et obscuram noctem nova doctrinae lux oriri videretur
omnium piorum et prudentum judicio. Hie monstravit legis et Evangelii discrimen
hie refutavit errorem, qui tunc in scholis et concionibus regnabat, qui docet, niereri
homines remissionera peccatorura propriis operibus, et homines coram Deo justos esse
disciplina, ut Pharisaei docuerunt. Revocavit igitur Lutherus hominum mentes ad fili-
um Dei, et, ut Baptista, monstravit agnum Dei, qui tulit peccata nostra, ostendit gratis
propter filium Dei remitti peccata, et quidem oportere id beneficium fide accipi. Illus-
travit et caeteras partes doctrinae ecclesiasticae. Characteristic remains of Luther's
writings in this period are extant in two letters to Spalatin, of 1510 and 1514 (de Wette
;
Th. i. s. 7 and 13), he declares decidedly in favor of Reuchlin against the divines of Co-
logne. There are also Letters to John Lange, prior of the Augustines at Erfurt, 8th Feb.
151G (de Wette, i. s. 15): Mitto has literas, mi Pater, ad eximium D. Jodocum Isena-
censem, plonas —
blasphemiarum et maledictionum contra Aristotelem, Porphj-rium,
Sententiarios, perdita scilicet studia nostri saeculi. —
Nihil ita ardet animus, quam ,his-
trionem ilium, qui tam vere gracca larva Ecclesiam lusit, multis revclare, ignominiam-
que ejus cunctis ostendere, si otium esset. Habeo in manibus commentariolos in primum
Physicorum, quibus fabulam Aristaei denuo agere statui, in meum istum Protea, illuso-
rom vaferrimum ingeniorum, ita ut nisi caro fuissct Aristoteles, vere diabolum eum fu-
isse non puderet asserere. Pars crucis meae vel maxima est, quod videre cogor, fratrum
»ptima ingenia bonis studiis nata in istis coenis vitam agere et operam perdere nee ces- :
sant Universitates bonos libros cremare et damnare, rursum malos dictare, imo sorani-
are. To George Spenlein, Augustinian at Memmingen, Vth Apr. 151G (ibid. s. 17) Fer- :
vet nostra actate tentatio praesumtionis in multis, et iis praecipue, qui justi et boni
esse -omnibus viribus student ignorantes justitiara Dei, quae in Christo est nobis effu-
:
sissime et gratis donata, quaerunt in se ipsis tam diu operari bene, donee habeant fidu-
ciam standi coram Deo, veluti virtutibus et meritis ornati, quod est impossibile fieri.
Fuisti tu apud nos in hac opinions, imo errore, fui et ego sed et nunc quoque pugno
:
contra Ipsum errorem, sed nondum expugnavi. Igitur, mi dulcis frater, disce Christum
et hunc crucifixum, disce ei can tare et de te ipso desperans dicere ei " tu, Domine Jesu,
:
es justitia raea, ego autem sum peccatum tuum tu assumsisti meum, et dedisti mihi
;
tuum assumsisti quod non eras, et dedisti mihi quod non eram." Cave ne aliquando
:
ad tantam puritatem aspires, ut peccator tibi videri nolis, imo esse. Christus enim non
nisi in peccatoribus habitat. —Non nisi in illo, per fiducialem desperationem tui et ope-
rum tuorum, pacem invenies. Compare the Sermon against the Opinion and Imagina-
tion of the Holiness and Merit of Good Works, and another Sermon upon those Great
Sins and Crimes which are the consequence of such an imaginarj' holiness, preached on
the 10th and lllh Sundays after Trinity, 1516, in Walch's Ed. Th. 10, s. 1546 ff. Among
the these? — De Viribus et Voluntate Hominis sine Gratia contra doctrinam Sophistarum,
Avhich Bartliolom. Bernhardi maintained in 1516, Luther presiding at the disputation,
—
often before existed in the Churcli in silence and quietness. So
(given best in Loscher's Reformationsacta, Th. 1. s. 325 ff.) are the following: Homo,
Dei gratia exclusa, praecepta ejus servare nequaquam potest, neque se vel de congruo,
vel de condigno ad gratiam Dei praeparare, sed necessario sub peccato manet. Volun- —
tas hominis sine gratia non est libera, sed serva, licet non invita. Homo, quando facit, —
quod in se est, peccat, cum nee velle, aut cogitare ex se ipso possit. Cum justitia fidc- —
lium sit in Deo abscondita, peccatum vero eorum manifestum in se ipsis, verum est non-
nisi justosdamnari, atque meretrices et peccatores salvari (viz. as is shown bj- the ex-
planations which follow, justos h. e. sibi nihil imputantes peccati, justos in malis suis
damnari meretrices, vel sibi reputantes peccata, in oculis suis meretrices et peccatores,
;
Deo tamen suam impietatem, atque pro hac remittenda tempore opportune
confitentes
orantes, in eundem, non
se ipsos, sperantes, salvari). —
Cum credenti omnia sunt possi-
bilia auctore Christo, superstitiosum est, humano arbitrio aliis Sanctis alia deputari aux-
ilia. With regard to these theses, Luther writes to John Lauge, 1516 (de Wette, i. 33),
and relates, among other things Ego sane gravius offendi omnes, quod negavi librum
:
de vera et falsa poenitentia esse b. Augustini (compare vol. ii. p. 511, Note 4). Est enim
insulsissimus et ineptissimus, et nihil ab Augustini eruditione et sensu remotius. Quod
enim Gratianus et Magister sententiarum plurima ex illo ceperint, et conscientiaruni
non medicinam, sed carnificinam conflaverint, sciebam. At illos implacabiliter offen-
dit, praecipue Doctorem Carlstadium, quod haec sciens negare audeam. He assailed tlie
schoolmen still more openly in the theses in defense of Augustinianism (of the 4th Sept.
1517 see Cyprian, in Tentzel's Bericht vom. Anf. und ersten Fortgange der Reform, s.
;
278) cf. the Jena edition of his Latin works, i. p. 9

; Loscher's Reformationsacta, i. s.
;
539. E. g. I. Dicere, quod Augustiuus contra haereticos excessive loquatur, est dicerc,
Augustinum fere ubique mentitum esse. Contra dictum commune (compare above vol.
i. p. 327, Note 4). IV. Veritas itaque est, quod homo arbor mala factus, non potest nisi
malum velle et facere. V. Falsitas est, quod appetitus liber potest in utrumque opposi-
torum imo nee liber sed captivus est. Contra communem. VI. Falsitas est, quod
:
voluntas possit se conformare dictamini recto naturaliter. Contra Scotum et Gabrielem

(Biel.). XXIX. Optima et infallibilis ad gratiam praeparatio et unica dispositio est
aeterna Dei electio et praedestinatio. XXX. Ex parte autem hominis nihil nisi indis-
positio, imo rebellio gratiae gratiam praecedit. XLI. Tota fere Aristotelis ethica pessi-
ma gratiae inimica. Contra Scholasticos. XLIII. Error est dicere sine Aristotele non :
lit theologus. Contra dictum commune. XLIV. Imo theologus non fit, nisi id fiat
sine Aristotele. LI. Dubium est vehemens, an sententia Aristotelis sit apud Latinos.
LXXVII. Omne opus legis sine gratia Dei foris apparet bonum, sed intus est peccatum.
Contra Scholasticos. In his nihil dicere volumus, nee dixisse nos crc-
In conclusion :
dimus, quod sit et catholicis doctoribus consentaneum.

non catholicae Ecclesiae, Thus
Luther could not be altogether satisfied with Erasmus. He writes to Spalatin the 19th
Oct. 151G (de Wette, i. 39) Quae me in Erasmo, homine eruditissimo, movent, hacc
:
sunt, quod in Apostolo interpretando justitiam propriam (ita enim

operum, seu legis, sen
deinde de pec-
appellat Apostolus) intelligit ceremoniales illas et figurales observantias :
cato originali (quod utique admittit) non plane velit Apostolum loqui cap. V. ad Roma-
nos.— Ego sane in hoc dissentire ab Erasmo non dubito, quod Augustino in scripturis
interpretandis tantum posthabeo Ilieronymum, quantum ipse Augustinum in omnibus
Hieronj-mo posthabet. Non quod professionis meae studio ad b. Augustinum proban-
dum apud me, antequam in libros ejus incidissem, ne tantillum quidem fa-
trahar, qui
voris habuit-: sed quod video b. Ilieronymum velut dedita opera ad historicos sensus
incedere. To John Lange, 1st March, 1517 (de Wette, i. 62) Erasmum nostrum lego, :
et indies decrescit mihi animus erga eum placet quidem, quod tarn religiosos quam
:
sacerdotes non minus constanter quam erudite arguit et damnat inveteratae hujus et
veternosae inscitiae sed timeo, ne Christum et gratiam Dei non satis promoveat, in qua
:
multo est quam Stapulensis ignorantior humana praevalent in eo plus quam divina.
:
Video, quod non ideo quispiam sit Christianus vere sapiens, quia Graecus sit et Hebrae-
long as it was not directly assailed in its inmost sanctuary, and

could hold fast to an ideal church instead of the real, it also over-
looked the defects of the latter, or excused them on the ground of
human imperfection.'' Thus Luther also held fast to the Church,
us, Hieronj'mus quinque linguis monoglosson Augustinum non adaequavit,
quando et b.
licet Erasmo longe visum. Sed aliud est judicium ejus, qui arbitrio liominis
aliter sit
nonnihil tribuit, aliud ejus, qui praeter gratiam nihil novit. In contrast with this, he
turned to the Sfystics. In 1516 he edited the Deutsche Theologie^ and saj's in the preface
(Loscher's Reformationsacta, i. 300) " This noble little book, poor and unadorned as
:
it is in words and human wisdom, is therefore all the more rich and beyond price in
skill and divine wisdom. And, still to boast my old folly, I have not come across a
book, next to the Scriptures and St. Austin, from which I have learned and shall learn
more about God, Christ, man, and all things. And now I have just found out that it
is true that certain very learned theologians among us Wittenbergians talk abusively
about it, as though we had got hold of some new thing, just as if there had not been
people before us and elsewhere. There have indeed been such, but God's anger on ac-
count of our sins has not let us be worthy to see or hear them. For it is clear as day
that such matters have not been treated of in the Universities for a long time, and so it
has come to pass that God's Word has not only been put under the bench, but well-nigh
perished from dust and moths." He held that this work was an extract from Tauler,
and accordingly sent it to Spalatin, on the 11th Dec, 1516, with the words (de Wette, i.
46) Si te delectat puram, solidam, antiquae simillimam theologiam legere, in german-
:
ica lingua effusam sermones Johannis Tauleri, praedicatoriae professionis, tibi com-
:
parare potes, cujus totius velut epitomen ecce hie tibi mitto. Neque enim ego vel ia
latina, vel in nostra lingua theologiam vidi salubriorem vel cum Evangelio consonan-
tiorem. His colleague Carlstadt entirely agreed with him. He, too, brought forward,
on the 18th of April, 1417, 152 theses in defense of Augustinianism (see his letter to
Spalatin, in Loscher's Reformationsacten, i. 846), about which Luther wrote on the 6th
May, 1517, to Christ. Scheurl, a jurist at Nuremberg (de Wette, i. 55) Sunt, nisi fallor, :
haec jam non Ciceronis paradoxa, sed Carolstadii nostri, imo sancti Augustini, Cicero-
nianis tanto mirabilioria et digniora, quanto Augustinus, imo Christus, Cicerone dignior
est. Arguent autem ista paradoxa omnium eorum vel negligentiam, vel ignorantiam,
quibuscunque fuerint visa magis paradoxa quam orthodoxa ne dicam de lis, qui ea :
potius cacodoxa impudenti temeritate judicabunt, quoniam nee Augustinum, nee Paul-
um legunt, aut ita legunt, ut non intelligant, seque et alios secum negligant. Benedic- —
tus Deus, qui rursum jubet de tenebris splendescere lumen —
Luther, too, could write
!
to John Lange, 18th Maj-, 1517 (de Wette, i. 57) Theologia nostra et s. Augustinus
:
prospere procedunt et regnant in nostra Universitate Deo operante : Aristoteles descen-

dit paulatim, inclinatus ad ruinam prope futuram sempiternam
mire fastidiuntur lec-
:
tiones sententiariae, nee est, ut quis sibi auditores sperare possit, nisi theologiam banc,
id est bibliam, aut s. Augustinum, aliumve ecclesiasticae auctoritatis doctorem velit
profiteri.
Luther's journey to Rome, which he made in 1510, on business relating to his order,
'
is remarkable in this respect (see Bzovius, Ann. 1517, no. 7). Here he met, among the
clergy, with the most undisguised infidelity, of which he relates remarkable instances
in his work on the Winhelmesse (Walch, xix. 1509) in Mathesius, p. 15,
; Yet his con-
fidence in the Church was not therebj' shaken see his Appendix to the Commentarj-
;
on tlie 117th Psalm (Walch, v. 1646) " I, too, at Rome, was like a dead saint, running
:
through all the churches and crypts, believing all the lies that were told, with all their
stench. one mass or ten of them at Rome, and was, besides, ver)' sorrj'
I also offered
that my and mother were still living. For I should have been very glad to have
father
released them from purgatory with my masses and other excellent works and prayers."
Later, indeed, this experience was very important to him, and he often said at his ta-
without suspecting the fundamental difference between his point

of view and the ecclesiastical f but at the same time his inward
religious life and faith became as firm as a rock and thus he was ;
prepared, counting all outward things as naught, to encounter ev-
ery danger and every onset in the service of that gracious truth
which he had come to know.
At this time the Dominican, Jolin Tetzel,'' a sub-commissary
of the elector Albert of Mayence, began to proclaim the Indulgence
issued by the Pope to promote the building of the Church of St.
Peter's.^*' This indulgence was prohibitedin the Saxon territory,
lie :
" he would not take a thousand florins instead of having seen Rome." See Mathe-
sius, u. s. Compare the Narratio de Profectione M. Lutheri iu urbem Romam, in M.
Dresseri Ilistoria Lutheri. Lips. 1598. 8.
^ Lutheri Praef. ad T.
Opp. written in 1545 (also before T. I. Jen. Lat.) Sciat
1. :
(lector), me Monachum et Papistam insanissimum, cum istam causam

fuisse aliquando
(the Reformation) aggressus sum, ita ebrium, imo submersum in dogmatibus Papae, ut
paratissimus fuerim, omnes, si potuissem, occidere, aut occidentibus cooperari et con-
sentire, qui Papae vel una sj-Uaba obedientiam detrectarent. Non eram ita glacies et —
frigus ipsum in defendendo Papatu, sicut fuit Eccius et sui similes, qui mihi verius prop-
ter suum ventrem Papam defendere videbantur, quam quod serio rem agerent. Ego —
serio rem agebam, ut qui diem extremum horribiliter timui et tamen salvus fieri ex in-
timis medullis cupiebam.
^ About him see vol. ii. p. 402, Note 25 also, God. Hechtii Vita Jo. Tezellii, Quaes-
;
toris Sacri. Vitembergae, 1717. 8. Jac. Vogel das Leben des piipstl. Gnadenpredigers
Oder Ablasskramers Joh. Tetzels. Leipzig, 1717 2te Aufl. 1727. 8. J. E. Kappen's
;
Schauplatz des tetzelischen Ablasskrams und des darwider streitenden sel. D. M. Lu-
theri. 2te Aufl. Leipz. 1720. 8. Also J. E. Kappen's Sammlung einiger zum piipstl.
Ablass iiberhaupt, sonderlich aber zu der im Anfange der Reform, hievon gefiihrten
Streitigkeit gehorigen Schriften. Leipz. 1721. 8. Loscher's Reformationsacta, i. 367 ff.
Walch's Ausg. von Luther's Werken, xv. 313 ff.
" The Instructio Summaria of the elector Albert to the sub-commiSsaries appointed
for the traffic in this indulgence, printed in 4to, is reprinted in Kappen's Samml. einiger
zum piipstl. Ablass gehoriger Schriften, s. 93, and in Gerdesii Introd. in Hist. Evang.
Renovati. t. 1. Monim. p. 83. Here are first given — quatuor principales gratiae per
bullam apostolicam coucessae, to wit, plenaria remissio omnium peccatorum ; confes-
siouale plenum maximis et relevantissimis et prius inauditis facultatibus participatio ;
omnium bonorum operum Ecclesiae universalis pro animabus in purgatorio existenti- ;
bus plenaria omnium peccatorum remissio. Then follow seven facultafes, which, how-
ever, must be purchased separatelj' votorum omnium coramutatio dispensatio et com-
: ;
positio cum simoniacis et irregularibus facultas componendi super male ablatis incertis,
;
vel etiam certis in aliquibus casibus ; dispensandi cum eis, qui ante aetatem legitimam
sine dispensatione ad ordines sacros sunt promoti ; dispensandi cum his qui in gradu
prohibito consanguinitatis et affinitatis contr'axerunt componendi cum injuste occu- ;
pantibus bona Ecclesiarum vel Monasteriorum apprehendendi et de jure assequendi ;
ad usum fabricae Basilicae Principis Apostolorum in urbe omnia bona, res et pecunias,
quae hactenus relicta sunt et durante octennio relinquentur pro male ablatorum restitu-
tione in quacunque ultima voluntate quibuscunque incertis, Ecclesiis aut piis locis et
personis — Similiter applicat Papa dictae fabricae omnia bona, quae per aliquos injuste
detinentur. Sed illi, quibus ilia bona restituenda essent aliqua ratione, non possunt ilia
repetere. Tetzel, too, issued an Instructio Summaria for the parochial clergj', how thej'
:
;
22 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517— 1G48.
but Tetzel preached and offered it for sale with

in the border lands,
unheard-of exaggerations and incredible shamelessness in Jiiter-

bock and Zerbst, near Wittenberg.^^ Luther soon detected, in the
were to work in behalf of the indulgence ; fragments of this may be seen in Loscher's
Reformationsacten, i. 414. The subjoined sermons, which he gave the parochial clergy
as patterns, arc examples of his st3-le of preaching, e. g., p. 418 : Capiatis literas salvi
conductus a vicario Domini nostri Jesu Christi, quibus mediantibus poteritis animam a
manibus inimicorum liberare, et ad felicia regna, mediante contritione confessioneque,
tutam et securam sine aliqua poena purgatorii perducere. Sciant, quod in his Uteris
impressa et sculpta sunt omnia ministeria Christi passiouis ibi extenti. Animadvertant,
quod pro quolibet peccato mortali oportet per septem annos post confessionem et contri-
tionem poenitere, vel yi hac vita vel purgatorio quot peccata mortalia committuntur
:
in die, quot in hebdomada, quOt in mense, quot in anno, quot toto tempore vitae ? Fere
infinita sunt, et infinitam poenam habent subire in ardentibus poenis purgatorii. Et
cum his Uteris confessionalibus poteritis semel in vita, in omnibus casibus, quatuor ex-
ceptis sedi apostolicae reservatis, habere plenariam omnium poenarum usque tunc debi-
tarum deinde toto tempore vitae poteritis, quandocunque vultis confiteri, in casibus
;
Papae non reservatis, etiam habere similem remissionem, et postea in articulo mortis
plenariam omnium poenarum et peccatorum indulgentiam, et habere participationem
omnium bonorum spiritualiuni, quae fiunt in militante Ecclesia et in memhris ejus.
Nonne cognoscitis, quod si contiiigat aliquem ire Romam, vel ad alias periculosas par-
tes, mittant pecunias suas in banco, et ille pro quolibet centum dat quinque aut sex aut
decern, ut Romae vel alibi cum Uteris dicti banci securas rehabeat et vos non vultis pro
:
quarta parte floreni recipere has literas, quarum virtute non pecunias, sed animam divi-
nam et immortalem tutam et securam ducere potestis ad patriam Paradisi ?
'1 Luther speaks of this in the Praefatio quoted in note 8, more at length in his work
against Hans Wurst, 1541 (Walch's Edition, xvii., 1703) "It came to pass in the year
:
^vhen thejr wrote 17, that a preaching friar, John Tetzel by name, a boisterous fellow,
whom Duke Frederick had formerly saved from being drowned in a sack at Innspruck,
for Maximilian had condemned him to be drowned in the Inn (for his great virtue's
salie, vou may well believe). And Duke Frederick let him be reminded of this when he
began to plague us so at Wittenberg he, too, freely confessed it. This same Tetzel now
;
carried the indulgence about, and sold grace for gold, as dear or cheap as he could, with
all his might. At that time I was a preacher just here in the cloister, and a j-oung Doc-
tor right from the forge, glowing and cheerful in the Holy Scriptures. When now much
people ran out from Wittenberg to Jiiterbock and Zerbst, etc., and I (so true as my
Lord Jesus has redeemed me) did not know what this indulgence was, nor did any body
else ; then I began to preach gently, that they might do much better that there was a —
more sure way of being saved than by the indulgence. I had already preached just so,
here at the castle, against the indulgence, and so got poor favor with Duke Frederick
for his charitable foundation here was verj' dear to him" (it possessed, in fact, a liberal
indulgence). "Now, to come to the right causes of the Lutheran teaching, I let every
thing go on as it went. In the mean while it came to me that this Tetzel had been
preaching abominable and terrible articles, of which I will now mention some, viz.
That he had such grace and power from the Pope, that even if one were to deflower and
impregnate the Holy Virgin Marj' herself, the mother of God, he could forgive it, if the
same would but put in the chest what was meet (see Lutheri Theses, 75). Item that ;
the red cross of indulgence, with the Pope's arms, set up in the church, was as powerful
as the cross of Christ (Thes. 79). Item if St. Peter were now here he would not have
;
greater grace or power than he himself had (Thes. 77). Item he would not change
;
places in heaven with St. Peter for he had saved more souls with the indulgence than
;
St. Peter with his sermons. Item when any body put gold into the chest for a soul in
;
purgatory, as soon as the penny fell to the bottom and clinked the soul immediately
:
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1517. 23
confessional, the pernicipus results that ensued ; ho first preached

against the indulgence ;^^ then on the 31st of Octoher, 1517, he
affixed to the door of the castle church ninety-five theses against
this traffic," and sent them to the neighboring bishops with a
went up to heaven (Tlies. 27). Item the grace of the indtilgence was the very grace
;
h}' which man is reconciled with God (Thcs. 33). Item it was not neccssarj' to have sor-
;
row nor suffering nor penance for sin, if one bought the indulgence or the letters of in-
dulgence (this is to be limited, according to Thcs. 35) and he also trafficked far future
;
sins. He drove the whole thing at a horrible rate all was to be done by mone}'." In
;
his Letter to the Jilector of Mayence, 31st Oct., 1517, Luther saj-s that the propositions
which he opposes in Theses 33 and 35 are found, word for word, in Tetzel's printed In-
structions (see De Wette, i. C9).
'^ Earlier sermons by Luther on the
subject, from manusci'ipts, see in Loscher, i. 729.
" Disputatio D. Mart. Lutlieri theologi pro declaratione virtutis indulgentiarum, after
the original in v. d. Ilardt, Hist. Liter. Reform. P. iv. p. IG. Loscher's Reformations-
acten, i. 438. The most remarkable theses are: 1. Dominus et magister noster Jesus
Christus dicendo : poenitentiam ajite, etc., omnem vitam fidelium poenitentiam esse vo-
luit. Papa non vult nee potest uUas poenas remittei'e praeter cas, quas arbitrio vol
5.
suo vel canonum imposuit. 6. Papa non potest remittere ullam culpam, nisi declarando
et approbando remissam a Deo (as Petrus Lomb. taught, Vol. ii. § 83,»note 2, p. 510)
aut certe remittendo casus reservatos sibi, quibus eontemtis culpa prorsus remaneret.
8.Canones poenitentiales solum viventibus sunt impositi, nihilque morituris secundum
cosdcm debet imponi (as Card. Ilostiensis maintained. Vol. ii. § 84, note 17, p. 522, and
John Gerson, Vol. iii. § 147, note 14, p. 39G). 11. Zizania ilia de mutanda poena cano-
nica in poenam purgatoril videntur certe dormientibus Episcopis seminata. 21. Errant
itaque indulgentiarum commissarii, qui dicuut, per Papae indulgentias hominem ab
omni poena solvi et salvari. 27. Hominem praedicant, qui statim, ut jactus nummus
in cistam tinnierit, evolare dicunt animam. 32. Damnabuntur in aeteruum cum suis
magistris, qui per literas veniarum secures sese credunt de sua salute. 33. Cavendi
sunt nimis, qui dicuut, venias illas Papae donum esse illud Dei inaestimabile, quo re-
conciliatur homo Deo. 35. Non Christiana praedicant, qui docent, quod redemturis ani-
mos vel confessionalia non sit necessaria contritio.- 3G. Quilibet Christianus vere com-
punctus habet remissionera pdenariam a poena et culpa, etiam sine Uteris veniarum sibi
debitam. 38. Remissio tamen et participatio Papae nullo modo est contemnenda quia,
ut dixi, est declaratio remissionis divinae. 39. DifKcillimum est etiam doctissimis theo-
logis, simul extollere veniarum largitatem et contritiouis veritatem coram populo. 43.
Docendi sunt Christiani, quod dans pauperi, aut mutuans egenti melius facit, quam si
venias redimeret. 49. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod veniae Papae sunt utiles, si non
in eas confidant sed nocentissimae, si timorem Dei per eas amittant. 50. Docendi sunt
:
Christiani, quod, si Papa nosset exactiones venialium Praedicatorum, mallet basilicam

s. Petri in cineres ire, quam aediticari cute et ossibus ovium suarum. 56. Thesauri Ec-
clesiae, nnde Papa dat indulgentias, neque satis nominati sunt, neque cogniti apud popu-
lum Christi (as Durandus a S. Porciano in Sent. Lib. iv. Dist. 20, Qu. 3). 57. Tempo-
rales certe non esse patet, quod non tam facile eos profundunt, sed tantummodo colli-
guut multi concionatorum. 58. Nee sunt merita Christi et sanctorum, quia haec semper
sine Papa operantur gratiam hominis interioris, ct crucem, mortem, infernumque exte-
rioris. G2. Verus thesaurus Ecclesiae est sacrosanctum Evangelium gloriae et gratiae
Dai. G9. Tenentur Episcopi et Curati veniarum apostolicarum commissarios cmii omni
reverentia admittere. 70. Sed magis tenentur omnibus oculis intendere, omnibus auri-
bus advertere, ne pro commissione Papae sua illi somnia praedicent. 71. Contra venia-
rum apostolicarum veritatem qui loquitur, sit ille anathema et maledictus. 72. Qui
vero contra libidinem ac licentiam verborum concionatoris veniarum curam agit, sit
ille benedictus. 75, Opinari, venias papales tantas esse, ut solvere possint hominem.
24 FOURTH PERIOD—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
petition for the abolition of the evil." Little acquainted with the
worldly part of the church, he thought that to unmask and assail
the imposture would be all that was necessary for its abolition.^^
etiamsi quis per impossibile Dei genitricem violasset, est insanire. Dicimus contra, 76.
quod veniae papales nee minimum venialium peccatorum quoad culpam. tollere possint,
77. Quod dicitur, nee si s. Petrus modo Papa esset majores gratias donare posset, est
;
blasphemia iu s. Petrum et Papara. 79. Dicere, crucem armis papalibus insigniter

erectara cruci Christi aequivalere, blasphemia estf 80. Rationem reddent Episcopi,
Curati et theologi, qui tales sermones in populum spargi sinunt. 81. Facit haec licen-
tiosa veniarum praedicatio, ut nee reverentiam Papae facile sit, etiam doctis viris, redi-
mere a calumniis aut certe argutis quaestionibus laicorum. 82. Scilicet, cur Papa non
evacuat purgatorium propter sanctissimam caritatem, et summam animarum necessita-
tem, ut causam omnium justissimam, si infinitas animas rediniit propter pecuniam fu-
nestissimam ad structuram basilicae, ut causam levissimam (as Abelard held see .' ;
Vol. ii. § 84, note 1, p. 515. Compare Summa Astesana. part iii. § 120, note 12, p. 107.)
83. Item cur permanent exequiae et anniversaria defunctorum, et non reddit aut recipi
;
permittit beneficia pro illis instituta, cum jam sit injuria pro redemptis orare ? 90. Haec
scrupulosissima laicorum argumenta sola potestate compescere, nee reddita ratione dilu-
cre, est Ecclesiam et Papam hostibus ridendos exponere, et infelices Christianos facere.
94. Exhortandi sunt Christiani, ut caput suum Christum per poenas, mortes, infernosque
sequi studeant 95. Ac sic magis per multas tribulationes intrare coelum, quam per se-
:
curitatem pacis, confidant. His sermon on Indulgence and Grace was probably pub-
lished immediately afterward (see Lutheri Praef. ad T. I. 0pp. edidi dispiitationis ;
schedulam simul et germanicam concionem de indulgentiis Tetzel also mentions it at ;
the end of his second disputation, printed in 1517 (see Loscher's Reformationsacten, i.
522), so that it can not, as has been often thought, belong to the j-ear 1518), in which
still further progress maj- be recognized (in Loscher, i. 469). He here declares that the
common division of repentance into contrition, confession, and satisfaction " can hard-
ly, or rather not at be found to be grounded in the Holj- Scriptures, or in the old
all,
sacred Christian teachers;" "that it can not be proved by any Scripture, that divine
justice desires or demands suffering or satisfaction from the sinner, but only his hearty
and true repentance and conversion, with the purpose, henceforward, to bear the cross
of Christ, and to practice the above-named works (imposed, too, by no one). Though —
the Christian Church were to-day to determine and declare that indulgence takes awaj'
more than the works of were a thousand times better that no Chris-
satisfaction, j-et it
tian man buy or desire the indulgence, but rather do the

works and suffer the pain. In- —
dulgence is permitted for the sake of imperfect and lazy Christians, who will not exer-
cise themselves boldly in good works, or are unwilling to suffer. For indulgence does
not demand of anj' bod}' to be better, but suffers or permits their imperfection. Hence
men should not speak against indulgence but nobody should speak for it."
;
1* Luther against Hans Wurst, u. s. "Then I wi'ote a letter with the Propositiones
:
to the bishop ofMagdeburg, warned and prayed that he would put a stop to Tetzel and
keep such untoward things from being preached, since great disgust might come from
them and that to do so was befitting him as an archbishop. This same letter I can
;
now publish, but no reply was made to me. In like manner I also wrote to the bishop
of Brandenburg, as my Ordinarus, in whom I had a very gracious bishop. Thereupon
he answered me that I attacked the power of the church, and would make mj-self
trouble he advised me to let the matter go. I can very well think that both of them
;
thought that the Pope would be much too mighty for such a poor beggar as myself."
The Letter to Albert, Archbishop of Mayence and Magdeburg, of Oct. 31, 1517, is in De
Wette, i. 67.
'^ Lutheri Praef. ad T. I. 0pp. ; in lis certus mihi videbar, me habiturum patronum
Papam, cujus fiducia tum fortiter nitebar, qui in suis decretis clarissime damnat quaes-
—
CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFORIHATION. § 1. 1517. 25
Although in his theses he only attacked the Thomist doctrine of

indulgences, which had indeed of late become almost universal,
and did not go beyond the positions of many of the scholastics ;
yet
the theses at once excited the most marked
and rousedattention, ^"^
especially the opposition of the Dominicans for the spirit of this or-
;
der had become peculiarly sensitive on account of some recent hu-

miliations,^'' and they now felt themselves injured in the persons of
immodestiam. Compare above, Vol. ii.

torura (ita vocat indulgeiitiarios praedicatores)
§ 84,Note 14, p. 520.
" Luther against Hans Wurst: "Thus ni}' Propositions against Tetzel went forth.
In fourteen days thej' ran straight through German}' for all the world was complain-
;
ing of the indulgence, especially Tetzel's articles. And since all the bishops and doc-
tors kept still and no one would bell the cats (for the heresj'-masters of the Preaching
Order had driven all the world to terror by their fires, and Tetzel himself had also non-
plussed some priests who had resisted his shameless preaching), then Luther began to
—
he proclaimed as a doctor that at last one had come who would lay hold of the matter.
This fame I did not like, for (as I have said) I did not myself know what this indulgence
was, and the song might get pitched too high for ni}' voice."
" Particularly bj' the fate of Savonarola (Vol. iii. § 153, Note 5, p. 455-9), the events
at Bern (ibid. § 145, Note 20, p. 389), and bj- the still-surviving controversy with Eeuch-
lin (§ 154, Note 26 sq., p. 488). On account of the constant jealousy of the Mendicant
Orders against each other, evil-minded or remote persons would be verj' likeh' to con-
jecture that such jealousj' was the source of Luther's theses. Thus Jerome Emser, in
the work, A Venatione Aegocerotis Assertio, Nov. 1519. 4., in Loscher's Eeformations-
acten, iii. 707, saj-s: Quid si ipse quoque vatesjiam, incipiamque dlvinare, puerum hunc
(the Theses)— alium habuisse patreni quod nihil scilicet quaesti ex indulgentiis tibi aut
:
tuis etiam accesserit, quod Tecellio ac suis potius, quam tuae farinae hominibus negoti-
um datum sit ? Haec enim non vane imaginor, sed suspicionis istius tu mihi ansam
praestitisti, qui mihi ubi in Cancellaria Principis Ecchium, Carolostadium ac te, semotis
arbitris, obsecrassem, ut propter honorem Dei abstineretis a conviciis et parvulorum of-
fensione, respondisti satis theologice, causam banc neque propter Deum esse coeptam,
neque propter Deum finiri oportere. This expression of Luther's, often misused by the
Catholics, evidentl}- refers to the Leipsic disputation, as Luther alwaj's said that that
—
was occasioned bj' Eck's desire for fame. Alphonsus Valdesius also suggests this jeal-
ousj' of the Order in his letter to Peter Martyr, dd. Brussels, 31st Aug. 1520 (Petri Mar-
tyris Epistolae. Amstelod., 1670. p. 380) prosiliit monachus Augustinensis, cui nomcn
:
Martinus Lutherus Saxo, et hujus tragoediae auctor, et Dominicaniyorâs^w invidia nio-

tus, nonnullos articulos tj-pis excusos emisit, caet. The conjecture was soon repeated
as a certaint_v bj' Luther's enemies see Job. Fabri, Christl. Unterrichtung ilber etliche
;
Puncten der Visitation, Dresden, 1528. 4., Kap. 2, where, addressing Luther, he saj-s
that he had issued his Theses " because thou -wast not made a commissioner of the in-
dulgences." Cochlûs at last, in 1549, makes out of it the following story (Vita Lu-
theri, ann. 1517). The Elector Albert had first wished to employ the Augustinian
monks to preach the indulgence, nisi Jo. Tetzelius frater Ordinis Praedicatorum magis
—
idoneus quibusdam visus fuisset. Id vero quam aegerrime tulerunt fratres Augustini-
ani, in primis Joannes Staupitius, — Martinus Lutherus, —velut praecipui duo gregis
et
sui arietes. — Principi (Frederick the Wise) familiarius insinuavit se Staupitius, instillans
ejus pectori freqnentes indulgentiarum abusus, et quaestorum atque commissariorum
scandala, quod per avaritiam veniarum et gratiarum pretextu expilarent Germani-
illi
am, et quaererent quae sua sunt, non quae Jesu Christi. Lutherus vero ardentioris na-
turae, magisque injuriarum impatiens, arrepto calamo— scripsit, caet. This was after-
2G FOURTH PEEIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
St. Thomas and Tetzel both at once. Tetzel immediately assailed

Luther with counter theses, for the defense of which he obtained
the degree of doctor at Frankfort on the Oder.^^ Sylvester Prie-
ward by manj- Catholic authors. On the other hand, Pallavicini, Hist.

often repeated
Cone. Trid. bears witness that it was not to the Augustines, but to the Minor-
lib. i. c. 3,
ites, that the vending of this indulgence was first intrusted and in harmonj- with this ;
Fred. Mj-conius relates, in his Historj- of the lieformation, p. IG sq., that the Pope had
first appointed the Archbishop of Mayenee and the guardian of the monaster^' of bare-
footed friars at Mayenee, as chief commissaries of the indulgence: "but the guardian
and the barefoot Order had no liking for the affair," parti}' because the indulgence
was already held in contempt bj' the people in consequence of Tetzel's coarse proceed-
ings, parti}' because the friars thought they had enough to do in begging their own
bread. On this account a convention of Franciscans was held at Weimar, where My-
conius was then parish priest, to consult upon measures for getting rid of the commis-
sion, and the guardian contrived to manage so that the Archbishop of Ma3'ence under-
took it alone. Hence it is evident that at that time the traffic in indulgences could not
well be an object of rivalry for two monastic orders. At the same time with tliis false-
hood sprung up another, of which Luther makes mention in his letter to Spalatin, 15th
Febr., 1518 (de Wette, i. 92): Principis nostri illustrissimi esse totum, quod ego ago,
tanquam inductus ab eo ad invidiam Archiepiscopi Magdeburgensis ; Duke Henrj', in
his Rejoinder to the Elector of Saxonj-, ISiO, repeats this Oâlch's edition of Luther's
works, xvii. 1G23) see, in reply, Luther against Hans Wurst (ibid. 1701 ff".)- It is evi-
;
dent that a vulgar feeling of hostility tried verj- early to hunt up low motives for Lu-
ther's course one conjectured this, another that and it was only after some time that
: ;
the conjecture dared present itself as a certaintj-. On the other hand, one of Luther's
most zealous Laurentius Surius, Carthusian at Cologne, f 1578, testifies, in his
foes,
Comm. Eerum suo Tempore in Orbe gestarum, ad ann. 1517 In iîs hujus tragoediae :
initiis visus est Lutherus etiam plerisque viris gravibus ct eruditis non pessimo zelo mo-
ven-i, planeque nihil spectare aliud, quam Ecclesiae reformationem, cujus quidam de-
formes abusus non parum male habebant bonos omnes.

'^ There are two Disputationes, one for the degree of licentiate, the other for that of
doctor, both were printed as early as 1517, and in fact were composed bj' Conr. Wim-
pina (see Loscher, ii. 8), in Loscher, i. 503 fi'. The theorj' of indulgence laid down in
Disp. i. from the position that the Satisfactio is a necessarj' part of repentance.
starts
Thes. 5 Haec satisfactio (cum Deus delictum absque ultione non patiatur) per poenam
:
fit, vel aoquivalens in acceptione divina G. quae vel a Presbj-teris imponitur, arbitrio
:
vel canone, vel nonnumquam

a justitia divina exigitur hie vel in purgatorio dissolvenda.
11. Hanc poenam ob peccata contrita et confessa impositam potest Papa per indulgen-
tias penitus relaxare, 12. sive haec sit ab eo, vel sacerdotis arbitrio, vel canone imposita,
vel etiam justitia divina exigenda; cui contradicere est errare. 13. Sed licet per indul-
gentias omnis poena in dispositis remittatur, quae est pro peccatis debita, ut eorum est
vindicativa : tamen, qui ob id tolli putet poenam, quae est medicativa et prae-
14. errat
servativa, cum contra hanc Jubileus non ordinetur. The deep-rooted immorality of the
system of penance at this period is unvailed in Thes. 30 minima contritio, quae potest :
in fine vitae contingere, 31. suflicit ad peccatorum remissionem, ac poenae aeternae in

temporalem mutationom. Here also Tetzel defends manj- of his obnoxious statements ;
thus G4 Non esse Christianum dogma, quod redempturi pro amicis confessionalia vol
:
purgandis Jubileum, possint haec facere absque contritione, error and, 99-101, even :
—
the sliameless assertion si quis per impossibile Dei genitricem semper virginem violas-
set. Disp. ii. On the power of the Pope, Thes. 3: Docendi sunt Christiani, quod Papa
quodque statutis
jurisdictionis auctoritate superior tota universali Ecclesia et Concilio,
suis humiliter sit Docendi sunt Christiani, quod Papa ea, quae fidei
obedieudum. 4.
sunt, solus habet determinare, quodque sacrae scripturae sensus ipse auctoritative, et
;
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION". § 1. 1518. 27
rias, magister sancti palatii at Rome, wrote against him with

equal violence. ^^ Dr. John Eok, vice-chancellor of the University
of Ingolstadt, united himself with them, and wrote Obelisci against
Luther's Theses.^" The matter and the manner of these attacks
could not discourage a iiuther ; they only enkindled in him a no-
ble indignation against the hypocritical lies which were conjured
up in defense of the soul-destroying imposture.-^ Just in propor-
nullus alius, pro suo sonsu, interpretatur, et quod aliorum omnia dicta vel opera liabet
vel approbare, aut reprobare. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod judicium Papae in his,
5.
quae sunt fidei, et ad humanam

salutem necessaria, errare potest minime. 12. Docendi
sunt Christiani, quod claves Ecclesiae non universali Ecclesiae, sod Petro et Papae, et —
in eis omnibus eorum successoribus et universis Praelatis futuris per derivationem eorum
in ipsos, sunt collatae. 13. Docendi sunt Christiani, quod plenissimam indulgentiam
non Concilium generale, nee Praolati alii Ecclesiae simul vel disjunctim dare possunt,
sed solus Papa, qui est sponsus universalis Ecclesiae. 17. Docendi sunt Christiani,
quod Ecclesia multa tenet ut catholicas veritates, quae tamen sicut nee in canone bib-
liae, ita nee a doctoribus antiquioribus ponuntur. Tetzcl also wrote a Refutation of Lu-
ther's Sermon on Indulgence and Grace, in Loscher, i. 484. Walch, xviii. 538.
" Dialogus in praesumptuosas M. Lutheri Conclusiones de Potestate Papae (it ap-
peared in December, 1517), in Lutheri 0pp. Tom. Jenens. Lat. i. 15 in Loscher, ii. 12 ff. ;
Characteristic of the work are the following positions, in Loscher, p. 14 Ecclesia uni- :
versalis virtualiter est Ecclesia Romana —

Ecclesia Romana virtualiter est Pontifex —
summus. P. 31 Veniae sive indulgentiae auctoritate Scripturae nobis non innotuere, sed
:
auctoritate Ecclesiae Romanae, Romanorumque Pontificum, quae major est. P. 22 Quan- :
tum ad indulgentias attinet. Papa habet clavem jurisdictionis secundum Sanctos etiam
in Purgatorium applicative animas tamen a debito sen reatu poenarum non absolvit,
:
sed unde poenam vel debitum solvant, applicans etadjiciens eis satisfactionem
eis tribuit,
Christi vel aliorum. —

Praedicator, animam, quae in Purgatorio detinetur, adstruens evo-
lare in eo instanti, in quo plene factum est illud, gi-atia cujus plena venia datur, puta
dejectus est aureus in pelvim, non homineni, sed meram et catholicam veritatem prae-
dicat. Hence Erasmus, in his Responsio Nervosa ad Albertum Pium, could write with
justice (in v. d. Hardt, Hist. Liter. Reform, i. p. 179) : scripsit Prierias :
— sed ita, ut
causam indulgentiarum fecerit deteriorem.
^^ According to Eclc's assertion, in a letter to Carlstadt of the 28th May, 1518 (in Losch-
er, ii. 64), in Avhich he tries to pacify the Wittenbergians, he had only composed them
for private use at the request of his diocesan, the bishop of Eichstiidt (in fact it was his
duty, on becoming a canon, to give the bishop advice when required ; see the papal bull,
in Mederi Annal. Ingolst. iv. 25), and thej- had been published against his will. Luther
published them with his Asterisci, in August, 1518 and so thej- are found, Tom. Jen. Lat.
;
i. p. 31, in Loscher, iii. 333. But before this, Carlstadt, in his Academic Disputations,
from May to had alreadj' drawn up a sei'ies of Theses against the Obelisci; sec
Julj', 1518,
Loscher, ii. Against this work Eck published a Defcnsio, to which Carlstadt re-
62 ff.
plied in August, 1518, with a Defensio adv. Jo. Eckii Monomachiam (in Loscher, ii. 108).
'- Against Tetzel's refutation, he
wrote in June, 1518 (see the letter to Lang in de
Wette, i. 124) Freyheit des Sermons papstl. Ablass u. Gnade belangend, in Loscher,
:
i. and Walch, xviii. 564; against Prierias in August, Responsio ad Sjlv. Prieria-
525,
tis Dialogum, in Tom. i. Lat. Jen. p. 44 in Loscher, ii. 390.
; His principal work, how-
ever, at this time, was the Resolutiones Disputationum de Virtute Indulgentiarum,
which had been alreadj' in Maj' sent in manuscript to the Bishop of Brandenburg and
the Pope, and appeared in print at the beginning of August. Tom, i, Lat. Jen, p. 70
Loscher, ii. 183.
:
28 rOUETH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
tion as lie saw that his enemies could only bring against him an
exclusive human authority, it also became clear to him that the
real source of the corruption was in the intermingling of human
opinions with divine truth and thus he was led to enforce the
;
principle, that only the Holy Scripture^ offer a firm founda-

tion to faith, and that the doctrine and state of the Church must
be judged by them alone.^^ The Dominicans accused him in
^^ The Responsio ad Prieraf, in Loscher, ii. 390, first laj-s down the principles from
which Luther started Secundum est illud b. Augustini ad Hieronj-mum ego solis eis
: :
libris, qui canonici appellantur, hunc honorem deferre didici, ut nullum scriptorem eorum
errasse firmissime credam. Caeteros autem, quantalibet doctrina sanctitateque polleant,

—
non ideo verum esse credo, quia illi sic senserunt. Tu perpetuo pro verborum textu non
nisi nuda verba ponis, aut solas opiniones d. Thomae mihi nunc demum dccantas qui ;
aeque ut tu nudis verbis incedit, sine Scriptura, sine Patribus, sine canonibus, denique
sine ullis rationibus. Ideoque meo jure, i. e. Christiana libertate, te et ilium simul ro-
jicio et nego. P. 400 Et ut animum meum scias, mihi videtur id in gravissimum Eccle-
:
siae ludibrium vergere, si ea doceamus, de quibus nuUam prorsus rationem reddere pos-
—
sumus. Nee satis ibi esse eredo etiam factum Ecclesiae, quia tarn Papa quani Concili-
um potest errare, ut habes Panormitanum egregie haec tractantem (see Vol. ii. § 136,
Note 6, p. 322). Resolution, conclus. 26 (Loscher, ii. 248) Me nihil movet, quid placeat
:
vel displiceat summo Pontifici : homo multi fuerunt summi Pontili-

est sicut et caeteri :
ces,quibus non solum errores et vitia sed etiam portenta placuerunt. Responsio, p. 403
Theologia ilia scholastica exulem nobis fecit veram et sinceram theologiam. Nam vides,
quod pei'petuo hoc dialogo nihil ago, nisi quod resisto et redargue scholasticam theolo-
giam, i. e. falsam Scripturae et Sacramentorum intelligentiam. Resolut. concl. 25, p.
236 Deinde adversarios meos etiam rogo, ut ferant dolorem meum, quo crucior, dum
:
audio ea praedicari in Ecclesia Christi, quae nunquam scnpia et statuta sunt, quando
Sanctis olim Patribus legimus visum esse pcriculosissimum, aliquid ultra praescriptum
caeleste doceri, ut inquit Ililarius. Concl. 58, p. 282 Plus trecentis annis tot Universi-
:
tates, tot in illis acutissima ingenia, tot ingeniorum pertinacissima studia in uno Aris-
totele tamen adhuc non solum Aristotelem non intelligunt, verum etiam er-
laborant, et
rorem universam pene Ecclesiam spargunt, quanquam si
et fictam intelligentiam per
etiam intelligerent eum, nihil egregiae sapientiae adepti essent. Concl. 8, p. 203: Si
canones poenitentiales manent mortuis, eadem ratione et caeteri omnes. Celebrent ergo,
agant festa, et jejunia, et vigilias, dicant horas canonicas, non comedant ova, lac, car-
nes certis diebus, sed tantum pisces, fructus, legumina, induant vestes pullas vel Candi-
das pro differentia dierum, et alia onera gravissima quibus nunc premitur viisera ilia, olim.
Uberrima, Ecclesia Christi (after Augustin. ad Januar. ; see Vol. i. § 106, Note 2, p. 455).
Concl. 26, p. 238 Cum nostro saeculo sint tarn zelosi haereticae pravitatis inquisitores,
:
ut Christianissime catholicos vi conentur ad haeresim adigere, oportunum fuerit super

singulis SA'llabis protestai'i. Nam quid aliud fecerint Johannes Picus Mira7idulanus,
Laiirentius Valla, Petrus Ravennas, Johannes Vesalia, et novissime diebus istis Johannes
Reuchlin atque Jacobus Stapulensis, ut inviti cogerentur et bene sentiendo male sentire,
non facile viderim, nisi quod omiserint forte protestationem super singulis, ut dixi, syl-
labis fanta est hodie in Ecclesia puerorum et effoeminatorum tyrannis. With
: regard to
indulgence Luther wrote as earlv as the 15th Febr. to Spalatin (de Wette, i. 92) : duo
tamen dicam : primum tibi soli et amicis nostris, donee res publicetur: mihi in indul-
gentiis hodie videri non esse nisi animarum illusionem, et nihil prorsus utiles esse, nisi
stertentibus et pigris in via Christi. banc sententiam non tenet noster Carolstadi-
Etsi
us, certum est tamen mihi, quod eas nihil ducit. Thus also Concl. 46, p. 270 Veniae :
6unt de numero eorum, quae licent, non autem eorum, quae expediunt. Concl. 49. p.
— —
CHAP. I.— GEEMAN REFOEMATION. § 1. 1518. 29

272 : Quod autem sunt utiles, intelligo, noa omnibus, imo veteri homini et ster-
dixi :
tentibus operariis, eo quod melius sit, illis eas remitti poenas, quam ut ferrent invite.
Concl. 50, 1. c. indulgentiae est vilissimum bonum omnium bonorum Ecclesiae, nee nisi
vilissimis Ecclesiae donandum, deinde nee meritprium, nee utile, sed plerumque nocen-
tissimum, si non siut timorati. Against the doctrine of the Thesaurus, Concl. 58, e. g.
p. 27G nullus Sanctorum in hac vita sufficienter implevit mandata Dei, ergo nihil pror-
:
sus fecerunt superabundans, quai-e nee ad indulgentias aliquid distribuendum relique-

runt. Procedit ejus somnium ex laboriosa ilia et inutili arte coiifitendi,
Concl. 26, p. 240 :
imo desperandi perdendi animas, qua hucusque docti sumus arenam numerare, i. e.
et
singula peccata discutere, coUigere, atque ponderare ad faciendam contritionem. Quod
cum fecerimus, fit ut refricemus vel concupiscentias vel odia, praeteritorum memoria, et
dum conterimur de praeteritis, nove peccemus ; aut certe si fiat optima contritio, sit tan-
tummodo violenta, tristis, mereque factitia, de metu poenarum simulata duntaxat. Sic
enim docemur peccata conteri, i. e. ad impossibile, vel ad pejus, conari. Cum vera con-
tritio sit incipienda a benignitate et beneficiis Dei, praesertim a vulneribus Christi, ut
homo ad sui ingratitudinem primo veniat ex intuitu divinae bonitatis, et ex ilia in odi-
um sui ac amorem Concl. 7, p. 199 : Theologi recentiores
benignitatis Dei. Sacraraen- —
tum poenitentiae sic tractant et docent, ut populus discat, per suas contritiones et satis-
factiones confidere, se peccata sua posse delere. Quae vanissima praesuniptio nihil aliud
potest efiicere, quam ut cum haemorrhoissa Evangelica, consumpta in medicos tota sub-
stantia, pejus et pejus habeant. Fides primo in Christum, gratuitum remissionis largi-
torem, docenda erat, et desperatio propriae contritionis et satisfactionis persuadeuda, ut
sic fiducia et gaudio cordis de misericordia Christi firmati, tandem hilariter odirent pec-
catum, et contererentur, et satisfacerent. Concl. 42, p. 268 : Si populus doceatur propter
poenarum evasionem contribuere (ad fiibricam Eccl. s. Petri), tunc clarum est, quod —
non propter Deum contribuunt, et erit timor poenarum, seu poena idolum corum, cm sic
sacrificant. Concl. 62, p. 288 Satis incognita res est Evangelmm Dei in midta parte Ec-
:
clesiae: ideo paulo latins de illo dicendum, nihil enim reliquit in mundo Christus praeter
—
solum Evangelium. Est autem Evangelium secundum Apostolum Rom. I. sermo de filio
Dei incarnato, nobis sine mentis in salutem et pacem donato. Est verbum salutis, ver-
bum gratiae, verbum solatii, verbum gaiulii, vox sponsi et sponsae, verbum bonum,
verbum pacis. Lex vero est verbum perditionis, verbum irae, verbum tristitiae, verbum
doloris, vox judicis et rei, verbum inquietudinis, verbum maledicti. Nam secundum
Apostolum lex est virtus peccati, et lex iram operatur. Est lex mortis. Ex lege enim
nihil habemus, nisi malam conscientiam, inquietum cor, pavidum pectus a facie pecca-
torum nostrorum, quae lex ostendit, nee tollit, nee nos tollere possumus. Sic itaque
captis, ae tristibus, omninoque desperatis venit lux Evangelii et dicit nolite timere : :
ecce agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccata mundi, ecce qui solus implet legem pro vobis.
Hoc suavissimum nuncium cum audierit conscientia peccatrix, reviviscit, jam nee —
—
mortem formidat, neque infernum. Ideo qui poenas adhuc timent, nondum audiverunt
Christum, nee vocem Evangelii, sed vocem potius Mosis. Ex
hoc itaque Evangelio nasci-
tur vera gloria Dei, dum docemur, non nostris operibus, sed gratia niiserentis Dei in
Christo impletam legem et impleri non operando sed credendo, non Deo aliquid ofiB-
;
rendo sed ex Christo omnia accipiendo et participando. He denied the secular power
as well as the infallibility of the Pope ; see Concl. 80, p. 297: Id ego vehementer admiror,
quisnam illam glossam invenerit primus, quod duo gladii siguificent unum spiritualem
(non ut Apostolus vocat, soil, gladiuni Spiritus, verbum Dei), alium materialem, ut sic
Pontifieem utraque potestate armatum nobis non patrem amabilem, sed quasi tjTannum
formidabilem faciant, dum nihil nisi potestatem undique in eo videmus. On the other
hand, he still says, in Concl. 69, p. 290 Auctoritati papali in omnibus cum reverentia
:
credendum-est. Qui enim potestati resistit, resistit Dei ordinationi. He still believed
in purgatorj' also, Concl. 15, p. 215 Quae ideo dico, ne Pighardus haereticus (the Bohe-
:
mian brethren) in me sibi videatur obtinuisse, purgatorium non esse, quia locum ejus
—
ignotura esse confiteor. Mihi certissimum est, purgatorium esse. Loscher, p. 304, is
wrong in thinking that as he >vrote he advanced in knowledge, and that in Concl, 18, p.
—
Rome.^^ Leo X., who regarded the whole matter as a mere quar-
rel of monks,^* did indeed permit Luther to be summoned to re-
spond ;^^ but, out of consideration for Frederick the Wise, Elector
of Saxony, whom he wished to gain over to his views in the ap-
proaching election of a King of Rome, he was easily induced to
commission his cardinal legate Cajetan, at Augsburg, to bring the
new heretic to submission.-^ However, this legate, before whom
Luther made his appearance at Augsburg, in October, 1518, was not
able to subdue thehumble monk either by kindness or by threats.^"
225, he denies purgatory ; he onh' saj's, that the reasons alleged by its adversaries for
the statement, purgatorium non esse merendi locum, disproved all purgatorj-. Concl.
89, p. 301 : quod non est unius hominis Pontificis, ncc mul-
Ecclesia indiget i-eformatione,
torum Cardiualium officium, sicut probavit utrumque novissimum Concilium, sed totius
orbis, imo solius Dei. Tempus autem Iiujus reformationis novit solus ille, qui condidit
tompora.
•^ Ilochstraten, in his Apologia ad Sanctiss. Leonem Papam X. ae D. Maxlmilianum
Imp. Colon, 1518. 4. made mention of Luther also in his -way (see Lutheri Scheda con-
tra Ilochstratanum, Jul. 1518), T. i. Lat. Jen. f. 116. Loscher, ii. 323 : sanguinaria sua
lingua ad caedem et fraternam perniciem anhelans, monet optimum Pontificera Leonem
X., ut non agnino et Christiano, sed leonino et furiali animo exurgat.
'* According to the account of the contemporarj' Matteo Bandello, Bishop of Agen
(Xovelle. Lucca, 1554 ff. Th. 3,in the preface to the 25th Novelle), Leo at first replied to
those who instigated him to more earnest proceedings against Luther, che Fra Martino
fosse un bellissimo ingegno, e che coteste erano invidie fratesche. On the other hand,
so earl}' asNon. Febr., 1518, he wrote to Gabriel Venetus, when he appointed him to
be Promagister Ord. Augustinianorum Eremit. (see P. Bembi Epistolae Nomine Leonis
X. scriptae lib. xvi. no. 18, p. 379) Volo te eam curam suscipere, ut Martinum Lu-
:
therum, tuae societatis sacerdotem, quem scire te cxistimo in Germania novas res mo-
liri, nova dogmata uostris populis tradere, quibus utantur, ab incoepto, si potes, revoces
auctoritate ea, quam tibi prafectura dat. —

Id si celeriter feceris, non erit puto difficile
modo natam flammam extinguere. Parva enim omnia atque surgentia paulum raagnos
vehementesque impetus non sustinent. Sin differes, et malum vires sumpserit, vereor
ne, cum velimus adhibere incendio remedia, non possimus.
" Loscher, ii. 309 fF., 372 ff.
The papal brief to Cajetan of the 27th Aug. T. i. Lat. Jen. f. 181, Loscher, ii. 437.
^'^
The commission ran Mandamus, ut dictum Lutherum haereticum ad personaliter

: — —
coram te comparendum, invocato ad hoc tam cai-issimi in Christo filii uostri Maximili-
ani Rom. Imp. electi, quam reliquorum Germaniae Principum brachio cogas atque —
compellas, et co in potestate tua redacto, eum sub fideli custodia retineas, donee a nobis
aliud habucris in mandatis, ut coram nobis et Sede apostolica sistatur. Ac quodsi coram
te sponte ad petendum do hujusmodi tcmeritate veniam venerit, et ad cor reversus poc-
nitentiae sigua ostenderit, tibieum ad unitatem sanctae matris Ecclesiae benigne reci- —
piendi concedimus facultatem.
-' Reports of the proceedings at Augsburg may be found: 1. In Luther's letters writ-
ten from Augsburg to Spalatin and Carlstadt, in de Wette, i. 142 ff. 2. More in detail
in his letter to the Elector Frederick 19. His Acta apud Dom. Lega-
Nov. ibid. 174. 3.
tum Apostolicum Thom. Cajetanum Augustae, ann. 1518, in Octobri, usually called Acta
Augustana, published in 1518 (as to three different editions of these, see Riederer's Ali-
handlung, 3tes Stuck, s. 362), in T. i. Lat. Jen. fol. 185. 4. There is a longer report of
the proceedings of Dr. Martin Luther with Thomas Cajetan (by Spalatin) in the first
CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 31
Instead thereof, the monk appealed a Papa non bene informato ad

melius informandum r^ and afterward, when the whole doctrine
of indulgence, as it had heen developed up to the present time,
was confirmed by a hull from Rome,^^ he issued an appeal from
the Pope to a general council (at Wittenberg, 28th Nov., 1518).^"
Sympathy with the bold champion had for a long time manifested
itself only in tones of fear and warning :^^ gradually some approv-
ing voices now dared to speak with boldness, especially among the
humanists,^^ and his colleagues and fellow citizens at Witten- -
part of the Jena edition of Luther's German works, fol. 108, b. ff. There is a collection
of all the reports and acts in Luther's works bj' Walch, xv. 636 ff.
^^ The appeal of the 16th Oct. T. i. Jen. p. 193 in Loscher, ii. 484. ;
" Of the 9th Nov. T. i. Jen. f. 203, b. ; in Loscher, ii. 493. On the other hand, in
Hottingeri Hist. Eccl. saec. xvi. T. iii. Luther
p. 180, it bears the date Cal. Jan., 1518.
is not mentioned in only directed against the errors which had been spread
it; it is
aljroad, nonnulUs Rdigiosis, in Germanj' about the indulgence ; that no one ma^' be able
in future to pretend —
ignorantiam doctrinae Rom. Ecclesiae circa hujusmodi indulgen-
tias —
it takes the ground —
Romanum Pontificem potestate clavium, quarum est aperire —
tollendo illius in Cliristifidelibus impedimenta, culpam scil. et poenam pro actualibus
peccatis debitam, culpam quidem mediante sacramento poenitentiae, poenam vero tem-
poralem pro actualibus peccatis secundum divinam justitiam debitam mediante ecclesi-
astica indulgentia, posse pro rationalibus causis concedere eisdem Christifidelibus, sivc —
in hac vita sint, sive in Purgatorio, indulgentias ex siiperabundantia meritorum Jesu
Christi et Sanctorum, ac tam pro vivis quam pro defunctis thesaurum meritorum Jcsu —
Christi et Sanctorum dispensare, per modum absolutionis indulgentiam ipsam conferre,
vel per modum suffragii illam transferre consuevisse. Ac propterea omnes tam vivos
quam defunctos, qui veraciter omnes indulgentias hujusmodi consecuti fuerint, a tanta
tempora'.i poena secundum divinam justitiam pro peccatis suis actualibus debita lib^rari,
quanta concessae et acquisitae indulgentiae aequivalet.
^"^
T. i. Jen. p. 205, b. ; Loscher, ii. 505.
^1 Luther commentarj' on Psalm cxviii. 9 (in Walch, v. 1713) : "When
relates, in his
I first assailed the indulgence, and all the world opened their ej'es and began to imag-
ine that it was done with too high a hand, my prior and sub-prior came to me, alarmed
at the loud outcrj-, and were sore afraid, and prayed me not to bring shame on the
Order for the other Orders, especially the Preachers, were alreadj- leaping for joy, that
;
thej' were not alone in disgrace, but. that the Augustines also must now burn and bear
reproach. Then I answered, dear Fathers, if this matter is not begun in God's name, it
will quicklj- fall to the ground but if it is begun in His name, leave it in His hands,"
;
Staupitz wrote from Salzburg to Luther, 14th Sept. 1518, when he was summoned to
Augsburg (Loscher, ii. 445) quid hodie praeter crucem te maneat non video quicquani.
:
In foribus, ni fallor, est sententia, ne quis inconsulto Pontifice scrutetur Scripturas, ad

inveniendum se quod utique Christus ut fieret jussit. Paucos habes patronos, et utinam
non sint occulti propter metum adversariorum. Placet mihi, ut Vittembergam ad tem-
pus deseras, meque accedas, ut simul vivamus moriamurque.
^^ That the humanists were the natural allies of Luther, appears from the epistle of
Erasmus to Luther, dd. 30 Maji, 1519, which also illustrates his own peculiar attitude
toward the Reformation (Erasmi Epistt. T. i. Ep. 427) Nullo sermone consequi queam, :
quas tragoedias hie excitarint tui libelli ne adliuc quidem ex animis istorum revelli
:
potest falsissima suspicio, qua putant tuas lucubrationes meis auxiliis esse scriptas, me-
que hujus factionis, ut vocant, vexilliferum esse. Existimabant quidam sibi datam an-
berg.^^ In the young Melancthon, who was gained for Witten-
sam, qua ct bonas opprimerent, quas capitaliter oderunt, velut offecturas majes-
literas
tati theologicae, quam —
multi pluris faciunt quam Cliristum. Habes in Anglia, qui de
tuis scriptis optime sentiant, et sunt hi niaximi. Sunt et hie, quorum est eximius qui-
dani, qui tuis favent. Ego me quod licet integrum servo, quo inagis prosim bonis Uteris
refloresccntibus. Et niihi videtur, plus profici civili modestia, quam impetu. Sic Chris-
tus orbem in suam ditionem perduxit sic Paul us judaicam legem abrogavlt, omnia tra-
;
hens ad allegoriam. Magis expedit clamare in cos, qui Pontilicum auctoritate abutun-
tur, quam in ipsos Pontifices idem de Regibus faciundum censeo. Scholae non tarn
:
aspernandae sunt, quam ad studia magis sobria revocandae. De rebus receptioribus,

quam ut subito possint ex animis revelli, disputandum est argumentis densis et efficaci-
bus potius quam assevcrandum. Quorundam virulentas contentiones magis conducit
contemnere quam refellere. Ubique cavendum, ne quid arroganter auf^factiose loqua-
mur, faciamusve sic arbitror gratum esse spiritui Christi. Interea servandus animus,
:
ne vel ira, vel odio, vel gloria corrumpatur nam haec in medio pietatis studio solet
;
insidiari. Haec non admoneo ut facias, sed ut quod facis perpetuo facias. In a letter
of the 14th April, 1519, in which he dedicates his Vitae Caesarum to the elector Freder-
ick the Wise, Erasmus also favors Luther in the interests of the humanists see this let-
;
ter in full, T. i. Jen. f. 211 Huic tam odioso negotio, praesertim apud mulierculas et
:
indoctam plebeculam, miscuerunt homines callidi trium linguarum, eloquentiae, politi-

orisque literaturae raentionem, quasi aut Lutherus his praesidiis fideret, aut ex hisce
—
fontibus haereses uascerentur. Lutherus mihi tam ignotus est, quam cui ignotissimus,
ut suspectus esse non queam, quasi faveam amico. But still, he saj-s, the question em-
braces theological opinions which had not yet been refuted, and for which he ought not
to be pronounced a heretic and persecuted. Si quidquid in Scliolis receptum est, oracu-
—
lum haberi volunt, cur inter se Scholastici dissentiunt ? Ad haec non raro deprehcn-
duntur damnare in recentium libris, quod in Augustino aut Gersone non damuant quasi :
Veritas cum auctore mutetur. Eos, quibus favent, sic legunt, ut omnia torquentes, ni-
hilnon excusent :
—
quibus infensi sunt, sic legunt, ut nibilnon calumnientur. Caeterum,
ut tuae Celsitudinis est, Christianam religionem pietate tua protegere, ita prudentiae
est, non committere, ut quisquam innocens, te justitiae praeside sub praetextu pietatis
aliquorum impietati dedatur. Vult idem Leo Pontifex, cui nihil magis est cordi, quam
—
ut tuta sit innocentia. Certe hie video libros illius ab optimis quibusque cupidissime
legi, quamquam mihi nondum vacavit evolvere. Fredericlc the Wise replied to this on
the 1-ith of Maj- (l. c. f. 212) Non danmari ab eruditis causam Lutheranam, et Doctoris
:
Martini lucubrationes ab optimis quibusque istic cupidissime legi laetamur. Eoque ma-
gis, quod plerique bonorum et emditorum in nostris quoque regionibus et Principatibus,
nedum externis, hominis tam vitam et mores, quam eruditionem niiro consensu laudant.
Quod onim hactenus in Saxonibus nostris degit, non tam homini, quam causae dedimus.
Nihil minus unquam conati, quam ut dignos praemiis poena premeret. Neque Deo om-
nipotente juvante committemus, ut nostra culpa innocens quispiam sua quaerentium
impietati dedatur.
" Carlstadt was the first to come forward in behalf of Luther see Note 20. Luther
;
wrote to Jodocus, professor at Erfurt, on thelOtli May, 1518, in de Wette, i. 108: Scis
ingenia eorum, qui apud nos sunt, puta Carlstadii, Amsdorfii, D. Hieronymi (Schurf),
D. Wolfgang! (Stehlen), utriusque Feldkirchen, denique D. Petri Lupiui (Radhemius).
At ii omnes constanter mecum sentiunt, imo tota Universitas, excepto uno ferme Licen-
tiato Sebastiano. Sed et Princeps, et Episcopus ordinarius noster, delude multi alii
Praelati et quotquot sunt ingeniosi cives, jam uno ore dicunt, sese prius non novisse
:
nee audivisse Christum et Evangelium. The university also interceded for him on
the 25th Sept., 1518, on account of his summons to Rome, in two letters, to the Pope
and to the Pope's Chamberlain, Charles of Miltitz. T. i. Jen. f. 183; in Loscher, ii.
384 ff.
berg in 1518,^* he found his truest helper in the great work,^^ to

which he was destined, without as yet himself suspecting it. By
his luminous and edifying works he made the subject of contro-
versy intelligible to a larger circle by his moral and religious ap-;
peals, in the spirit of the Augustinian system, he was able to

quicken the sense of inward piety,^'' in opposition to the. deadening
doctrine of holiness by works ; and thus he was constantly gaining
the heart of the German people. Indignation against Roman im-
posture increased ; universal attention and sympathy were direct-
ed toward the bold champion of the truth.^''
=* He entered upon his office on the 29th of August with an oration ; see Loscher, ii. 387.
25 Lutlier writes about him, Praef. in T.0pp. 1545 Eodem anno jam M. Phil. Me-
i. :
lancthon a Principe Friderico vocatus hue fiierat ad doceudas litteras graecas, haud du-
bie, ut haberem socium laboris in theologia. Nam quid operatus sit Dominus per hoc
organum, non in Uteris tantum, sed in theologia, satis testantur ejus opera, etiamsi iras-
catur Satan et omnes squamae ejus.
'5 His Sermon on the Sacrament of Penance is especiallj- remarkable (Nov., 1518) ;
in
Walch, X. 1461 in Loscher, ii. 512 Fortschritte, s. 515. " All is at once given in faith,
; ;
which alone makes the sacraments effect what thej- signifj', and every thing to be true
which the priest says for as thou believest so it is done to thee. Without this faith
;
all absolution, all sacraments are vain; yea, thej^ do more hurt than good." S. 517: —
"Ninthly it follows, besides, that in the sacrament of penance and the forgiveness of
;
sins, a Pope, a bishop, does no more than the humblest priest; yea, where there is no
priest, every Christian maj- do as much, though a woman or a child. For if an)' Chris-
tian can say to thee, God forgive thee thj' sins in the name of Christ, etc., and if thou
canst but seize the word with a firm faith, as though God spake it to thee, thou art in
this faith certainh' absolved." —
S. 521 " In the sixteenth place that no one maj- again
: ;
accuse me of forbidding good works, I sa}', with all earnestness, that men should be
penitent and sorrowful, should confess and do good works. But this I defend as much
as I can, that we hold the faith to be the chief good in the sacrament, and the inherit-
ance wherebj' we obtain God's grace and, accordinglj-, that we are to do much good
;
onlj' for the glorj' of God and the welfare of our neighbors, and not because we rely
upon it as sufficient to pay the debt of sin for God gives his grace freely and gratis,
;
and so we ought, in return, to serve him freelj' and gratis." S. 524: " Accordingl}' —
there belong to auricular confession no sins but those which are publicly accounted
mortal sins, and which weigh down and alarm the conscience at the time for if we are ;
to confess all sins we must confess at every instant, because we are never without sin
in this life, even our good works are not pure and without sin." "And even if one does —
not go to confession at all, it might still be useful for him often to hear of absolution
and the work of God, for the sake of the same faith, that he ma}- thus form a habit of
believing in the forgiveness of sin." S. 521 —" The priest has enough signs and reasons
:
for absolving, when he sees that absolution is earnestlj- desired from him."
-' Alphonsus Valdesius writes upon
this period, from Brussels, 31st Aug., 1520, to
Peter Martyr (Petri Martyris Epistt., Amstelod. 1670, p. 380) Intumuerunt dudum :
Germanorum animi, videntes Eomanensium mores plus quam profanos, coeperautque

de excutiendo Rom. Pontificis jugo clam per cuniculos agere. Quo factum est, ut, quum
primum Lutheri scripta in vulgum prodiere, mirum quanto applausu ab omnibus sus-
cepta sint. Ibi Germani gestire, et convicia in Romanenses jactare, petereque ut gene-
ralis Christianorum omnium conventus indiceretur, in quo excussis his, quae Lutherus
scribebat, alius ordo in rebus Ecclesiae statueretur. Quod utinam factum fuisset Ve- !
rumtamen dum Pontifex jus suum mordicus tuetur, dum timet Christianorum conven-
VOL. IV. 3
::
The Elector of Saxony was just now of too great importance to

the Pope, in a pohtical point of view, to be alienated from him for
the sake of an insignificant monk. Leo X. sent to him his cham-

berlain, Charles of Miltitz, rose,^^ to win him to
with the golden
his views in the election of the King of Rome, and to come to an
understanding on the affair of Luther. Miltitz, upon his arrival
in G-ermany (Dec, 1518), soon saw that nothing could here be ef-
fected by force f^ still less when, after the death of Maximilian I.,
the 12th Jan., 1519, the Elector of vSaxony became Regent of the
empire in Northern Germany. He accordingly tried to flatter Lu-
ther by kindness, and thus actually obtained, not indeed the de-
sired recantation, but a promise to be silent if his opponents were
silent, and an open declaration of obedience to the See of Rome.^°
turn, dum (ut libere loquar) plus apud cum valet privatum commodum in generali sj'-
nodo forte periclitaturum, quam Christiani populi salus, dum cupit Lutherana scripta
nondum discussa e medio tollereLegatum a latere (Cajetan) ad Caesarem Maximilia-
;
num Wolfg. Fabritius Capito wrote to Luther, 18th Feb., 1519 (in Sculteti
mittit, caet.
Annal. Reform, ad h. a.) Helvetia et Rhenana regio ad Oceanum usque solidos amices
:
fovet Lutherio, eosque potentissimos, neque omnino alienos a bonis studiis. Cardinalis
Sedunensis, Comes de Gerolseck, Episcopus quidam eruditus ac primae honestatis, alii-
que ex nostris non pauci cum nuper audierant te periclitari, non tantum sumtum, sed
etiam tuta loca pollieebantur, quibus aut latere, aut aperte degere posses. Cum peregre
constitutum fama praedicaret et summa rerum difficultate laborare, fuerunt, qui per me
submittere nitebantur sumtum, et submisissent utique. On the 14th Feb., 1519, Froben,
the bookseller at Basle, wrote to Luther (T. i. Jen. fol. 367. b.), that he had sent numer-
ous copies of his works to France, Spain, Italj-, Brabant, and England venduntur Pa- :
risiis, leguntur etiam a Sorbonicis et probantur, quemadmodum amici nostri certiores
nos reddiderunt. Dixerunt illic doctissimi quidam, se jam pridem talem libertatem de-
siderasse in his, qui sacras liter as tractant. —
Hie (in Basle) ut quisque est optimus, ita
tui maxime est studiosus. Episcopus noster imprimis tibi favet, ejus item Suffraganeus
Tripolitanus Episcopus. The Cardinal of Sitten said, after reading Luther's works
" Luther tu vere es luther" Qauter, i. e., clear) and, " Disputet Eccius quantum velit,
;
Lutherus veritatem scribit."

^^ Upon
Miltitz's proceedings, see Loscher, ii. 552 iii. 6, 92 Walch, xv. 808.
; ;
"
Lutherus ad Jo. Sylvium, dd. 2. Febr., 1519 (de Wette, i. 216): Carolus de Miltitz
missus ad Principem nostrum armatus plus70apostolicis Brevibus, in hoc scilicet datis,
ut me vivum ac vinctum perduceret in Hierusalem homicidam illam Romam sed per :
viam a Domino prostratus, i. e. multitudine mihi faventium territus, juxta quod curio-
sissime ubique de mei opinione exploraverat, mutavit violentiam in benevolentiam fal-
lacissime simulatam, agens mecum multis sane verbis, ut pro honore Ecclesiae Romanae
revocarem mea dicta. In the Praef. ad 0pp. T. i. 1545, he states, that Miltitz had him-
self said to him " Si haberem 25 millia armatorum, non confiderem te posse a me Ro-
:
mam perduci. Exploravi enim per totum iter animos hominum, quid de te sentirent
ecce ubiunum pro Papa stare inveni, tres pro te contra Papam stabant."
*"
At a personal interview at Altenburg in the first daj-s of January, 1519, Miltitz
and Luther came to an agreement, as the latter reports to the Elector (de Wette, i. 209)
"In the first place, that there be a general inhibition laid upon both parties, and that
they be both forbidden to preach, write, or act about these matters an}- further. Sec-
ondly, that the said Charles [of Miltitz] will shortly take occasion to write to the boh-
Under existing circumstances Miltitz thought he might well be

satisfiedwith such a result in this vexatious matter. At Leipsic
he so sternly rebuked John Tetzel, the real author of the difficulty,
for his shameless proceedings, that he died of chagrin.*^ Luther
made the promised declarations,^^ and the whole matter seemed to
be at an end.
Dr. Eck started it again. To close in triumph a controversy
Father, the Pope, about all matters, as he has found them and then see to it that his ;
papal holiness commission some learned bishop, perhaps, to look into the matter and
point out the articles which are en-oneous, and which I should revoke. And then, when
I am taught the error, I should and will recant it willingly, and not weaken the honor
and power of the holy Roman Church." Besides this, Luther had proposed, in a some-
what earlier letter to the Elector (de Wette, i. s. 208) " la the next place, I would write
:
to his holiness the Pope, submit in all humility, confess how I have been too hot and
too sharp, yet did not mean to come too near to the holy Roman Church, but to show
the reason why I, as a true child of the Church, had opposed the scandalous preaching
from which had gi-own such great scorn, reports, dishonor, and offense among the people
against the Roman Church. In the third place, I was willing to publish a paper to
warn every one to follow the Roman Church, to be obedient and reverential, and to un-
derstand my writings not to the disgrace but to the honor of the holy Roman Church ;
and also confess that I had brought the truth out with too great zeal, and perhaps un-
seasonablj'." He writes to Christopher Scheurl on the 13th January, at the same time
informing him of this agreement (Ibid. s. 212) Ego, quantum in me est, nee timeo nee
:
cupio protelari causam. Sunt adhuc multa, quae Romanam lernam movere possunt,
quae libens premam (not promam), si permittant. Sin Deus non volet, ut permittant,
fiet voluntas Domini. Miltitz in general demeaned himself rather as a German than as
a Roman, and thus gained the confidence of Luther. The Romans afterward complained
of him (see Instructio Nuntio data ann. 1536, in Ranke Fiirsten u. Volker v. Sud-Europa.
iv. 290) id tantum fructus reportavit, quod saepe, perturbatus vino, ea effutire de Pon-
:
tifice et Roraana curia a Saxonibus inducebatur, non modo quae facta erant, sed quae
ipsi e malae in nos mentis aftectu imaginabantur et optabant et ea omnia scriptis ex- ;
cipientes postea in conventu Vormatiensi nobis publico coram tota Germania exproba-
bant.
*' Miltitz had, at the verj"- first, summoned Tetzel to him at Altenburg ; but he ex-
cused himself in a letter, 31st Dec, 1518 (published by Cj'prian in Tentzel's Bericht v.
Anf. d. Reform, i. 374, in Loscher, ii. 567) : "Nu
mich solcher Arbeit und Reiss
solt
nicht verdriessen, Ew. Erwird zu willfahren, wenn
mich one meins Lebens Nach-
ich
theil durfft aus Leipzick begeben. Wann MartiAus Luther, Augustiner, hat die Mach-
tigen nicht allein schier in alien teutschen Landen, soadern audi in den Konigreichen
zu Behem, Ungarn und Polen also wider mich erregt und bewegt, dass ich nirgent sicher
bin." Miltitz heard more particulars of Tetzel's impostures and other disgraceful pro-
ceedings, and in Januar}', 1519, called him to a sti-ict account for them. (See Miltitz
Schreiben an Pfeffinger, in Cj-prian, ibid. s. 380 Loscher, iii. 20.) Lutherus, Praef. ad
;
T. i. 0pp. 1545 Vocaverat (Miltitius) autem ad se Johannem Tetzelium, et verbis

: —
minisque pontificiis ita fregit hominem, hactenus terribilem cunctis, et imperterritum
clamatorem, ut inde contabesceret, et tandem aegritudine animi conficeretur. Quem
ego, ubi hoc rescivi, ante obitum Uteris benigniter scriptis consolatus sum, ac jussi ani-
mo bono esse, nee mei memoriam metueret. Sed conscientia et indignatione Papae
forte occubuit.
*^ He published in February Unterricht auf. etliche Artikel, so ihm von seinen Ab-
:
gonnern aufgelegt und zugemessen worden (in Loscher, iii. 84; Walch, xv. 842). His
letter to the Pope is dated the 3d of March, in de Wette, i. 233.
renowned disputant** challenged Lu-

raised by his Obelisks,'^^ this
ther's colleague, Andreas Bodenstein, from his birth-place surnamed
Carlstadt, to a disputation at Leipsic,*^ and also contrived to en-
tangle Luther in it.**^ In this disputation, which lasted from the
*^ See above, Note 20.

** Upon his former disputations held at Bologna and Vienna, see Riederer's Nach-
richten, Bd. 3. s. 47, 178, 283.
** This Disputation between Eck and Luther had been already concerted at Augs-
burg, and Luther informs him, 15th Nov., 1518 (de Wette, i. 171), that Carlstadt agreed
to it.
*^ By 13 Theses, which Eck published in Januarj^, 1519 (in Loscher, iii. 210), to which
Luther replied in 13 others. Ibid. 212. Compare, Luther to Spalatin, 7th Febr. (de
Wette, i. 222) Eccius noster:
—gloriae edidit schedulam, disputaturus contra Carlstadi-
um Lipsiae post Pascha. Et homo iusulsa obliquitate, suae jam diu in me conceptae
invidiae satisfacturus, in me et mea
alium nominans concertatorem, alium
ruit scripta,
autem invadens tractatorem. On the 13th of March he apologized to the Elector, say-
ing, that under these circumstances he could not consider his promise to Miltitz to keep
silence as binding (de Wette, i. 237). In his 13th Thesis Eck broached an entirelj" new
subject Eomam Ecclesiam non fuisse superiorem aliis Ecclesiis ante tempora Sylves-
:
tri, negamus. Sed eum, qui sedem beatissimi Petri habuit et fidem, successorem Petri
et Vicarium Christi generalem semper agnovimus. Luther opposed to this the counter-
thesis (as he writes to Spalatin in Maj', de Wette, i. 261 haec xiii. propositio mihi est:
extorta per Ecciuni xiii., as in the following letter, should here be read instead of
:
xii.) Eomanam Ecclesiam esse omnibus aliis superiorem, probatur ex frigidissimis

:
Rom. Pontiticum decretis, intra quadringentos annos natis, contra quae sunt historiae
approbatae mille et centum annorum, textus scripturae divinae, et decretum Nicaeni
Concilii omnium sacratissimi. There are some remarkable declarations of Luther at
this period. He writes to Scheurl, 20th Febr. (de Wette, i. 230) Eccius noster, hucusque :
insaniam suam in me pulchre dissimulans, tandem manifestavit. Vide, quid sit homo.
Sed Deus in medio Deorum ipse novit, quid ex ea tragoedia deducere voluerit. Nee
:
Eccius sibi, nee ego mihi in hac quicquam serviemus. Dei consilium agi mihi videtur.
Saepius dixi, hucusque lusum esse a me ; nunc tandem seria in Romanum Pontificem et
arrogantiam Romanam agentur. To Lange in the same strain, 7th Febr. (ibid. 217).
To Spalatin, 5th March (ibid. 236) Nunquam fuit in animo, ut ab Apostolica sede Ro-
:
mana voluerim desciscere: denique sum contentus, ut omnium vocetur aut etiam sit
Dominus. Quid hoc ad me qui sciam etiam Turcam honorandum et ferendum potes-
!
tatis gratia. Quia certus sum, non nisi volente Deo (ut Petrus ait) ullam potestatem
consistere sed hoc ago pro fide mea in Christum, ut verbum ejus non pro libito trahant
:
atque contamiuent. Dimittant mihi decreta Romana Evangelium sincerum, et omnia

alia rapiant prorsus pilum non movebo.
: To the same, 13th March (ibid. 239) Verso et :
decreta Pontificum, pro mea dlsputatione, et (in aurem tibi loquor) uescio, an Papa sit
Antichristus ipse vel apostolus ejus : adeo misere corrumpitur et crucifigitur Christus,
i. e. ab eo in decretis. Discrucior mirum in modum, sic illudi populum Christi,
Veritas,
specie legum
et Christian! nominis. Aliquando tibi copiam faciam annotationum mea-
rum in decreta, ut et tu videas, quid sit leges condere postposita Scriptura ex affectu
ambitae tjTannidis: ut taceam, quae alia Romana curia Antjchristi opera simillima
exundat. Nascitur mihi indies magis ac magis subsidium et praesidium pro sacris Ute-
ris. One result of these studies was the Resolutio super Propositione xiii. de Potestate
Papae, which Luther had already prepared in May, though probably he did not have it
printed till after the disputation at Leipsic, in T. i. Jen. fol. 295 b. (in Loscher, iii. 123).
In May he wrote to Spalatin (de Wette, i. 260) Multa ego premo, et causa Principis et
:
Universitatis nostrae cohibeo, quae, si alibi essem, evomerem in vastatricem Scripturae

et Ecclesiae Romam, melius Babylonera. Non potest Scripturae et Ecclesiae Veritas
—
CHAP. I.—GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1518. 37
27th June to the 16th July, 1519,*^ Carlstadt maintained against

Eck the Augustinian doctrine of free-will. Luther was forced
into a dispute upon the primacy of the Pope and, in this connec- ;
tion, Eck having charged him with holding Hussite opinions, he

was led to make the declaration, which excited great surprise, that
several of Huss's doctrines had been unjustly condemned.'*^ Eck
was superior to his opponents in controversial skill, and thus seem-
ed to those present to have got the But the correspond- victory.''^
ence, in which this disputation was continued for some time lon-
ger,^" turned the public judgment again to the side of the "Witten-
tractari, mi Spalatine, nisi haec belua offendatur. Nou ergo speres me quietum ac sal-
vum futurum, nisi velis et me penitus theologiam interraittere. Sine ergo amicos putare
me insanire. Res ista finem non accipiet ex Deo
Christum discipuli
(si est), nisi sicut
et noti sui, ita et me derelinquant omnes amici mei, et sola quae salvet so sit Veritas,
dextera sua, non niea, non tua, non ullius hominis et hanc horam ab initio spectavi. ;
*' There are contemporary accounts of this in letters from Melancthon to Oecolampa-
dius, Eck to Hochstraten, Job. Cellarius to Capito, all written in July from Luther to ;
Spalatin, from Amsdorf to the same, both in August from Peter Mosellanus to Julius ;
Pflug, in December. From August there is the account of John Rubeus, favorable to
Eck. All these are in Loscher, iii. 215 fF. The Latin minutes, written down during the
disputation, form the principal authorit}- ; best given in Loscher, iii. 292 ff.
*'*
Acta Disp., hor. 2. d. 5 Jul., in Loscher, iii. 360: Certum est, inter articulos Jo-
hannis IIuss vel Bohemorum multos esse plane Christianissimos et evangelicos, quos
non possit universalis Ecclesia damnare, velut est ille et similis, quod tatitum est una
Ecclesia universalis. Haec enim ageutibus impiissimis adulatoribus inique est damnata.
—Deinde ille non est de necessitate salutis credere Horn. Ecclesiam esse aliis superiorem.
:
*' Luther to Spalatin on the 20th July (de Wette, i. 287 Loscher, iii. 236) Et ita ; :
nihil ferme in ista disputatione tractatum est saltem digue praeter propositionem meam
decimara tertiam. Interim tamen ille (Eccius) placet, triumphat et regnat, sed donee
ediderimus nos nostra. Nam quia male disputatum est, edam resolutiones denuo.
^^ In Julj^ Eck published in reply to Melancthon's report, which was addressed to
Oecolampadius, his Excusatio Eckii ad ea, quaejalso sibi Ph. Melanchthon Grammaticus
Wittenh. super Theologica Disputatione Lipsica adscripsit (in Loscher, iii. 591), where-
upon Melancthon immediately followed with a Defensio (Ibid. 596). Luther issued in
August his Resolutiones super Propositionibus suis Lipsiae disputatis (T. i. Jen. fol. 279 in ;
Loscher, iii. 733). Against these Eck drew up an Expurgatio in October, to which Lu-
ther replied in November, with an Epistola super Expurgations Ecciana (T. i. Jen. fol.
358, b. in Loscher, iii. 805
; de Wette, i. 354). The Franciscans at Jiiterbock had al-
;
ready' drawn 14 propositions from Luther's works as heretical in April, and denounced
them to the bishop of Brandenburg (in Loscher, iii. 115). Eck published these in Au-
gust with notes in replj-, appeared, in September, Contra malignum Jo. Eckii Judicium
;
super aliquot Articulis a Fratribus quibusdam ei impositis M. Lutheri Defensio (T. i. Jen.
fol. 214, b. ; in Loscher, Luther met with great favor among the Bohemians.
iii. 856).
Two of the utraquist clergj' at Prague —
Rosdialowin and Paduschka wrote to him in —
July letters of congratulation and encouragement (T. i. Jen. fol. 366 in Loscher, iii. 649), ;
which he received in October (see Luther's letter to Staupitz, 3d Oct., de Wette, i. 341).
Rosdialowin writes e. g. quod olim Johannes Huss in Bohemia fuerat, hoc tu Martine
es in Saxonia. Quid igitur tibi opus Vigila et confortare in Domino, deinde cave ab
!
hominibus. Neque animo concidas, si te haereticum, si excoramunicatum audies, me-

mor subinde, quid Christus passus, quid Apostoli, quid omnes hodie patiantur, qui pie
volent vivcre in Christo. It was probably to the bearer of these letters that Luther gave
:
bergers, although Eck aheady pronounced them heretics under

the name of Lutherans.
This disputation was the real training school of the Reformer.
To prepare himself for it, and to continue it in writing, Luther
was obliged to make investigations, into which, with his practical
religious tendencies, he would probably not have been led under
other circumstances :^^ here, too, Melancthon now faithfully aid-
ed him with his extensive learning and clear penetration.^" In
his writings to be carried to Bohemia (Luther to Spalatin, 15th Oct., de Wette, i. 350).
In the mean time Jerome Emser, in a letter, printed in August, to Joh. Zack, adminis-
trator of the diocese of Prague, De disputatioue Lipsicensi quantum ad Boemos obiter
deflesa est (T.i. Jen. fol. 348 in Loscher, iii. 660), had tried to rob the Bohemians of their
;
joy, by maintaining that Luther, although he agreed with them in several points, would
still have nothing to do with them as schismatics. Luther answered him in Sept., in
his Ad Aegocerotem Emserianum (referring to Emser's armorial bearings, which were
printed on the title-page of his book, the forepart of a Capricorn) M. Lutheri Eesponsio
(T. i. Jen. fol. 350 ; Loscher, iii. 668). Emser wrote a reply in November A venatione
:
Luteriana Aegocerotis Assertio, in Loscher, iii. 691.

^' Lutherus de Captivitate Babj'lonica Ecclesiae (Oct., 1520), in the letter of dedica-
tion (T. ii. Jen. fol. 259) Velim, nolim, cogor indies eruditior fieri, tot tantisque magis-
:
tris certatim me urgentibus et exercentibus. De indulgentiis ante duos annos scripsi,

sed sic, ut me nunc miruni in modum poeniteat editi libelli. Haerebam enim id tempo-
ris magna quadam superstitione Romanae tj-rannidis unde et indulgentias non penitus
:
rejiciendas esse censebam, quas tanto hominum consensu cernebam comprobari. Nee
mirum, quia solus tum volvebam hoc saxum. At postea beneficio Sylvestri et Fratrum
adjutus, qui strenue illas tutati sunt, intellexi, eas aliud non esse, quam meras adula-
torum Romanorum imposturas, quibus et fidem Dei et pecunias hominum perderent.
Atque utinam a bibliopolis queam impetrare, et omnibus, qui legerunt, persuadere, ut
universes libellos meos de indulgentiis exurant, et pro omnibus, quae de eis scripsi,
banc propositionem apprehendant Indulgentiae sunt adulatorum Romanorum nequitiae.
:
Post haec Eccius et Emserus cum conjuratis suis de primatu Papae me erudire coeperunt.
Atque hie etiam, ne hominibus tam doctis ingratus sim, confiteor, me valde proraovisse
eorum opera. Nempe cum Papatum negassem divini, admisi esse humani juris. Sed
ut audivi et legi subtilissimas subtilitates istorum Trossulorum, quibus suum idolum fabre
statuunt (est enim mihi ingenium in his rebus non usquequaque indocile) scio nunc et :
certus sum, regnum Bahylonis et jjotentinm Nimrod rohusti venatoris. Pro-

PapaUmi esse
inde et hie, ut amicis meis omnia prosperrime cedant, oro librarios, oro lectores, ut iis,
quae super hac re edidi, exustis, hanc propositionem teneant Papains est rohusta vena- :
tio Romani Ejjiscopi.

'^ Melancthonis contra J. Eckium Defensio (Aug., 1519). 0pp. ed. Bretschneider, i.
113 Puto non temore fieri, sicubi sententiis S. Patres variant, quemadmodum solet, ut
:
judice Scriptura recipiantur; non ipsorum, nempe variantibus judiciis, Scriptura vim
patiatur. Quandoquidem unus aliquis et simplex Scripturae sensus est, ut et coelestis
Veritas simplicissima est, quem collatis Scripturis e filo ductuque orationis licet assequi.
In hoc enim jubemur philosophari in Scripturis divinis, ut hominum sententias decreta-
que ad ipsas ceu ad Lydium lapidem exigamus. Soon after he drew up these Theses
among others (see his letter to Hess of Febr. 1520, 1. c. p. 138) : Quod Catholicum prae-
ter articulos, quos Scriptura probat, non sit Delude concilioruni
necesse alios credere.
auctoritatem Scripturae auctoritate vinci. E quibus fit, citra haeresis crimen non credi
Transsubstantiationem aut Characterem aut similia. And in his letter to Hess he adds
Neque ad Transsubstantiationem tantum aut Characterem, sed ad omnia ejus generis,
quibus vulgo divini juris titulus praetexitur, pertinebat axioma. Videbam, passim — —
this way Luther gained so thorough an insight into the errors and
corruption of the Roman Church^^ that he gradually began to see
humanis decretis sacrarum litcrarum derogari, nequo conferri modo, sed et

auctoritati
antcferri humana divinis jam non modo, quae SS. Patrum conciliis
: articulos fidei dici
decreta sunt, aut Poutifices sanxerunt, sed et quidquid Thomas, quidquid Scotus argu-
tantur, et in iis non modo incerta multa pro certis defendi, sed et male Christiana pro
piis tradi.
^^ Contra malignum Jo. Eckii Judicium Lutheri Defensio (iu Sept., 1519) IV. (in
Loscher, iii. 877) : Dictum est, canones hodie et reservationes casuum prorsus nihil esse,
nisi laqueos auaritiae, nou suo vitio, sed Eomanensium tj-rannorum. Impudentissima
enim avaritia est Romanae Curiae si dederis pecuniam, canones et omnia venalia ha-
:
bes. V. et VI. (p. 879) : Consilia evangelica non sunt supra, sed infra jjraecepla, h.
0. con-
siliasunt quaedam viae et compendia facilius et felicius implendi mandata Dei. Faci- —
lius enim continet, qui viduus aut virgo est, separatus a sexu, quam copulatus cum
sexu, qui concupiscentiae aliquid cedit. VII. (p. 880) : Confessi.o ilia, quae nunc agitur
occulte in aurem, nullo potest jure divino probari, nee ita fiebat primitus, sed publica
ilia, —
quam Christus Matth. 18 docet. Non tamen damno istam occultam, nisi quod do-
leo, ipsam esse in carnificinam quandam redactam, ut cogantur homines confitcri, et
scrupulos facere de iis, in quibus nullum est peccatum, aut veniale tantum. Non est in —
Ecclesia negotium, quod aeque lit istud confessionis et poenitentiae indigeat reforma-
tione. Nam hie omnes leges, quaestus, vis, tyrannis, error, pcricula, et infinita mala
omnium animarum et totius Ecclesiae grassantur pleno impetu, quod Pontilices parum
curant, et sophistis animarum tortoribus relinquunt. VIII. (p. 881) Neque enim Ro- :
mana Curia alia re magis nocuit Ecclesiae Christi, quam multitudine et varietaie legum
suarum, quae mihi videntur esse novissima et omnium maxima pcrsecutio, ut in qua
irretitae conscientiae pereant irrecuperabiliter, ut turpissimum quaestum sileam, qui
legibus istis alitur. XV. (p. 887) Valde vellcm scire, ex quo loco Scripturae tradita
:
sit potestas Papae Sanctos canonisandi? Deindc, quae necessitas Sanctos canonisandi .'
Tandem, quae utilitas Sanctos canonisandi? Sermon 07i the Venerable Sacrament of the
holy and true Body of Christ, printed at the end of November; in Loscher, iii. 902;
Walch, xix. 522 " But it seems to mc to be good, tliat the Church should again ordain,
:
in a general council, that [the sacrament of the Lord's Supper] be given to all men in
both forms, as it is to the priests. Not because one form is not enough, if so be there is
enough desire for it in the waj- of faith alone but because it is fitting and seeml}' that
;
the shape and form or sign of the sacrament be not cut up into pieces, but given whol-
l}- just as I have said about baptism, that it is more suitable to dip into the water than
;
to pour it on, on account of the wholeness and completeness of the sign. Besides, this
sacrament signifies a whole purification, an undivided fellowship of the saints (as we
shall hear), which is illy and inaptlj^ signified \>j a piece or part of the sacrament. And
then, too, there is not so great danger about the cup, as is thought, because the people
seldom go to this sacrament, and specially because Christ, who well knew all future
dangers, did j-et institute both forms for the use of all his Christians." On account of
this passage Duke George complained to the Elector about Luther, that he taught just
like a Hussite, and had fellowship with the Hussites dd. 27th Dec, 1519 in Loscher,
; ;
iii. The bishop of Misnia, b}' a prescript of the 24th Jan., 1520, prohibited this Ser-
920.
mon, and charged his clergj' to defend the usage of the Church (T. i. Jen. fol. 460 b.).
Against this Luther wrote, in February, Antwort auf den Zeddel, so unter des Officials zu
Stolpen Siegel ausgegangen (Walch, xix. 564), and toward the end of the j-ear 1520 pub-
lished an enlarged Latin edition Ad Schedulam Inhibitionis sub Nomine Episcopi Mis-
:
nensis editam super Sermone de Sacramento Eucharistiae D. Mart. Lutheri Responsio

(T. i. Jen. fol. 460). Meanwhile Luther was going astraj' about Purgatory, also see ;
his letter to Spalatin of the 7th Nov., 1519 (de Wette, i. 367) quanquam ego
: Breviter,
scio,purgatorium esse apud nos, nescio tamen, si apud omnes Christianos sit. Hoc
certum est, neminem esse haereticum, qui non credit esse purgatorium, nee est articulus
—
the necessity of separating himself from it.^* He felt himself call-
ed as a soldier of God to fight against the wiles and deceit of the

by which the Church was corrupted.^^ With this position,
devil,
which he intrepidly maintained, he gained that unconquerahle

courage, that rock-like trust, and that joyful confidence, with
which, henceforth, he steadfastly pursued his aim through ev-
ery danger.
After Charles V. had been elected Emperor by the influence of
Frederick the Wise, contrary to the Pope's wish (28th June, 1519),
the Curia had nothing to restrain it from proceeding in Luther's
case. Accordingly, Rome in 1520, to act there
when Eck went to
with the help of the Dominicans, Luther might with certainty ex-
pect a bull of excommunication. Yet Frederick the Wise, sup-
ported also by the opinion of Erasmus,^^ was still determined to
fidei, cum Graeci illud non credentes nunquam sint habiti ob hoc pro haereticis, nisi
apud novissimos haereticantissimos haereticantes. He had also given up the doctrine
of seven sacraments: he wrote to Spalatin on the 18th Dec, 1519 (de Wette, i. 378); De
aliis sacramentis non est, quod tu vel uUus hominum ex me speret aut expectet ullum
sermonem, donee docear, ex quo loco queam ilia probare. Non enim ullum mihi reli-
quum est sacramentum, quod sacramentum sit, nisi ubi expressa detur promissio divina,
quae fidem exerceat, cum sine verbo promittentis et fide suscipientis nihil possit nobis
esse cum Deo negotii. Quae autem de sacramentis illis septem fabulati illi sunt, alio
tempore audies.
** At first he deceived himself on this point, bj^ making a distinction between the
Roman Church and the Roman Curia compare his Letter of Dedication to Radhemius
;
and Carlstadt, prefixed to the Comm. in Ep. ad Galafas, Sept., 1519 (T. i. Jen. 369, in
de Wette, i. 333) Quare et ego horum theologorum laicorum (Principum Germaniae)
:
exemplo pulcherrimo longissime, latissime, profundissime, distinguo inter Romanam

Ecclesiam et Romanam Curiam. lUam scio purissimum esse thalamum Christi, ma-
trem Ecclesiarum, dominam mundi, sed spiritu, i. e. vitiorum, non rerum mundi, spon-
sam Christi, filiam Dei, terrorem inferni. —
Haec vero ex fructibus suis cognoscitur.
Non quod magni faciendum sit, res nostras et jura diripi, cum fixum sit in coelo, Chris-
tianos in hac vita pressuram, Nimbrotos et robustos venatores pati —
sed quod omnibus
:
—
lachrymis sit miseria major, haec a fratribus et patribus in fratres et filios fieri, quae a
Turca vix fierent. Nullo moclo ergo Romanae Ecclesiae resistere licet : at Romanae Curiae
huge majore jjietate resisterent Reges, Principes et qiiicunque possent, quam ijysis Turcis.
" Luther to the Christian Nobles of the German nation, 1520 (Walch, x. 298) " We :
must be sure that in this matter we are not dealing with men but with the princes of
hell, who may indeed fill the world with war and bloodshed, but who can not in this
way be overcome. We must lay hold of the matter, renouncing phj'sical force, with
humble trust in God, and with earnest praj-er seek help of God, and keep before our
—
eyes nothing but the calamities and needs of suffering Christendom. Wherever men
have not acted in the fear of God, and with humility, the Popes and Romans have been
able, with the devil's help, to entangle kings with each other ; and this they may now
do again, if we go on without God's help in our own strength and skill."
'^ Compare note Erasmus wrote from Louvain, 1st Nov., 1519, to Albert,
, 32, above.
Elector of Ma}'ence, a letter, ubi, as Luther expresses himself to John Lange, 16th Jan.,
1520 (de Wette, i. 390), egregie me tutatur, ita tamen ut nihil minus quam me tutari
videatur, sicut solet pro dexteritate sua. This letter was soon after published, much to
CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFOEMATION. § 1. 1520. 41
protect the most honored teacher of his new university^''' against
the chagrin of Erasmus, undoubtedl}' by Ulrich of Hutten, who then lived at the court
of Maj-ence it is in the Lej'den edition of the Opera Erasmi, T. iii. T. i. p. 515. He
;
describes in strong features the corruptions of the Church, and then proceeds Haec, :
opinor, moverunt animum Lutheri, ut primuni auderet se quotundara intolerabili inipu-

dentiae opponere. Quid enim aliud suspicer de eo, qui nee honores ambit, nee pecuni-
am cupit? Do articulis, quos objiciunt Luthero, in praesentia non disputo, tantum de
niodo et occasione disputo. Ausus est Lutherus de indulgentiis dubitare, sed de quibus
alii prius nimis impudenter asseveraverant :
—
ausus est immoderatius loqui de potestate
Eomani Pontificis, sed de qua isti nimis immoderate prius scripserant —
ausus est Tho-
:
mae decreta contemnere, sed quae Dominicanl pene praeferunt Evangeliis ausus est in :
materia coufessionis scrupulos aliquos discutere, sed in qua monachi sine fine illaqueant
hominum conscientias ausus est ex parte negligere scholastica decreta, sed quibus illi
;
nimium tribuunt, et in quibus ipsi nihilominus inter se dissentiunt, postremo quae sub-
inde mutant, pro veteribus rescissis inducentes nova. Discruciabat hoc pias mentes,
cum audirent in scholis fere nullum sermonem de doctrina evangelica ; sacros illos ab
Ecclesia antiquatis inimo in sacris concionibus
jam olim probates auctores haberi pro ;
minimum de potestate Pontificis, de opiuiouibus recentium fere om-

audiri de Christo ;
nia totam orationem jam palani quaestum, adulationem, ambitionem, ac fucum prae
;
so ferre. His imputandum opinor, etiamsi quae intemperantius scripsit Lutherus. He

then speaks earnestly against the propensity of theologians to denounce right off as
heresj' whatever is peculiar.
'' Compare the Chronicon Citicense of the contemporary Paulus Langus, Benedictine
in the monastery of Bosau, in Pistorii Scriptt. Eerum Germanic, i. 188 Witebergae :
anno quo haec scribo dominicae incarnationis 1520 ob florentissimum ac famatissimum

theologiae et omnigenae sapientiae studium feruntur mille quingentique studentes ex-
istere, fama eruditissimorum virorum Martini Lutheri Augustinensis, et Andreae Caro-
lostadii Archidiaconi, —
necnon Philippi Melanchthonis rhetoris, sacraeque theosophiae
Baccalaurei, graece et latine peritissimi, allecti et adunati. Et memorati quidem inte-
gerrimi, doctissiraique duo illi hierophantes, Martinus ut luminare majus, Andreas ut
luminare minus hujus Academiae, theologiae studium et divini verbi triticum absque
omni palearum i. e. secularis philosophiae syllogismorumve mixtura purissime tractant,
et edocent sacram scripturam, et potissimum Christi Evangelium, Paulum Apostolum
habentes pro archet3-po et fundamento, cum ipso literarum studio timorem Dei, et cunc-
tarum virtutum seraina verbo, exemplo et calamo in discipulorum pectora spargentes.
Neque enim in hac almiflua sapientiae palaestra fatuus ille Peripateticorum princeps
Aristoteles, vel impius Porphyrins, aut certe ille blasphemus Averroes, et similes ortho-
doxae fidei spretores et irrisores cathedram ullam habent vel audientiam. Frederick
the Wise replied to Valentine v. Teutleben at Eome, who had written to him of the un-
favorable opinion there prevailing about him, on the 1st of April, 1520 (T. ii. Jen. fol.
256), that he would not decide about the truth of the Lutheran doctrines, but that Lu-
ther had offered to give account of himself, and to receive instruction. Adfirmant mul-
ti, D. Mart. Lutherum —
invitum ad has controversias de Papatu descendisse, videlicet
—
eo pertractum a D. Eckio. Et cum nunc Germania floreat ingeniis, et multis doctrina
et sapientia praestantibus viris, —
cumque etiam nunc vulgo Laici sapere incipiant, et
studio cognoscendae Scripturae teneantur: multi judicant valde metuendum esse, si
neglectis aequissimis conditionibus a D. Luthero oblatis, sine legitima cognitione, tan-
tum ecclesiasticis censuris feriatur, ne hae contentiones et certamina multo magis exas-
perentur, ut postea non ita facile ad otium et compositiones res deduci posset. Nam
Lutheri doctrina ita jam passitn in plurimorum animis in Germania et alibi infixa radices
egit, ut si non veris ac firmis argumentis et perspicuis testimoniis Scriptui-ae revincatur,
sed solo ecelesiasticae potestatis terrore ad eum opprimendum procedatur, non videatur
res sic abitura, quin in Germania acerrimas offensiones et horribiles ac exitiales tumul-
tus excitatura sit, unde nee ad sanctissimum dominum Pontificem, nee aliis quidquam
utilitatis redire poterit.
:
42 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-16i8.
unjust violence. But Luther had already found very decided

friends in other parts of his German
fatherland f^ several knights
offered him refuge, and protection against persecution.^^ Thus
he was put in possession of external facilities for publishing his
present convictions about the state of the Church, and its relation
to Christian truth. This he did, fearless of consequences, in the
work An den Christlichen Adel dcutscher Nation von des Christ-
lichen Standes Besserung (June, 1520),''° with particular refer-
*^ Jo. Botzhemus Abstemius, doctor and canon at Constance, wrote to Luther, 3d
March, 1520 (Joh. v. Botzheim und s. Freunde, von K. Walchner. Schafhausen, 183G,
s. 107) Postquam orbi, aut saltern potior! orbis parti, h. e. bonis et vere Christianis
:
amicus factus es, meus quoque amicus eris, velis, nolis. Quae scribis, ita raihi proban-
tur, ut nulla proinde re gaudeam, ac fate nieo propitio, quo factum, ut hoc tempore vi-
verem, quo non humanae solum literae, sed et diviuae pristinum nitorem recuperant,
caet. Caspar Hedio, preacher at Basle, 23d June, 1520 (Kappen's Nachlese, ii. 433)
Video, doctrinam tuam ex Deo esse, carissime vir, dissolvi non potest, in dies efficacior,
—
quotidie multos lucrifacit Christo, abducit a vitiisi^ asserit verae pietati. Libellis ver-
naculis plurimum prodes, hisce enim vulgi judicium formatur, quod certe sequax est et
tractabile, agnoscit fucum, cupit admoneri, intelligit beneficium, quae est gratitudinis
pars. Cessandum ergo non est, Jj awTtp, sed totis viribus conandum, ut jugum Christi
facile etcomJnodum nobis redeat. Tu dux esto, nos indivulsi milites erimus, si modo
nostra opera quippiam possit prodesse, sive in concionibus publicis, quibus praesum
jam, enarrans Evangelium Matthaei, sive in privatis colloquiis civium Basiliensium,
denique in Uteris amicorum. In June, 1520, Hutten, too, broke off his feudal depend-
ence upon the elector Albert, bj- -which he had been hitherto debarred from declaring
himself openlj' for Luther. He now urged him on with fiery letters (the first letter of
the 4th June, 1520, in Hutten's Werke, von Milnch, iii. 575), issued several works in
defense of Luther, and to make Rome odious, and began from this time forth to publish
German works in this spirit, to work upon the people these were in part trairslations
;
of his own Latin works (these last are collected in Mtinch's edition, Th. 5). Ranke's
deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Ref. i. 415. However, Hutten's violent views did not
suit Luther. He wrote to Spalatin, sending at tlie same time Hutten's letters and works,
16th Jan., 1521 (de Wette, i. 543) Quid Iluttenus petat, vides. Nollem vi et caede pro
:
Evangelio certari ita scripsi ad hominem. Verbo victus est mundus, verbo servata est
:
Ecclesia, etiam verbo reparabitur.

^' As earlj- as January, 1520, Franz von Sickingen invited Luther to go to him ; see
Hutten's Letter to Melancthon, 20th Jan. (in Kappen's Naclilese, ii. 425; Mimch, iii.
337) At nunc scribere Luthero ipse heros jubet, si quid in causa sua patiatiir adversi,
:
nee melius aliunde remedium sit, ad se ut veniat, effecturum pro eo quod possit. Lu- —
therum amat Franciscus, primum quia bonus sibi ut ceteris videtur, et ob id invisus
illis, deinde quia eum ex Comitibus de Solmis quidani commendavit Uteris. Afterward
Sickingen repeated this invitation in a letter of his own to Luther, 3d Nov., 1520 (in
Walch, XV. 1948). The Franconian knight, Sylvester von Schaumburg, offered Luther
protection in a letter, 11th June, 1520 (Walch, xv. 1942), and exhorted him not to take
refuge with the Bohemians: "For I, and a hundred nobles besides, whom I will call
upon (so God please), will honorabl}- hold to j'ou, and protect you from danger against
your opponents, so long as j'our good intentions shall remain uncondemned and unre-
futed a general Christian council and assemblage, or by unsuspected and intelligent
bj-
judges, or till you shall be better instructed." F. von Sickingen's Thaten, Plane,
Freunde und Ausgang, durch E. Miineh (Stuttg. u. Tiibingen. 3 Bde. 1827-29. 8.), i. IGC.
Von Bucholtz Gesch. d. Regierung Ferdinand I., Bde. ii. (Wien., 1831), s. 77.
^^ Walch, X. 296. Introduction, " Grace and strength from God be -with you. Most
ence to the external constitution of the Church. In October,

serene and most gracious dear Lords not from mere forwardness and presump-
! It is
tion that such a poor man as myself undertakes to address j-our high dignities the dis- ;
tress and oppression that weigh upon all classes of Christendom, especiallj' Germany,
have moved not onlj' me, but every man, ofttimes to cry aloud and implore help, and
now also force me to crj' out and call, if so be God will give to any one the spirit to
reach out his hand to the sufl'ering nation. B3' Councils some remedy has often been
attempted but these have been dexterously thwarted by the craft of certain men, and
;
have been growing worse and worse, which knavery and wickedness I now mean, God
helping me, to bring to light, so that, being known, there can no longer be such hin-
drance and scandal. God has now given to us a ruler of yoimg and noble blood, so that
many hearts are aroused to great and good hopes. Therewith it is seemly that we do
our part also, and wisely use the time and grace." Then, after a warning to begin the
work, not in reliance upon our own power or reason, but only with humble trust in
God, he proceeds: "The Romanists, with gi-eat dexterity, have drawn around them
three walls, with which thej' have hitherto protected themselves so that no one could
possiblj' reform them, and thus the whole of Christendom is grievously prostrate. First,
when pressed with the secular power, they have taken the position and declared that
the secular authority has no right over them, but that, on the contrary, the spiritual is
above the secular. Secondly^ when any one would rebuke them with the Holy Scrip-
ture, they have replied that it belongs to nobody but the Pope to interpret the Scripture.
Thirdly, if threatened with a Council, they have feigned that no one but the Pope can
call a Council." Against the First Wall : the distinction between the spiritual and sec-
ular order is naught: "for all Christians are truly of the spiritual order, and there is
among them no difference but that of office alone, as Paul says, 1 Cor. xii., that we are
all together one bodj', jet everj' member has his own work, so that he may serve the
others. —By baptism we are all together consecrated to be priests, as St. Peter, 1 Pet.
ii., says. —
Hence the bishop's consecration is nothing more than this, that out of a num-
ber, who all have like power, he takes one in the place and person of the whole com-
munitj', and commands him to administer tliis power for the rest. —
In like manner, those
who are now called spiritual have no further nor worthier distinction from other Chris-
tians, excepting that thej- have to do with the Word of God and the Sacrament, that is
their work and office. So, too, the secular authority has the sword and the rod in its
hand, to punish the evil and to defend the righteous. It ought to carrj' out its office,
free and unhindered, through the whole bodj' of Christendom, without regard to any
one, let it strike Pope, bishops, priests, monks, nuns, or whatever they be." Against
the Second Wall: "Christ says, John vi., that all Christians shall be taught of God.
Thus maj' come to pass that the Poije and his followers are evil, and not true Chris-
it
tians, and not tauglit of God so as to have right understanding on the other hand, ;
some humble man may have the right understanding why should he not then be fol-
;
lowed ? Has not the Pope often erred ? Who can help Christendom when the Pope
eiTs, if we maj' not believe in one who has the Scripture on his side more than in him ?"
— "The Third Wall will fall down of itself when these first two fall. For where the
Pope acts against Scripture we are bound to stand by the Scripture, to punish and com-
pel him, after the word of Christ, Matth. xviii. : if th}' brother sin against thee, tell it
to the — If ought, then, to accuse him before the Church, I must bring the
Church. I
Churcli together. — Even that most famous Council of Nice was neither called nor con-
firmed bj- the Bishop of Rome, but bj- the Emperor Constantine and after him many ;
other emperors have done the ver)' same thing, and j'et these have been most Christian
Councils. —Therefore, when necessity demands it, and the Pope is offensive to Christen-
dom, whoever can first do bound, as a true member of the whole bod}', to see to it,
it is
that tliere be a truly free Council and nobod}' can do this so well as the secular sword.
;
— —
What is to be discussed in the Councils. In the first place, it is detestable and terrible
to see, how the highest personage in Christendom, who boasts that he is Christ's Vicar
and St. Peter's successor, lives in such worldly pomp that no king, no emperor, can ia
I
— —;;
this come up with him and be

like him. —
la the second place, of what use to Christen-
dom are those folks who are called cardinals ? This I will say to thee, Italj- and Ger-
manj' have many rich cloisters, foundations, fiefs, and parishes these could not have
;
been brought under Rome without making cardinals, and giving to them bishoprics,
cloisters, and thus the service of God has been prostrated. But I advise
and prelacies ; —
Pope support them from his own possessions
that fewer cardinals be made, or that the
twelve would be more than enough, and each one of them should have an annual in-
come of a thousand guilders. — In the third place, if the one-hundredth part of the Pope's'
court were allowed to remain, and ninetj'-nine parts were abolished, it would still be
large enough to give answer in matters of the faith."
After a picture of the manifold oppressions of the Church by the Pope there follows
advice for the reformation of the state Christianitj-. " 1. That ever\' prince, noble, and
city, forbid anew their own subjects to pay annates to Rome, and even abolish them.
2. Since the Pope, with his Roman practices, commendams, adjutoria, reservations, gra-
tiae expectativae, pope's monej-, incorporation, union, pensions, palls, chancerj--rules,
and such devices, draws to himself all German foundations without authoritj- or right,
and grants or sells them to strangers at Rome, who do nothing for them in Germany,
and thus robs the ordinaries of their due, and makes the bishops ciphers and puppets
therefore the Christian nobles ought to resist him, as the common enemj' and destroj-er
of Christendom, and restore to the ordinaries their rights and office. —
3. That an impe-
rial decree be issued, that no bishop's pall, or confirmation of any other dignity- be brought
from Rome but that the order of the most holy and most famous Council of Nice be
;
again established, in which it is determined that a bishop shall be instituted bj' the two
bishops nearest to him, or by the archbishop. Still, that the Pope may not complain
that he is robbed of his supremacy, it should be decreed, that where the primates or
archbishops can not settle a matter, or where a quarrel arises between them, it should
then be brought before the Pope. i. That it be decreed that no secular cause be carried
to Rome, but that all such be left to the secular power. —
For the Pope's office ought to
be this, that he be the most learned of all in Hoi}- Scripture, and in truth, not in name
onlj-, the most pious, and regulate all matters which concern the faith and hoh^ living of
Christians. Besides, the shameful extortion of officials in all benefices must be forbid-
den so that thej' maj' concern themselves only about matters of faith and good morals
; :
and leave to the secular judges all that relates to monej', goods, the bodj-, or honor.
5. That no more reservations be valid, and no fiefs be held at Rome. —
6. That the Casus
—
Reservati be also abolished. 7. That the Roman See should abolish the Officia, and
lessen the swarm of vermin at Rome, to the end that the Pope's people may be supported
—
from the Pope's own possessions. 8. That the oppressive and hateful oaths which bishops
—
are forced to take to the Pope should be done awaj- with. 9. That the Pope should have
no power over the Emperor, except to anoint and crown him at the altar, as a bishop
crowns a king and that the devilish etiquette be no longer allowed, that the Emperor
:
should kiss the Pope's feet, or sit at his feet, or, as is said, hold his stirrup, or the rein of
his palfn,-, when he mounts on horseback much less swear allegiance and true homage
:
to the Pope, as the Popes have had the demand, as though they had right to
efl^ronterj^ to
—
do so. It was the devil who invented such arrogant, haughtj-, wanton demands of the
Pope, that in due time he might bring in Antichrist, and exalt the Pope above God, as
—
man}' already do and have done. 10. That the Pope be content to withdraw his hand
from the dish, and not assume the title to the kingdom of Naples and the Sicilies. 11. —
That there be no more kissing of the Pope's foot. It is an unchristian, yea, an anti-
christian act, for a poor sinful man to let his foot be kissed \>y one who is a hundred-
fold better than himself. —
It is also an odious piece of the same scandalous pride for
the Pope to allow himself to be borne aloft b}- men, like an idol, with unheard-of pomp.
—
^
^\Tiat Christian heart can or should behold with pleasure, how the Pope, when he
wishes to communicate, sits still as a gracious lord, and has the sacrament reached to
him with a golden reed bj- a kneeling, bending cardinal (see Vol. 2, Part 2, § 61, Note
6), as though the Holj- Sacrament were not worthy that a Pope, a poor, stinking sinner,
—
ehould rise up and do honor to his God. 12. That pilgrimages to Rome be abolished, or
CHAP. I.—GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1, 1520. 45
that no one, of bis ovra notion or devotion, be allowed to go on the pilgrimage, with-
out first having a sufficient aftd honest cause, recognized bj' bis pastor, his citj'-rulers, or
his liege-lord. I do not say this because pilgrimages are wicked, but they .are not ad-
visable at this time. For at Rome will be seen no good example, but only vain hin-
—
drances. And if this reason be not enough there is one still more excellent, viz., that
simple men are thus led into false imaginations. For thej' think that such a pilgrimage
is a good work of great price, which is not the truth. —13. Next, we come to the gi'eat
multitudes who promise much and perform little. Be not angrj-, dear masters, I mean
it well in truth, it is the bitter and sweet truth — and it is this, that no more JMendicant
monasteries be allowed to be built. God help us, there are by far too many of thera
even now would to God thej' were all abolished or collected into ttvo or three places.
:
It has done no good, and never can do good, for men to run vagabond about the coun-
tiy. So it is mj' advice, that ten of them, or as many as are wanted, should be thrown
together and made into one, which being sufficiently provided, would have no occasion
to beg. And that their preaching and confessing be dispensed with, except they be re-
quested and desired by bishops and parish-priests, a church or rulers. From such preach-
ing and confessing nothing has grown but mere hatred and en\y between priests and
friars, and great trouble and hindrances to the common people. Besides this, the great
number of sects and divisions in each order must be done away with. The Pope, too,
must be forbidden to institute or confirm any more such orders ; yea, even commanded
to do awaj- with some, and reduce their nimiber. It is, in my opinion, needful, that
foundations and religious houses be reconstituted as they were at first bj- the apostles,
and a long time afterward, when thej- were all free for every one to remain there as long
as he pleased. 14. We see also how the priesthood have fallen. Manj' a poor priest is
burdened with wife and children, and a heav}' conscience, and no one attempts to help
him, if such help be possible. Let Pope and bishop proceed as they please, destroy- as
they will, I will deliver my conscience, and open ni}' mouth freely, though Pope or
bishop or any one else take offense. I let alone Pope, bishops, foundations, priests, and
monks, whom God has not instituted. If they have laid burdens on themselves, let
them bear them. I will speak of the office of Pastor, which God has instituted, to rule
a communit}- with preaching and sacraments. Liberty should be granted to pastors by
a Christian council to marrj' and avoid peril of sin. For as God himself has not bound
them, man may not and ought not to do so. There is manj- a pious pastor on vrliom
no man can laj' any other reproach than t'hat he is living scandalously with a woman.
Both of them, however, have fixed in their mind that they will always abide with each
other in true wedded troth. If they can do this with a safe conscience, although per-
haps in public they will have to bear scandal, in the sight of God they are certainlj-
married. And here I say that if they are thus minded, and so live as quite to deliver
their consciences, let him take her as his wedded wife, keep her, and live honorably
with her as a husband, without regarding whether the Pope approve or disapprove,
whether it be against spiritual or carnal law. The salvation of thj- soul is of more value
than t3-rannical, arbitrary, wanton laws, which are not necessary for holiness, nor com-
manded bj' God." 15. This is against reservations of the heads of many cloisters, as a
result of which thefr subordinates could receive of them absolution only in cases of mor-
tal sin. In consequence thej- often did not make confession at all. 16. "It would
also be necessary to abolish anniversaries, celebrations, and masses for souls, or at least
diminish them, for we see plainly that nothing but ridicule results from them, and that
thej- are onlj- kept for money, eating, and drinking. 17. Certain penalties and punish-
ments of ecclesiastical law must also be abolished, especially the interdict, which, with-
out doubt, was invented by the evil spirit. Excommunication must only be used where
Scripture appoints it to be used, that is, against those who do not hold the true faith, or
Uve in open sin, not for temporal possessions. The other pains and penalties, suspen-
sion, irregularitj', aggravation, re-aggravation, deposition, lightnings, thunder, cursing,
damning, and Avhat more of such inventions there may be, should all be buried ten ells
deep in the ground, that even the name and recollection of them may no longer be upon
the earth. 18. That all festivals be abolished, and only Sunday retained. But if it is
desired to keep the festivals of our ladj' and the great saints, they should all be trans-
ferred to Sunday, or only observed in the morning at mass, so that afterward the whole
daj' may be a work daj-. The reason is,that as the abuse is now kept up with drinking,
playing, idleness, and all kinds of sin, we anger God more upon the holj' daj's than on
the others. And first of all, the consecration of the churches should be wholly given
up, since they are nothing else but pot-house daj'S, fairs, and play-days. ID. That the
degree of relationship within which marriage is forbidden should be altei'ed, as in the
case of sponsorship, to the third and fourth degree : so that, where the Pope of Rome
can dispense for monej- and sell his dispensations scandalously-, every priest may dis-
pense gratis and for the good of souls. Yea, would to God, that all which must be
bought at Rome, tlie same might be done and granted by anj' priest without paj'ment,
as, for instance, indulgence, indulgence-brief, butter-brief, mass-brief; with the confes-
sionalia and whatever more of trickery there be at Rome. Likewise, that fasts should
be free to every man's choice, and food of all kinds allowed, as the Gospel prescribes.
20. That the outlying chapels and field churches should be leveled to the ground, since
it is to them that the new pilgrimages go. 21. It is one of the greatest needs tiiat all
mendicancy be abolished in Christendom every town can support its own poor. 22.
;
It should also be considered, that the number of masses in cathedral and monastic foun-
dations are not onlj- of little use, but arouse God's great anger so it were profitable to ;
found no more of them, but to discontinue many of those already instituted. Neither
must it anj- more be tlie case that one person possess more than one preferment or ben-
efice. 23. The fraternities, also indulgences, indulgence-briefs, butter-briefs, mass-briefs,
dispensations, and whatever there be of this kind, should all be droMnied and abolished.
My friend, thou hast entered at thy baptism upon a brotherhood with Christ, all the an-
gels, saints, and Christian men on earth hold this fast, and carrj' it out, and yon will
;
have enough of fraternities. Espcciallj' all papal embassies, with their faculties which
they s'ell to us for great sums, shall be chased out of German land, for they are manifest
trickeiy. As they are here, they take money and make unrigliteous gains right, dissolve
oaths, vows, and compacts, break, and teach men to break, troth and faith pledged be-
tween man and man, and saj- that the Pope has power to do this. If there were no other
wicked device to prove that tlie Pope is the real antichrist, this alone would be enough
to prove it. 21. It is high time that, once for all, with zeal and sincerity, we take up
the cause of the Bohemians, and unite ourselves with them, and them with us. In the
first place, we must honestly confess the truth, that John Huss and Jerome of Prague
were burned to death at Constance in defiance of the Papal, Christian, Imperial safe-
conduct and word of honor, and so it was done against tlie commandment of God. I
will not here judge John Huss's articles, nor fight about his errors, though my under-
standing has never j-et found anj- thing erroneous in him. I will only say this, that
were he a heretic, as wiclced as ever he could be, he was still burned unrighteously and
against the law of God, and the Bohemians should not be compelled to approve such a
deed. Heretics should be conquered with Scripture, as the ancient fathers used to do,
not with fire. If the art of convincing heretics bj' fire were the right one, then the ex-
ecutioners would be the most learned doctors upon earth." Pious §nd prudent bishops
and learned men should be sent to Bohemia, to inform themselves as to the belief of the-
people, and attempt a union of all sects. The Bohemians should then at once elect an
Archbishop of Prague, who should see to it tliat thej' walk uprightly' in the faith and
word of God, -n-ithout wishing to impose upon them all Roman doctrines and usages.
" If I knew that the Picards held no error in the sacrament of the altar, except that they
believed bread and wine were truly and naturally present, and yet under tliese the true
body and blood of Christ, I would not refuse tliem, but suffer them to come under the
Bishop of Prague. For it is not an article of faith, that bread and wine are not essen-
tiallj' and naturally present in the sacrament this is a fanc}- of St. Thomas and the
;
Pope but it is an article of the faith, that in the natural bread and wine the body and
;
blood of Christ are truly present. Thus the opinions of botli sides should be tolerated
until they agree meanwhile there is no danger in j'our believing that bread either is
;
01' is not present. For we must tolerate many customs and ordinances which are not
—
1520, he issued his Praeludium De Captivitate Babylonica

Ecclesiae, upon the Catholic doctrine of the sacraments.^^
injurious to the faith. But if they think otherwise, I would rather have them stay out
till thej- subscribe the truth. The temporal possessions which belonged to the Church
should not be demanded again witli overmuch strictness. 25. The universities also re-
What are the universities, except gymnasia ephehorum et
quire a right strict reform.
tjraecae fjloriae^where a free life is led, a little holy writ and Christian faith taught,
where the blind, heathenish master, Aristotle, alone holds swaj-, more even than Christ.'
For this miserable man teaclies in his best book, De Anima, that the soul is mortal with
the bod}-, though manj' persons have tried with vain words to rescue him from this re-
proach. In like manner his Ethics is more directly opposed to the grace of God and
Christian virtue than any other book, but still it is reckoned as one of the best. I could
well endure that Aristotle's books on Logic, Rhetoric, and Poetry be retained, or that
abridgments of them be used with advantage to exercise j'oung men in speaking and
preaching well. But the comments and divisions must be done away and as Cicero's ;
Rhetorica is without comment and divisions, so should Aristotle's Logic be read uniform!}-
without such large comments. But now neither speaking nor preaching is taught from
it, and notliing comes from it but disputations and weariness. I would let the physicians
reform tlieir own faculties the jurists and theologians I take into mj- own hands, and
;
I say to the former, it were good if ecclesiastical law, from the first letter to the last,
were thoroughlj^ razed to the ground, especiallj' the decretals. As to the secular law,
God help us, what a wilderness it has become although it is much better and more in-
!
genious and more honest than ecclesiastical law, still, far too much has been made of
it. —My friends, the theologians, have kept out of toil and labor, let the Bible alone,
and read the Sententiae. I think the Sententiae should be the beginning for young di-
vines, and the Bible remain for the doctors but the order is inverted, the Bible is the
:
first book introduced with the bachelor's degree, and the Sententiae the last, which
—
abide with the doctorate for ever. The number of books must be diminished, and the
best read. For manj- books do not make a man learned, nor much reading; but good
ones, and often read, however little they be, make a man learned in Scripture and f)ious
withal. ^Before all things else, in the higher and lower schools, the chiefest and com-
monest reading should bo the Holy Scriptures, and for j'oung boj-s the Gospel. And
would to God everj- town had, besides, a girls' school, in which the maidens might hear
the Gospel one hour in ever}' day." 2G. The Pope has unjustly deprived the Greek em-
peror of the Roman Empire, and granted it to the Germans, but only to bring them un-
der his yoke. " So let the Pope give up Rome, and all he has of the Empire, leave our
country free from his intolerable treasure-seeking and extortion, give us back our free-
dorii, power, goods, honor, body and soul, and let there be an Empire, such as an Em-
pire should be, to the end that he may make good his words and professions." 27. On
secular transgressions ; against too costly clothing, excess in foreign, spices, usury, glut-
tony and drunkenness, common brothels. Conclusion: "I sec very well that I have
sung in a higli strain, proposed much that will seem impossible, assailed many things
too sharply but what should I do ? I am bound to speali if I had the power I would
; ;
act thus. I had rather the world were angry with me than God man can never do :
more than take away my life. Until now I had offered peace to my enemies but, as I ;
see, God has compelled me through them to open my mouth wider and wider. Although —
I also know, as my cause is just, that it must be condemned on earth, and only justified
—
by Christ in heaven. Therefore let it be zealousl}- gone into, be they pope, bishops,
priests, monks, or learned men they are the right people to persecute the truth as they
:
always have done. God grant us all a Christian understanding, and especially to the
Christian nobles of the German nation, a true spiritual courage to do the best for the
poor churches. Amen."
*' T. ii. Jen. fol. 259 ss. Fol. 2G0, b. Principio neganda, mihi sunt septem Sacramenta,
et tantum iria pro tempore ponenda, baptismus, poenitentia, panis, et haec omnia esse
— — .
"
per Romanam Curiam nobis in miserabilera captivitatem ducta, Ecclesiamque sua tota
libertate spoliatam. Quamquam, si usu scripturae loqui velim, non nisi unum sacra-
mentum habeani, et tria signa sacramentalia. Fol. 262, b. Concludo itaque, negare
utramque speciem impium et tj-rannicum, nee in manu ullius Angeli, nedum
laicis, esse
Papae et Concilii cujuscunqiic. Prima ergo captivitas hujus Sacramenti est quoad ejus
substantiam sou integritatem, quam nobis abstulit Romana tj'rannis. Non quod pec-
cent in Christum, qui una specie utuntur —
sed quod illi peccant, qui hoc arbitrio volen-
:
tibus iiti prohibent utramque dari culpa non est in laicis sed sacerdotibus.
: Itaque non —
hoc ago, ut vi rapiatur utraque species, quasi necessitate praecepti ad earn cogamur, sed
conscientiam instruo, ut patiatur quisque tyrannidem Romanam, sciens sibi raptum per
vim jus suum in Sacramento propter peccatum suum. Tantum hoc volo, ne quis Roma-
nam tj-rannidem justificet, quasi recte fecerit, unam speciem laicis prohibens, sed detes-
temur earn, nee consentiamus ei. Tamen feramus earn non aliter, ac si apud Turcam
essemus captivi, ubi neutra specie liceret uti. Altera captivitas ejusdem Saci-amenti
mitior est, quod ad conscientiam spectat, sed quam multo omnium periculosissimum
sit tangere, neduni damnare. Hie Viglephista, et sexcentis nominibus haereticus ero.
Quid turn ? Postquam Romanus Episcopus Episcopus esse desiit, et tyrannus factus est,
non formido ejus universa decreta, cujus scio non esse potestatem, articulos novos fidei
condendi, nee Concilii quidem generalis. Dedit mihi quondam, cum theologiam scho-
lasticam haurirem, occasionem cogitandi D. Cardinalis Cameracensis libro Sententiarum
IV. acutissime disputans, multo probabilius esse, et minus superfluorum miraculorum
poni, si in altari verus panis verumque vinum, non autem sola accidentia esse adstrue-
rentur, nisi Ecclesia determinasset contrarium. Postea videns, quae esset Ecclesia, quae
hoc determinasset, nempe Thomistica h. e. Aristotelica, audacior factus sum, et qui inter
saxum et sacrum haerebam, tandem stabilivi conscientiam meam sententia priore, esse
videlicet verum panem verumque vinum, in quibus Christi vera caro verusque sanguis
non aliter nee minus sit, quam illi sub accidentibus suis ponunt. Quod feci, quia vidi
Thomistarum opiniones, sive probentur a Papa, sivo a Concilio, manere opiniones, nee
fieri articulos fidei, etiamsi Angelus de coelo aliud statueret. Nam quod sine Scripturis
asseritur, aut revelatione probata, opinari licet, credi non est necesse. Permitto itaque, —
qui volet, utramque opinioneni tenere hoe solum nimc ago, ut scrupulos conscientia-
;
rum de medio tollam, ne quis se reum haereseos metuat, si in altari verum panem ve-
rumque vinum esse crediderit. Sed liberurn esse sibi sciat, citra periculum salutis alter-
utrum imaginari, opinari et credere, cum sit hie nulla necessitas fidei. Ego tamen meam
—
nunc prosequor sententiam. Est autem meae sententiae ratio magna imprimis ilia,
—
quod verbis divinis non est ulla facienda vis, sed quantum fieri potest, in simplissima
significatione servanda sunt, et nisi manifesta circumstantia cogat, extra grammaticam
et propriam accipienda non sunt, ne detur adversariis occasio, iniiversam Scripturam
eludendi. — Fol. 264, b. Tcrtia captivitas ejusdem Sacramenti est longe impiissimus ille
abusus, quo factum est, ut fere nihil sit hodie in Ecclesia receptius ac magis persuasum,
quam Missam esse opus bonum et sacrijiciuni. Qui abusus delude inundavit intinitos alios
abusus, donee fide sacramenti penitus extincta meras uundinas, cauponationes et quaes-
tuarios quosdam contractus Sacramento fecerint. Ilinc participatioues, frater-
e divino
nitates, suffragia, merita, anniversaria, memoriae, et id genus ncgotiorum in Ecclesia
venduntur, emuntur, paciscuntur, componuntur pendetque in his universa alimonia
;
sacerdotum et monachorum. Fol. 265, b. — Est itaque Missa secundum substantiam

suam proprie nihil aliud, quam verba Christi praedicta: Accipite et 7nanducate, etc., ac
si dicat : ecce o homo peccator et damnatus, ex mera gratuitaque charitate, qua diligo
te, sic volente misericordiarum Patre, his verbis promitto tibi, ante omne meritum et
votum tuum, remissionem omnium peecatorum tuorum, et vitam aeternam. Et ut cer-

tissimus de hac mea promissione irrevocabili sis, corpus meum tradam, et sanguinem
fund.im, morte ipsa banc promissionem confirmaturus, et utrumque tibi in signum et
memorials ejusdem promissionis relicturus. Quod cum frequentaveris, mei memor sis,
banc meam in te eharitatem et largitatem praedices et laudes, et gratias agas. Ex qui-
bus vides, ad Missam digne habendam aliud non requiri, qnam fulem, quae huic promis-
sioiii fideliter nitatur, Christum in his suis verbis veracem credat, et sibi haec immensa
bona esse donata non dubitet. Ad banc fidem mox sequetur sua sponte dulcissimus
afFectus cordis, quo dilatatur et iiMpinguatur spiritus bominis (haec est charitas, per
Spiritum sanctum in fide Cbristi donata), ut in Christum, tarn largum et benignum tes-
—
tatorem, rapiatur, fiatque penitus alius et novus homo. Quin quod deploramus, in hac
captivitate omni studio cavetur bodie, ne verba ilia Cbristi ullus laicus audiat, quasi
sacratiora, quam ut vulgo tradi debeant. —
Neque enim Deus aliter cum hominibus un-
quam egit, aut agit, quam verbo promissionis. Rursus nee nos cum Deo unquam agere
aliter possumus (\\iixxa jide in verhum promissionis ejus. Opera ille nihil curat, nee eis
indiget. —
Fol. 268. Unde manifestus et impius error est, Missam pro peccatis, pro satis-
factionibus, pro defunctis, aut quibuscunque necessitatibus suis aut aliorum offerre seu ap-
plicare. Quod facillime intelligis esse evidentissime,verum, si firmiter teneas, Missam
esse promissionem divinam, quae nulli prodesse, nulli applicari, nuUi suffragari, nulli
—
communicari potest, nisi ipsi credenti soli propria fide. Fol. 270, b. De Sacramento
baptismi. Ubi virtutem baptism! in parvulis not potuit Satan extinguere, praevaluit
tamen, ut in omnibus adultis extingueret, ut jam fere nemo sit, qui sese baptisatum re-
cordetur, nedum glorietur, tot repertis aliis viis remittendorum peccatorum et in coelum
veniendi. Praebuit his opinionibus occasionem verbum illud periculosum divi Hiero-
nj-mi, sive male positum, sive male intellectum, quo poenitentiam appellat secundam
post naufragium tabulam, quasi baptismus non sit poenitentia. Ilinc enim, ubi in pcc-
catum lapsi fuerint, de prima tabula seu nave desperantes velut amissa, secundae tan-
tum incipiunt niti et fidere tabulae i. e. poeuitentiae. Hinc nata sunt votorum, religio-
num, operum, satisfactionum, peregrinationum, indulgentiarum, sectarum infinita ilia
onera, et de iis maria ilia librorum, quaestionum, opinionum, traditionum humanarum,
quos totus mundus jam non capit, ut incomparabiliter pejus habeat Ecclesiam Dei ea
tjTannis, quam unquam habuit Synagogam aut ullam nationem sub coelo. Fol. 272, b. —
Baptismus neminem justificat, nee uUi prodest, sed fides in verbum promissionis, cui
additur baptismus. —Fol. 273, b. Nunquam fit baptismus irritus, donee desperans redire
ad salutem nolueris aberrare quidem poteris ad tempus a signo, sed non ideo irritum
:
est signum. Ita semel es baptisatus sacramentaliter, sed semper baptisandus fide sem- ;
per moriendum, semperque vivendum. Baptismus totum corpus absorbuit, et rursus

edidit ita res baptismi totam vitam tuam cum corpore et anima absorbere debet, et
:
—
reddere in novissimo die indutam stola claritatis et immortalitatis. Hanc gloriam liber-
tatis nostrae, et hanc scientiam baptismi esse hodie captivani, cui possumus referre ac-
ceptum, quam uni tj-rannidi Romani Pontificis —
Ipse solum id agit, ut suis decretis et
!
juribus opprimat, et in potestatis suae tj'rannidem captives illaqueet. Obsecro, quo

—
jure Papa super nos constituit leges ? Quis dedit ei potestatem captivandae hujus
nostrae libertatis per baptismum nobis donatae ? Unum, ut dixi, nobis in tota A'ita
agendum est propositura, ut baptisemur i. e. mortificemur et vivamus per fidem Cbristi,
quam et unice doctam oportuit, maxime a summo Pastore. At nunc, tacita fide, infini-
tis legibus operum et ceremoniarum extincta est Ecclesia, ablata virtus et scientia bap-
tismi, impedita fides Cbristi. Dico itaque neque Papa, neque Episcopus, neque ullus
:
hominum habet jus unius syllabae constituendae super Christianum hominem, nisi id fiat ejus-
dem consensu: quidquid aliter fit, tjTannico spiritu fit. Ideo orationes, jejunia, donati-
ones, et quaecunque tandem Papa in universis suis decretis, tam multis quam iniquis,
statuit et exigit, prorsus nullo jure exigit et statuit, peccatque in libertatem Ecclesiae
toties, quoties aliquid horum attentaverit. — Fol. 274, b. Unum hie addo, quod utinam
cunctis queam persuadere, i. e., ut vota prorsus omnia tollerentur aut vitarentur, sive
sint religionum, sive peregi'inationum, sive quorumcunque operum, maneremusque iu
libertate religiosissima et operosissima baptismi. Dici non potest, quantum detrahat
baptismo, et obscuret scientiam libertatis Christianae opinio ilia votorum plus nimio
Celebris. Ut interim taceam infanda etiam eaque infinita pericula animarura, quae vo-
—
vendi ista libido, inconsultaque temeritas quotidie auget. Fol. 275. Ego sane non pro-
hibuerim nee repugnaverim, si quis privatim arbitrio suo quippiam velit vovere, ne vota
penitus contemnam aut damneni, sed publicum vitae genus hinc statui et confirmari,
omnino dissuaserim. Fol. 275, b. Quare consulo primum magnatibus Ecclesiarum, ut
omnia ista vota seu vitas votariorum toUant, vel non probent et extollant. Nulli sua- —
VOL. IV. 4
:
50 FOURTH PERIOD,—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
deo, irao omnibus dissuadeo ingressum cujuscunque religionis aut sacerdotii, nisi sit ea
scientia praemunitus, ut intelligat, opera quantumlibet sacra et ardua religiosorum et
sacerdotum in oculis Dei prorsus nihil distare ab operibus rustic! in agro laborantis, aut
mulieris in domo sua curantis ; sed sola fide omnia apud eum mensurari. Ex his duos —
insignes errores Eomani Pontificis cognoscimus. Prior, quod dispensat in votis, facit-
que id, quasi solus prae omnibus Christianis habeat auctoritatem. Si enim votum dis- —
pensari potest, quilibet frater cum proximo, et ipse secum dispensare potest. Posterior, —
quod rursus decernit, matrimonium dirimi, si alter altero etiam invito monasterium in-
grediatur nondum consummato matrimonio. Fol. 276, b. De Sacramento poenitentiae
Primum hujus Sacramenti et capitale malum est, quod Sacramentum ipsum in totum
aboleverunt, ne vestigio quidem ejus relicto. Xam cum et ipsum, sicut et alia duo,
constet verbo promissionis divinae et fide nostra, utrumque subverterunt. verbum Xam
promissionis, ubi Christus dicit Matth. xvi., Qaodcunque ligaveris, etc., quibus provo- —
catur fides poenitentium pro remissione peccatorum impetranda, suae tyrannidi apta-
verunt. Universis enim suis libris, studiis, sermonibus non hoc egerunt, ut docerent,
quid Christianis in his verbis promissum esset, quid credere deberent, et quantum con-
solationis haberent, sed quam late, longe, profunde ipsi potentia et violentia tj-rannisa-
rent.— Xon hoc contenta Babylonia nostra fidem quoque adeo extinxit, ut impudenti
fronte earn negaret necessariam esse in Sacramento isto, imo antichristica impietate de-
finiret, haeresim esse, si fidem necessariam quis esse assereret. —
Obliteratis itaque ac
subversis, promissione et fide, videamus, quid substituerint in locum earum. Tres par-
tes dederunt poenitentiae, contritionem, confessionem, satisfactionem, sed sic, ut in sin-
gulis si quid boni inesset toUerent, et in eisdem quoque suam libidinem et tyrannidem
constituerent. He repeats here what he had already taught in the Sermon on Indulgence
and Grace (see Note 13, above), in the Resolutiones Disput. Concl. 26. 7 (Note 22), and
the Sermon on the Sacrament of Penance (Note 36). Then he treats, one after another,
of the other Sacraments, and shows that they are not founded on the Word of God, but
are inventions of men. With regard to marriage he inveighs, fol. 280, against arbitrarj-
impediments to marriage, and, fol. 281, against separation without dissolution of the
marriage. Fol. 284, de Sacramento Extremae Unctionis. With regard to the principal
passage in support of it, James v. 14 Ego autem dico, si uspiam deliratum est, hoc loco
:
praecipue deliratum est. Omitto enim, quod hanc epistolam non esse Apostoli Jacobi,
nee apostolico spiritu dignam, multi valde probabiliter asserant, licet consuetudine auc-
toritatem, cujuscunque sit, obtinuerit. Tamen si etiam esset Apostoli Jacobi, dicerem,
non licere Apostolum sua auctoritate sacramentum instituere, i. e., divinam promissio-
nem cum adjuncto signo dare. Hoc enim ad Christum solum pertinebat. Nusquam —
autem legitur in Evangelio unctionis istius extremae sacramentum. Sed missa facia-
mus, et ista Apostoli, sive quisque fuerit epistolae auctor, ipsa videamus verba, et simul
\-idebimus, quam nihil ea observaverint, qui sacramenta auxerunt. Cur faciunt ipsi —
extremam et singularem unctionem ex ea, quam Apostolus voluit esse generalem ? Ab- —
solute dicit: si quis infirmatur, non dicit: si quis moritur. —
Apostolus in hoc ungi et
orari praecipit, ut iufirmus sanetur et allevietur :
— illi contra dicunt, non esse dandam
unctionem, nisi discessuris h. e. ut non sanentur et allevientur. — TJlterius si unctio ista
sacramentum est, debet sine dubio esse, ut dicunt, eflicax signum ejus, quod signat et
promittit. At sanitatem et restitutionem infirmi promittit :
—
quis autem non videt, hanc
—
promissionera in paucis, imo nullis impleri ? Quare hanc imctiouem eandem ego esse
arbitror, quae Marci vi de Apostolis scribitur et ungebant oleo multos aegrotos, et sana-
;
bant : ritum scilicet quendam primitivae Ecclesiae, quo miracula faciebant super infir-
rais, qui jamdudum deficit. — —
Jacobus promissionem sanitatis et remissionis peccatorum
—
non tribuit unctioni, sed orationi fidei. Prorsus non est dubium, si hodie quoque talis
oratio fieret super infirmum, i. e. a senioribus, gravioribus et Sanctis viris, plena fide,
sanari quotquot vellemus. —

Fides enim quid non posset ? Fol. 285, b. Sunt praeterea
nonuulla alia, quae inter sacramenta %ideantur censeri posse, nempe omnia Ula, quibus
facta est promissio divina, qualia stmt oratio, verbum, crux. —
Proprie tamen ea sacra-
menta vocari visum est, quae annexis signis promissa sunt. Caetera, quia signis alligata
non sunt, nuda promissa sunt. Quo fit, ut, si rigide loqui volumus, tantum duo sint in Ec
;
The bull of condemnation^^ against Luther, prepared in Rome,

clesiaDei sacramenta, Baptismus et Panis, cum in liis solis et institutum divinitus signuni
etpromissiouemreraissionispeccatorumvidearaus. Nampoeiiitentiaesacramentum, quod
ego his duobus accensui, sigao visibili et divinitus instituto caret, et aliud non esse dixi,
quam viam ac reditum ad baptismum. Conclusion, Fol. 286 Auditum audio, paratas
:
esse denuo in me bullas et diras papisticas, quibus ad revocationem urgear, aut haereticus
declarer. Quae si vera sunt, liunc libellum volo partem esse revocatiouis meae futurae, ne
suam tjTannidem frustra inflatam querantiu". Reliquam partem propediem editurus sum
talem Christo propitio, qualeni hactenus non viderit nee audierit Romana sedes, obedi-
entiam meam abunde testaturus in nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi, Amen.
^- Domine, in Raynaldus Ami. 1520, no. 51, and elsewhere. At the
Tlie bull Exurge,
end of Hutten published it with some biting comments thej' may be found,
this j'ear :
with the bull, in Vol. i. Jen. fol. 474 and in Hutten's Werke, edited by Miinch, iv. 1.
;
Luther's works, from which 41 articles were condemned as heretical, were to be burned
Luther and his adherents were to recant within 60 days, or else suffer according to the
existing laws against heretics. Compare the letter of a Roman, of Jan., 1521, in Riede-
rer's Nachrichten zur Kirchen- Gelehrten- u. Buchergeschichte, i. 179 : Scias, neminem
Romae esse, si saltern sapiat, qui non certo certius sciat, et cognoscat, Martinum in plu-
rimis veritatem dicere : verum boni ob tyrannidis metum dissimulant, mali vero, quia
veritatem audire coguntur, insaniunt. Inde illorum oritur indignatio pariter et metus,
valde enim timent, ne res latius serpat. Haec causa fuit, cur Bulla tam atrox emana-
verit, multis bonis et prudentibus viris reclamantibus, qui suadebant, maturius consu-
lendum, et Martino potius modestia et rationibus, quam detestationibus occiu-rendum

esse. — Sed \-icit indignatio et metus: asserebant enim factionis ejusce principes, non
decere Rom. Pont, unicuique vilissimo homunculo rationem reddere debere, sed potius
contra pertinaces vi utendum esse, ne ceteri quoque similia auderent. Adducebant Jo.
Hus et discipulum ejus Hieronymum, quorum poenam multos a simili hucusque temeri-
tate deterruisse ajebant. Nisi igitur Martinus eadem via cocirceretur, procul dubio mul-
tos similia ausuros. Fuere autem consilii hujus principaliores Cardinalis Cajetanus,
parum Germanis favens, quia, ut ipse putabat, non tam honorifice, ut decebat, ab lis
—
susceptus et muueratus fuisset. Compertum igitur se habere dicebat, nisi igae et gladio
Germani compescerentur, omnino jugum Rom. Ecclesiae excussuros. Accedebat Syl-
vester ille Prierias, et tota Praedicatorum factio, praecipue Capnionis inimici, qui nimi-
am Pontiiicis bonitatem incusabant, asserentes, si
pridem Capnionis ausibus via regali
obviasset, nunquam Martinum hacque occasione sententiam con-
talia fuisse ausuriim,
tra libellum Capnionis extorserunt, quamvis paulo ante Pontifex quosdam exhortatus
fuisset, ut Talmut imprimerent, ac ideo privilegiis exornasset. —
Colonienses quoque ac
Lovanienses, nee non plerique alii theologi Germani clanculum quotidie causam sollici-
tabant, omnimodam victoriam promittentes, uti tantum Romana signa (h, e. bullae
plumbatae tenubiles) fulsissent, sed et Principes quosdam Germanos talia quoque pro-
—
curasse dicunt. Super omnia vero mercator ille Fuckerus, qui plurimum ob pecunias
Romae potest, utpote quern numorum regem vocare sclent, Pontificem et suae factionis
homines exacerbavit, non tantum invidia ductus, sed etiam de quaestu suo ac benefici-
orum mercatura soUicitus, plurimorura Principum favorem Pontifici promittens, ulii
vim contra Martinum intentaret, ac ejusce rei causa Eckium ilium suum Romani misit,
non ineptum Curiae Rom. instrumentum, si temuleutia abesset nam temeritate, auda- :
cia,mendaciis, simulatione, adulatione et caeteris vitiis Curiae aptis egregie pollet.

Yeruni sola obstabat ebrietas, Italis, ut nosti, perquam odiosa, sed et banc favor et po-
tentia Fucktri conciliavit, et in virtutem convertit, nee defuere, qui illi applauderent,
nil magis Germanos temulentos, quam temuleutum decere legatum, asserentes, temeri-
tatemque temeritate retundendam esse dicentes. Cumque coUega sibi quaereretur simi-
lis, ad Aleandrum tandem deventum est, egregium profecto Oratorum par, et causae
perquam conveniens, impudentiaque, temeritate et vitae flagitiis simile. Nemo enim

bonus, imo nemo sanae mentis Germanae nationis tale onus suscepisset, et si qui erant,
qui forsitan libenter suscepissent, timore tamen et periculi magnitudine deteiTebantur.
:
15th June, 1520, appeared more like an instrument of personal

hatred, since Dr. Eck was intrusted with its publication,^^ and
arbitrarily extended its application to several friends of Luther
mentioned by name.^* In Germany the bull was received with
almost universal antipathy, in some places with open resistance.?^
Fuit impedimento sub initium Aleandro genus judaicum, sed et illud cum ebrietate
Eckii compensatum fuit. — Omnes igitur nervos Pontifex cum suis intendet, ut Luthe-
rum perdat, ac ejus doctrinam, tanquam Rom. Curiae, non Christianis, perniciosam ex-
tinguat, et, ni fallor, in regio isto vestro conventu (Diet of Worms) nil potius, quara de
Luthero, tractabitur, qui nobis plus obesse videtur, quam Turcus. Sollicitabitur igitur
aetas Caesaris minis, precibus, blanditiisque fictis. Sollicitabuntur Germani laudibus
majorum, muneribus et promissis. — Quod
minus haec succedent, Caesarem depone-
si
mus, populos a subjectione debita liberabimus alium, qui nobis placet, in locum suum
:
eligemus, seditionem inter Germanos, quemadmodum nunc inter Hispanos, concitabi-

mus Galium, Anglum et omnes terrae Reges ad arma convocabimus, ac nihil praeter-
;
mittemus, quod antecessores nostri contra Caesares et Reges non infeliciter facere con-
sueverunt tantum ut voti compotes evadere valeamus, nihil pensi apud nos erit, non
:
Christus, neque fides, pietas, honestas, probitas, dummodo tj-rannis nostra sit salva.
*^ See Walch, xv., 1675. J. B. Riederer's Bej'trag zu den Reformationisurkunden
betr. die Handel, welche D. Eck bej- Publication der piipstl. Bulle wider den sel. D.
Luther i. J. 1520 erreget hat, aus grosstentheils ungedruckten Nachrichten berausgege-
ben. Altdorf, 1762. 4 (under the new title Geschichte der durch Publ. d. papstl. Bulle
wider D. M. L. i. J. 1520 erregten Unruhen. Altdorf u. Niirnberg, 1776. 4). Supple-
mentary matter may be found in Riederer's Nachrichten, i. 167, 318, 438, ii., 54, 179,
321. —
On the haughtiness of Eck's demeanor see Erasmi Responsio Nervosa ad Albert-
um Pium, ann. 1529, in v. d. Hardt, Hist. Lit. Reform, i. 169 Plus invidiae conflavit :
pontificio nomini Cajetani libellus, nimis officiose scriptus, quam Lutheri convicia. Nee
parum offecit ejus opinion! 6nrX(afxaTo<p6po^ ille (Eck), tarn insolenter se gerens, doctis
ac magis (jnagnis ?) etiam minitans, et omnia suis f iimis complens. Dixit apud me
Pontifex Romanus tot duces, tot comites saepe dejecit, facile dejiciet tres pediculoses gram-
matistas. Idem alias dixit : Pontifex potest dicere Caesari Carolo : tii es cerdo. Utrum
hoc est tueri nominis dignitatem, an sinistre praedicando in odium pertrahere?
pontifieii
Hujus coUega (Jerome Aleander) dixit apud me bene inveniemus ilium ducem Federi-
:
ciini ; idque prorsus eo vultu, quo solent tetrici literatores pueris minari virgas. Even
Pallavicini, Hist. Cone. Trid. lib. 1, cap. 20, blames the choice of Eck for the publica-
tion of the bull.
"* To Carlstadt and Dolscius in Wittemberg, John Sylvius Egranus, pastor in Zwick-
au, Bernhard Adelmann v. Adelmannsfelden, canon of Augsburg, Bilibald Pirkheimer
and Lazarus Spengler at Nurenberg.
65 Compare Miltitz's letter to the elector Frederick, Leipsick, on the Wednesday after
Michaelmas, 1520 (at the end of Tentzel's Hist. Bericht v. d. Ref. Lutheri, herausgeg.
v. Cyprian Th. i. s. 439) " Erhub mich ken Leipzk zu reiten, also fund ich Doctorem
:
Echium mit einem grossem Geschrey und Pochen, underliess nicht, hat ihn zu Gast, zu
erfahren, was sein Fiirnehmen und Wille ware. He traugt flugs und leichtfertig, hub
an von seinen Befehlen zu reden, wie he Doctorem Martinum lernen wulde, wit sihrn
spitzen Worten saget, dass he hatt die babestliche Bulle zu Meissen am XXIten Tage
Sept., zu Mersburg am XXV., zu Brandenburg am XXIX. publiciren und anschlagen
lasseu. —
Nicht angesehen das Geleit und seine Bulle haben gute fromme Kinder itzo
die Michaelis ah 10 Orten angeschlagen, welches ich Ew. Chiu'f. Gn. och ein Copia
zuschicke, und dorneben gedraut, dass Echius hat mussen ins Closter zum Paulern flie-
—
gen, und darf sich nicht schauen lassen. Sie haben ein Lied von ihm gemacht, und
singens uf der Gassen. He ist hoch bekommert, der Muth und das Pochen ist ihm ge-
leget, man schribt ihm alle Tage sintz briff in Closter, und sagen ihm Leibes und Guts
;
CHAP. I.— GERaiAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1520. 53
The elector Frederick the "Wise, to whom it was presented at Co-

logne in the beginning of November,^^ confirmed by an interview
with Erasmus,^' persisted in his demand for an impartial investi-
ab. Es sind och iiber 50 Studenten von Wittenberg do, die sich unniltz machen uf ihn.
— Ich hab Echio gesaget, dass he Unrecht gethan hat, die Bulle zu publiciren, dieweile
die Sache in einer gutlichen friedlichen Handlung mit ihm gestandeA ; sullt billig mir
vor geschrieben haben, was ich in der Sachen gehandelt hatt, zu forsteien. Schweig he
stille, und ersoftzte, dass ihm led dobey ist. Ich kanns Ew. Churf. Gn. nicht schreiben,
wie grausam man wider ihn ist. Ich hab gross Sorg, der Salvoconduct wird nicht hel-
fen, he wird derschlagen." Soon after he wrote (ibid. s. 453): " Eckius ist zu Leipzig
entrunnen in der Nacht uf Freiburg zu, imd die Stadtknecht zu Leipzig reiten mit den
Bullen im Land um." At Erfurt a handbill appeared (see Riederer's Eine iiberaus sel-
tene Reformationsurkunde, intimatio Erphurdiana pro M. Luther Altkorf, 1761, also in
the Neue Bej'trage von theolog. Sachen, 1761, s. 520) Conclusum est, optimi lectores,
:
longa post consilia impia et haeretica ab impiis quibusdam Scribis et Pharisaeis contra —
M. Lutherum, theologum acutissimum ita ut jam inspirante diabolo afRgendae sint lite-
;
rae publico conspectui, quibus praefati Luciferiani nuntii etiam excommunicando dic-
tum Martinum ultra Tartara detrudere conantur. Nos vero almae Universitatis Magis-
tri, Baccalaurii, theologicae veritatis professores —
docemus et profitemur praesentium
tenore, Martinum —
bene et prorsus christiane hucusque scripsisse. Quamobrem vos
omnes et singuli, nostrae dictae Universitatis gremiales, qui veritatem Christi — amatis,
— consurgite, agite animosius in verbo Christi, defendendo, pugiles resistite, reclamate,
immo manibus pedibusque rabidissimis illius Martini praedicti obtrectatoribus — repug-
nate. Verum quo pacto repugnandum sit, aniraadvertite. Quam primum tyrannica
ilia et plus quam diabolica excommunicatio papistica, licet injustissima, adversus inno-
centem Martinum et ejus adhaerentes valvis nostris affixa fuerit, turmatim accedite, —
has ipsas daemonisticas excommunicationes in minimas particulas dilacerantes, discer-
pite, in altisissimis veritatis zelatorem, Christum inquam, confidentes. Insupar et ex- —
—
hortamur in domino Jesu Christo, quatenus illam impiam et haereticam, Ecciana fac-
tione excogitatam bullam Papisticam —
variis depingatis coloribus etiam nominatim
Bcriptis perstringatis :
—decernentes, omnes
illos insectandos, qui maxima ducti impu-
dentia — de publico suggestu clamarunt Lutherum haereticum fore, Hussitarumque er-
roris protestatorem, utimentitus est impius Eccius, et Augustinus Alfeldianus, Phari-
saeorum duces, caet. Even the University of Ingoldstadt hesitated about the publication
of the bull, and did not adopt it till after repeated summons from Eck see Winter's ;
Gesch. d. Evangel. Lehre in Baiern (Munchen, 1809), i. 54 ff. Many bishops likewise,
and among them especiallj' the bishop of Freisingen, made difficulties for a long time
ibid. s. 58.
*^ two papal legates, Marinus Caracciolus and Jerome
Oil the negotiations of the
Aleander, with the Elector, compare the account of the eye-witness, Henrici Zutphani-
ensis Brevis Commemoratio rerum Colonia gestarum in causa Lutheri, 1520, in T. ii.
Jen. p. 314 b. (compare on this point Frick, in Seckendorf's Historic des Lutherthums,
s. 280, 290, 310), and Spalatini Annales Reformationis, edited bj' Cj'prian, s. 11 ss.
*' With regard to this, see the Annales,
p. 28 ss., of the e3'e-witness Spalatin. Eras-
mus, being asked for his opinion by the Elector, declared : Lutherus peccavit in duobus,
nempe quod tetigit coronam Pontificis et ventres monachorum. Erasmus gave Spalatin
some Axiomata on the point; and soon asked for them back again; but not long after
they appeared in print (T. ii. Jen. fol. 314) Fons rei malus est, odium bonarum litera-
:
rum, et affectatio tyrannidis. Modus agendi fonti respondet clamoribus, conjurationi-

bus, acerbis odiis, virulentis scriptis. Personae, per quas res agitur, suspectae. —Quod
Pontificis facilitate quidam abutuntur, notum est. — Res ad majus discrimen spectat,
quam quidam existimant. Bullae saevitia probos omnes offendit, ut indigna mitissimo
Christi vicario. — Lutherus videtur omnibus acquis aequum petere, cum offerat se dispu-
tationi publicae, et submittat se judicibus non suspectis. — Lutherus nihil ambit, ideo
gation. Miltitz's fresh attempt at reconciliation in Lichtenberg

(11th October, 1520),^^ only resulted in Luther's sending to the
Pope a letter full of bitter truth,^^ together with his work De Li-
bertate Christiana, in which he unfolded with lofty enthusiasm the
—
minus suspectus. Videtur in rem Pontificis, ut res per graves et non suspectos viros
mature consilio componatur ita optime consuletur Pontificis dignitati. Qui hactenus
:
scripserunt contra Lutherum, improbantur etiam a theologis, qui alias Lutliero adver-
santur. Mundus sitit veritatem evangelicam et fatali quodani desiderio videtur hue
ferri. Unde forte adeo non oportet odiose resisti. About the same time (not 1519) Eras-
mus gave the Emperor and several peers of the realm an Opinion itpon Luther's case
(v. d. Hardt, Hist. Lit. Ref. i. lO'l), in which he also proposes impartial arbitrators
from different nations, or a general council for the settlement of the question. This
Opinion, in consequence of a manuscript observation of Vadianus, has been attributed
bj'manj' writers to Zwingle (Zwingli's Leben v. Usteri, s. 375 Wirz Neuere Helvet. ;
Kirchengeschich. i. 185), and is accordingly adopted into Zvinglii 0pp. ed. Schuler et
Schulthess, iii. 1 : however, this is certainly an error. The whole stj-le is that of Eras-
mus :agrees with his proposals elsewhere (compare Erasmi Ep. ad Peutingerum, d.
it
9. Nov., 1520, Ed. Lugd. iii. 1, 590, Note 94, below) at the conclusion, the author says
:
—
he had written a summis principibus et profanis et ecclesiasticis invitatus, which agrees
only with the view that Erasmus is the writer. The conjecture, in Zvinglii 0pp. 1. c. p.
2, isequally erroneous, that the Apologia Chrlsti Dom. nostri pro M. Luthero ad urbem
Romam, wliich likewise belongs to this period (see Kapp's Nachlese, ii. 480), is also to
be attributed to Zwingle, because it is found in one edition appended to that Consilium.
It is bj'Hutten (Kapp, ibid. s. 497).
*^ See on this point Miltitz's letter to the Elector of the 14th October, published by
Cyprian, appended to Tentzel's Hist. Bericht, s. 449 ; in Walch, xv. 949 and Luther's let- ;
ter to Spalatin, in de Wette, i. 496.

*' After the conference with Miltitz, dated back to the 6th September, de Wette, i.
497. Among other things Quare, optime Leo, his me Uteris rogo expurgatum admittas,
:
tibique persuadeas, me nihil unquam de persona tua mali cogitasse : delude me taleni
esse, qui tibi optima velim contingere in aeternum. —
Sedem autem tuam, quae Curia
Romana dicitur, quam neque tu neque ullus hominum potest negare corruptiorem esse
quavis Babylone et Sodoma, — sane detestatus sum, indigneque sub tuo nomine et tuli,
praetextu Romanae populum atque

Ecclesiae ludi Christi : resistamque, dum
ita restiti,
spiritus fidei in me vixerit. — Facta est e Rom. Ecclesia, quondam omnium sanctissima,
spelunca latronum licentiosissima, lupanar omnium impudentissimum, regnum peccati,
mortis et inferni, ut ad malitiam quod accedat, jam cogitari non possit, ne Autichristus
quidem si venerit. Interim tu, Leo, sicut agnus in medio luporum sedes, sicut Daniel in
medio leonum, et cum Ezechiele inter scorpiones habitas. Quid his moustris unus op-
ponas? Adde tibi eruditissimos et optimos Cardinales tres aut quatuor, quid hi inter
tantos ? ante veneno omnibus pereundum vobis, quam de remedio statuere praesumere-
tis. Actum est de Romana Curia, pervenit in earn ira Dei usque in finera. Palinodiam —
ut canam, b. P., non est quod ullus praesumat, nisi malit adhuc majore turbine causam
involvere. Deinde leges interpretandi verbi Dei non patior, cum oporteat verbum Dei
esse non alligatum, quod libertatem docet omnium aliorum. His duobus salvis nihil est,
quod non facere et pati possim, ac libentissime velim. Contentiones odi, neminem pro-
vocabo, sed provocari rursus nolo provocatus autem Christo magistro elinguis non ero.
:
Poterit enim T. B. brevi et facili verbo, contentionibus istis ad se vocatis et extinctis,

silentium et pacem utrinque mandare, id quod semper audire desideravi. When Miltitz
sent a copy of this letter to Wilib. Pirkheimer, he wrote to him (Erfurt, Friday after
Martinmas, 1520, in Riederer's Nachrichten, i. 170) : " Es gehet uber uns Geistlichen, Gott
weiss wo es naus will mir ist npch lieb, dass ich nicht also hart ferbimden bin
: geistlich
zu werden, dass ich noch mag zurucktreten."
—
long forgotten fundamental doctrines of Christianity.'''^ But as

the publication of the bull was still continued, he declared it to be
a work of antichrist,^ ^ renewed his appeal to a general council,

and at length on the 10th December, 1520,'^ formally abjured the
'" T. fol. 435, b. (Luther had previously published, in 1520, a shorter edition of
I. Jen.
the German, " Sermon von der Frej'heit eines Christenmenschen," in Walch, six.
work in
1206) Constat, nullam prorsus rerum externarum, quocunque censeanter nomine, ali-
:
quid habere momenti ad justitiam aut libcrtatem Christianam animam posse omnibus ; —
rebus carere except© verbo Dei, sine quo nullis prorsus rebus est illi consulendum.
Quaeres autem quodnam est verbum hoe, aut qua arte utendum est eo, cum tam multa
:
sint verba Dei ? Respondeo Apostolus Paulus Rom. i. id explicat, scil. Evangelium
:
Dei de Filio suo incarnato, passo, resuscitate, et glorificato per Spiritum sanctificatorem.
— Fides sola est salutaris et efficax usus verbi Dei. Verum baec fides subsistere prorsus —
non potest cum operibus, h. e. si per opera, quaecunque sunt, simul justificari praesumas.
— Quare prima cura esse debet, ut posita operum opinione solam
cujuslibet Christiani
fidem magis ac magis roboret. — Haec est Christiana
ilia libertas, fides nostra, quae facit,
non ut otiosi simus, aut male vivamus, sed ne cuiquani opus sit lege aut operibus ad
justitiam et salutem. Haec prima fidei virtus esto, alteram quoque videamus. Fidei
enim et hoc officium est, ut eum, cui credit, omnium piissima et summa colat opinione.
Tertia fidei gratia incomparabilis est haec, quod animam copulat cum Christo, sicut spon-
—
sam cum sponso. Sequitur et omnia eorum communia fieri tam bona quam mala fict, :
ut Christi sint peccata, mors et iufernus, animae vero gratia, vita et salus. Bona opera —
non faciunt bonum virum, sed bonus vir facit bona opera ita ut semper oporteat ipsam ;
substantiam seu personam essg bonani ante omnia opera bona, et opera bona sequi et pro-
venire ex bona persona.
" At first Luther declared that the genuineness of the bull was incredible, in his work,
" Von don neuen Eckischen Bullen und Liigon," in Walch, xv. 1674. Here he says, with
reference to Huss, s. 1683 :
" I say, in the first place, that, unfortunatelj-, at the time of
the Leipsick disputation I had not read John Huss otherwise, I should have maintained ;
not some, but all the articles, which were condemned at Constance just as I do now ;
hold them, having read that most wise, noble Christian book of John Huss, the like of
which has not been written in four hundred 3-ears, and which has now through the divine
favor been put in print, to testify to the truth, and to put to open shame all those who
have condemned it. It is not John Huss's articles, but Christ's, Paul's, and Augustine's,
proved in the strongest waj-, and irrefragably established, as all must confess who read
it. Ah would to God that I too were worthy for the sake of such articles to be burned,
!
torn asunder, persecuted in the most shameless waj^, that Doctor Liigener (liar) himself
could invent, and that, if it cost a thousand necks, they must all come to it." Earlj' in
November appeared the work Adversus execrabilem Antichrist! Bullam. T. ii. Jen. fol.
286, b. in January, 1521
; Assertio omnium Articulorum M. Lutheri per Bullam Leonis
:
X. novissimam damnatorum, T. ii. Jen. fol. 292, which last he soon afterward published
in German also " Grund und Ursach aller Artikel, so, durch die romische Bulle unrecht-
:
lich verdammt worden," in Walch, xv. 1752 (he gives his opinion on this point against
Spalatin, 21st Januarj', in de Wette, i. 545: vernacula Assertio melior est, quam sit latina).
'- On the 17th November, 1520, T. ii. Jen. fol. 257. First he repeats the former Appeal
(see note 30), then he renews it by appealing — ad futurum Concilium a praedicto Leone,
primum tanquam ab iniquo, temerario, tj'rannicoque judice, in hoc quod me non convic-
tum nee ostensis causis aut informationibus mera potestate judicat. Secundo tanquam
ab erroneo, indurato, per Scripturas sanctas damnato haeretico et apostata, in hoc quod
mihi mandat fidem catholicam in Sacramentis necessariam abnegare. Tertio tanquam
ab hoste, adversario, Antichristo, oppressore totius sacrae Scripturae, in hoc quod pro-
priis,meris, nudisque verbis suis agit contra verba divinae Scripturae sibi adducta.
Quarto tanquam a blaspheme, superbo contemptore Ecclesiae Dei, et legitimi Concilii.
—
Quocirca oro suppliciter Carolum Imp., Electores Imperii, et quidquid est Christiani —
56 FOUKTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
papacy by publicly burning the bull, together with the papal law-
books.'^ A new bull 3d January, 1521,'* pronounced upon
of the
Luther and his adherents sentence of excommunication, with the
penalties against heretics, and laid the interdict upon their places
of residence;and the papal legate Aleander, at the diet of Worms,,
called upon the secular arm to execute the decree.'^ But so
greatly were circumstances altered by the powerful commotion
that prevailed, that the diet determined first to hear the man who
had already been condemned by the Pope, and at the same time
drew up one hundred and one grievances against the Roman
See.''^ Luther proceeded with the Emperor's escort" to "Worras,"^
welcomed every where on the way with high honor and sym-
pathy; here he testified before the Emperor and the Empire,
18th April, 1521, that he could not recant."^ His heaven-sent
magistratus totius Germaniae, velint pro redimenda catliolica verltate,— pro libertate et
jure legitimi Concilii, milii meaeque appellation! adhaerere, Papae incredibilem insani-
am aversari, tyrannidi ejus impiisimae resistere, aut saltern quiescere, et bullae ejusmodi
executionem omittere et differre, donee legitime vocatus, per aequos judices auditus, et
Scripturis dignisque documentis couvictus fuero. See Carlstadt's Appeal of the 19th
October, 1520, in the Unschuldige Nachrichten, 1719, s. 5 ff.
^^ See Exustionis Antichristianarum Decretalium Acta, T. ii. Jen. fol. 320. He threw
the bull into the fire with the words quia tu conturbasti sanctum Domini, ideoque te
:
conturbet ignis aeternus. And he declared to his hearers on the next day at his lecture
— nisi toto corde dissentiatis a regno Papali, non potestis assequi vestrarum animarum
salutem. Soon after appeared Luther's work Quare Pontificis Romani et discipulorum
:
ejus libri a Doctore M. Luthero combust! sint, Latin and German, T. ii. Jen. fol. 316, b.
Walch, XV. 1927.
'* In Bzovius ad h. a. Pfaff Hist. Theol. Literaria, T. ii. p. 55. Gerdesii Hist. Reform.,
t. ii. Monum. p. 15.
'^ As between the Emperor and the Pope, see Ranke's
to the previous negotiations
deutsche Gescb. im Zeitalter 470. About Aleander and his hatred of the Ger-
d. Ref. i.
mans, see the accounts of the contemporary. Jacobus Ziegler, in Schelhornii Amoenitates
Hist. Eccl. et Liter., ii. 351. His speech before the diet of the Empire is abridged in
Seckendorf, Comm. de Lutheranismo, p. 149 compare especiallj' the Geschichte der Nun-
;
ciatur Hier. Aleander's auf dem Reichstage zu AVorms 1521, in Munters Vermischte Be}--
trage zur Kirchengeschichte, Copenh., 1798 s. 48 ff., with extracts from Aleander's dis-
;
patches to Rome.
"In Kapp's Nachlese, iii. 240. Walch, xv. 2058.
"In the imperial letter, T. ii. Jen. fol. 411, b., to the great mortification of the nuncio,
Luther was addressed Honorabilis, dilecte, devote.
:
'^ The letters in lie declared his readiness to go to Worms furnish noble ex-
which
amples of his heaven-sent courage, in de Wette, i. 534, 548, 573 ff. From Francfort He
wrote to Spalatin, who was tlien at Worms, 14th April, s. 586 Venimus, mi Spalatine
:
etsi non uno morbo me Satan impedire molitus sit. Tota enim hac via ab Isenaco usque
hue langui (compare Myconii Hist. Reform., published by Cyprian, s. 38), et adhuc.
langueo, incognitis mihi antehac modis. Sed et mandatum Caroli (the interim decree
against the issue of Luther's books) esse in terroremmeievulgatumintelligo. VerumChris-
tus vivit, et intrabimus Wormatiam invitis omnibus portis inferni et potestatibus aeris.
'"
Acta Rev. Patris D. M, Lutheri coram S. Caesarea Majestate, Principibus Electori-
; :
p, .
CHAP. I.— GERaiAN REFORMATION. § 1. i521. 57
courage made a deep impression: but the established order of

things was too powerful: after he had been dismissed in safety,
the ban of the empire*^" followed against him and his adherents on
bus, et Imperii Ordinibus ii;% Comitiis Principum Wormatiae, T. ii. Jen. fol.411, b., in
Gennan of the same

Walch, xv. 2297. Besides, there are two accounts bj' ej'e-wit-
date,
nesses by Laz. Spengler see Spengleriana, collected by M. M. Mayer, Niirnberg, 1830.
: ;
16, s. 13 ff., and Spalatin's Annalen, s. 38 ff. Compare also Luther's own account iu the
Table Talk, Walch, xxii. 2026. There is nothing extraordinary' in the fact that Luther,
when unconditionallj- required to revoke the contents of his works, asked for a time of
consideration till the day following. He was not prepared for such a demand, but onlj'
for an investigation and defense of his position the imperial letter of summons read
;
—
conclusimus propter doctrinam et libros abs te editos scrutinium de te sumere. But it
is clear that he could not unconditionally set aside the recantation unexpectedly required
of him, as to the whole contents of his works, which contained among other things many
personalities; and so he naturally perceived the necessitj' of earnestly deliberating
whether he could recall some single statements. His answer on the next day was (Acta
fol. 413): Rogo, Serenissima Majestas Vestra et Dominationes Vestrae dignentur ani-
mum advertere, libros meos non esse omnes ejusdem generis. Sunt enim aliqui,
in quibus pietatem fidei et morum adeo simpliciter et evangelice tractavi, ut ipsimet
adversarii cogantur eos confiteri utiles, innoxios, et plane dignos lectione Christiana.
Si itaque hos revocare inciperem, obsecro quid facerem, nisi quod uuus ex omnibus
mortalibus earn veritatem damnarem, quara amici et inimici pariter contitentur ? Al-
teram genus est, quod in Papatum et doctrinam Papistarum invehitur, tanquam in
eos, qui suis et doctrinis et exemplis pessimis orbem Christianum utroque malo, et
spiritus et corporis, vastaverint. Si igitur et hos revocavero, nihil aliud praestitero,
quam ut tj'rannidi robur adjecero, et tantae impietati jam non fenestras, sed valvas ape-
ruero :
—praesertim si jactatum fuerit, id a me factum auctoritate Serenissimae Majesta-
tis Vestrae, totiusque Romani Imperii. Tertium genus eorum est, quos in aliquos priva-
tes et singulares (ut vocant) personas scripsi, eos scilicet, qui et tj-rannidem Romanam
tueri et pietatem a me doctani labefactare moliti sunt. In hos confiteor me fuisse acer-
biorem, quam pro religione aut professione deceat. Neque enim me sanctum aliquem
facio,neque de vita mea, sed de doctrina Christi disputo. Neque hos revocare integrum
est mihi, quod ea revocatione iterum futurum sit, ut t3Tannis et impietas meo patrocinio
regnent et saeviant in populum Dei violentius, quam unquara regnaverint. Then he
demanded an examination of his doctrine paratissimus enim ero, si edoctus fuero,
:
quemcunque errorem revocare, eroque primus, qui libellos meos in ignem projiciam.
When it was now indicated to him that here there would be no disputation, but that he
had onlj' to declare simpl}- whether he would recant or not he replied Quaudo ergo ; ;
Ser. Majestas Vestra, Dominationesque Vestrae simplex responsum petunt, dabo illud
neque cornutum, neque dentatum, in hunc modum Nisi convictus fuero testimoniis
:
Scripturarum, aut ratione evidente (nam neque Papae, neque Conciliis solis credo, cum
constet eos errasse saepius, et sibi ipsis contradixisse) ; victus sum Scripturis a me ad-
ductis, captaque est conscientia in verbis Dei, revocare neque possum, neque volo quid-
quam, cum contra conscientiam agere neque tutum sit neque integrum. Hie stehe ich,
ich kann nicht cinders, Gott helfmir, Amen.''''
*" Foreign princes also were importunate for the suppression of the Lutheran heresy
see the letter of Emmanuel, king of Portugal, to the Elector Frederick, dd. XI. Kal.
Maji, 1521, edited by Cyprian in Tentzel's Hist, Bcricht, Th. 2. s. 213, and the letter of
Henry, king of England, to the Emperor, 20th May, 1521, ibid., s. 222. One principal
motive was the league concluded on the 8th of Maj- between the Emperor and the Pope
against France, the 16th article of which was directed against the new heresy see Du- ;
mont, iv. iii. Suppl. p. 98. The so-called edict of Worms (to be seen, in German, in
;
Walch, XV. 2264 in Latin, in Gerdesii Hist. Reform, ii. Monum., p. 34), dated the 8th
;
of May, but not actually issued till the 26th (sec the Emperor's letter with which the
:
the 26th of May. To protect him against it, the Elector had him
seized on his journey home, and secretly conveyed to the Wart-
burg.®^ But divine Providence took his cause more effectually
under its protection : it crippled the execution of the sentence of
extermination, by the which the Emperor was immediate-
war in
ly entangled Only in the dominions of the Emper-
with France.
or, his brother Ferdinand, the Elector of Brandenburg, the Duko
edict was sent to the princes in Neutlecker's Urkunden aus der Reformationszeit, s. 1),
was drawn up by Aleander (Pallavicini, lib. i. c. 28. Miinter's Beytrage zur K. G. s.
101). Much discontent was caused at Rome by the observance of the safe-conduct.
Compare what was said by Franc. Vettori, wlio was verj' intimate with Leo X. (Ranke's
Fiirsten u. Vollier von Siideuropa im 16ten u. 17ten Jahrh. Bd. 2, s. 87) Carld, si excu- :
s6 di non poter procedere piu oltre rispetto al salvocondotto, ma la verita fu che conos-
cendo, che il Papa temeva molto di questa dottrina di Luthero, lo voile tenere con ques-
to freno. Alphonsiis Valdesius writes to Peter MartjT from Worms, 15th Maj', 1521, after
a short account of the foregoing events (Petri Martyris Epistolae Amstelod. 1670, p. 412)
Habes hujus tragoediae ut quidam volunt finem, ut egomet mihi persuadeo, non finem
sed initium. Nam video Germanorum animos graviter in sedem Romanam concitatos,
nee video Caesaris edicta magni ponderis apud eos futura, quum post editionem Lutheri
libri passim per vicos et plateas impune vendantur. Hinc facile conjectare poteris, quid
absente Caesare futurum sit. Erasmus, on the other hand, wrote to Peter Barbirius,
26th June, 1521 (Lib. xv. Ep. 4) Lutheri tragoedia peracta est apud nos, atque utinam
:
nunquam prodisset in theatrum tantum hoc verentur quidam, ne cnpide vitata Scylla
:
deferamur in Charj-bdim, et hac victoria quidam crudelius abutantur, quam expediat

rei Christianae.
^1 Luther to Spalatin 14th Maj', in de Wette, ii. 5. Spalatin's Annales, s. 50. Mat-
thesius' Third Sermon, at the end. Manj' believed that Luther had been murdered hy
the Pope's creatures, and the nuncios at Worms were in consequence in danger of death.
Pallavicini, i. 28, 4, Miinter's Bej-trage zur K. G. s. 100. Compare the outpouring of
Albert Diirer, who had heard at Antwerp of Luther's disappearance, in the Journal of
his Tour in Murr's Journal zur Kunstgeschichte u. zur allgem. Literatur, Th. 7, s. 88 :
He had heard of ten horsemen, " who traitorously bore away that pious man enlightened
with the Holy Spirit, sold into their hands. For he was a follower of the true Christian
faith ;
whether he still lives or they have murdered him, I know not j'et he has suffered ;
for the sake of Christian truth, and because he censured the unchristain papacy, which
is striving against the liberty of Christ with its heavj' imposition of human ordinances ;
and also because we are thereby robbed and despoiled of the fruit of our blood and
sweat, which is so shamefully consumed bj' idle persons, while the thirstj-^ and sick
laborers die of hunger ; and especially it 'is most painful to me, that perhaps God will
suffer us to remain under their false and blind doctrine, which however was devised
and imposed by the men whom they call fathers and thus the precious word may be in
;
many points falsely interpreted, or not at all held. Ah, God of heaven, have mercv
upon us ! Lord Jesus Christ, pra}' for thy people deliver us in due season!
; God, is
Luther dead I who will henceforth deliver to us the holy gospel so clearly ? O God, how
much would he have been able to write for us in ten or twentj"^ years ! O all j-e pious
Christian men, help me to bewail dulj' this man inspired bj' God, and pray God to send
us another enlightened man O Erasmus of Rotterdam, where wilt thou remain ?
! See
what the unrighteous tyranny of worldlj' might, the power of darkness, can do ! Hear,
thou soldier of Christ ride forth with Christ the Lord defend the truth win the crown
! ; ;
of martj'rdom thou art alreadj- an old man. I have heard saj- of thee, that thou hast still
;
allowed thj'self two years in Avhich thou mayest j'et be lit to do something lay them out —
well, for the advancement of the "Gospel and true Christian faith," etc.
;::
of Bavaria, the Duke Greorge of Saxony, and certain ecclesiastical
princes was the edict of Worms carried into execution, so as to

furnish martyrs for the new doctrine, and thereby increase the
enthusiasm in its favor. In the other Grerman countries the edict
was not observed, partly because the princes were favorably in-
clined to Luther's cause, partly because they were wijj;}iheld by
fear of rebellion.^- At "Wittenberg the alteration of the constitu-
tion of the church, according to the new principles, was forthwith
commenced, ^^ and Melancthon gave to the new church the first
'^ There were disturbances among the students of Erfurt against certain priests, who
had declared John Draconitis, a friend of Luther, to be under ban see Luther's letters to ;
Spalatin and Melancthon, in May (de Wette, ii. 5-7), and Strobel's Neue Bej'-tragc, iv.
1. 16 fF. At Constance the citizens hindered the execution of the edict of Worms bj'
threats see John of Botzhcim und seine Freunde, by K. Walchner, SchafFhausen, 183G,
;
s. 25, 110.
^^ The brethren of Luther's order, the Augustines, began the work in October see- ;
John Aurifaber's report, the first part of it, about Eisleben, s. 179 Walch, xv. "2335. ;
The Elector considered the abolition of the mass to be precipitate, and constituted a com-
mission of inquirj' (see the Acts in T. ii. Jen. fol. 471 ss. Seckendorf, p. 214, most fully
in Melancthonis Opp. ed. Bretschneider, i. 456 ss.). Meanwhile, in November, 1521, ap-
peared Luther's works on the Abuse of the Mass (Walch, xvii. 1304), tind his Judicium
de Votis Monasticis (T. ii. Jen. fol. 477, b.) ; in the last, after long hesitation on the
point (see the correspondence with Melancthon from the first of August, 1521, onward,
in de Wette, he demonstrates the invalidity of monastic vows. Then followed

ii. 34 fF.),
Sj'nodi Augustinianorum (those of Misnia and Thuringia, which met at Wittenberg at

the end of the j-ear 1521) De libertate Monacliorum Sententia (T. ii. Jen. fol. 470, b.)
Primo, pennittimus omnibus vel manere in monastica, vel desererc monasticen ; quando
qu.i in Christo sunt, nee Judaei, nee Graeci, nee Monachi, nee Laici sunt, et votum con-
tra Evangelium, non votum, sed impietas est. Secundo, quia Christiana libertas Spiri-
tus libertas est, quae nee in esca, nee in habitu posita est ; placet, ut interim veste et vul-
gatis ritihus Monacliorum utantur, qui in nostris congregationibus vivunt, ut omnibus
omnia fiamus Pauli exemplo, 1 Cor. ix. Tertio, sed ita modereviur ceremonias, tum uten-
do, tum abrogando, necubi vel fides cujusquam laedatur, vel in caritatem peccetur.
Non est enim regnum Dei esca et potus, sed justitia, pax et gaudium in Spiritu sancto.
Quarto, mendlciiatem interdicimus, quam toties vetuit Seriptura, 1 Thes. iii. cum silentio
operantes manducent panem suum. Interdicimus et Missis votivis, quando ab omni
et
specie mala abstinere nos Apostolus voluit. Quinto, quantum fieri potest, in Congrega-
tionibus nostris deligantur qui sint apti ad docendum verhum Dei, publico ant privatim
reliqiii victum parent fratrihus opera manuaria, quae forma fuit veterum Monasteriorum.
Sexto, quia moderari ceremonias et ritus omnes pro ratione temporum ac personarum
visum volumus, ut Superioribus suis pareant Fratres ex caritate, ut sine scandalo
est,
privatim et publico agamus, et per omnia hoc praestemus, ne blasphemetur bonum nos-
trum, Amen. As these decrees gave offense to manj', a chapter assembled at Grimma,
at Whitsuntide, 1522, issued an explanation and justification of them see in Kapp's ;
Nachlese, ii. 536. Manj- priests in Saxonj' entered the married state. So did a certain
James Seidler, who was thrown into prison for this reason by command of Duke George
the Wittenbergers interceded for him with the Bishop of Misnia (letters of the 18th
July, 1521, in Kapp's Nachlese, ii. 464, and in Phil. Melancthonis Opp. ed. Bretschnei-
der, i. 418). Carlstadt wrote De Coelibatu, Monachatu et Viduitate (Preface, 29th June,
1521, 4.), to prove the non-obligation of priest's celibacy and monastic vows. The mar-
riage of Bartholomew Bernhardi of Feldkirch, provost at Kemberg, made the deepest
'
60 FOURTH PEKIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-16-lS.
systematic exposition of its doctrines, in his Loci Communes

Rerum Theologicarum.^*
impression. to Melancthon, Ad. 26tli May, 1521, in de Wette, ii. 9.

Compare Luther
He has, been often erroneously considered as the first married pastor. See
in consequence,
J. G. Kapp, Epistola: Barth. Bern. Feldkirchius, Pastorum, qui tempore Reformationis
matrimonium inierunt, neutiquam, ut vulgo creditur, primus. Baruth. 1792. 4. The
Elector Alb^t, as archbishop of Magdeburg, wished to call him to account for this.
Feldkirch replied with an Apologia Pastoris Cembergensis, qui nuper suae Ecclesiae con-
sensu uxorem duxit, 1522. 8. probably composed by Melancthon (also T. ii. Jen. fol.
438, b. Melancthonis 0pp. ed. Bretschneider, i. 421. On this point, see Veesenmeyer
in the Theol. Studien u. Krit. 1831. i. 125). But shortly before Luther had written to
the Elector Albert, about the revival of the abuse of indulgences in Halle, and about
the married priests : this letter, together with the Elector's answer, shows how the moral
strength of the two parties bore an inverse proportion to their external power. How-
ever Luther, in obedience to the will of his liege lord, still withheld his work "Wider
den Abgott zu Halle," which was ready for the press; he wrote to the Elector, 1st
December, 1521 (de Wette, ii. 112), among other things " Your Electoral Grace: they
:
ha%'e now again set up the idol in Halle, that takes awaj' from the poor, simple Christians
their money and souls. —Your Electoral Grace perhaps thinks, that I have now given up
my plans, and will now take care of mj-self, and that mj- mouth has been shut up bj- his
Imperial Majestj-. — Your Electoral Grace will be mindful of the beginning, what a terri-
ble fire when all the world was so sure
has grown out of the small, despised spark,
about it, and thought that the one poor beggar was immeasurably too small for the
Pope, and undertook impossibilities. But God has taken up the cause ; He has given
the Pope with all his followers enough to do against and above the thoughts of all the
;
world He has carried the matter to a point from which the Pope Avill hardlj' bring it
back again ; it will grow worse with him dailj-, so that the work of God may herein be
clearly recognized. —
The same God lives still let no one doubt it now, and he has the
skill to witlistand a Cardinal of Maj-ence, though four emperors were to stand hj him.
He has also especial pleasure in breaking the lofty cedars, and abasing the haughty
hardened Pharaohs. But let not j-our Electoral Grace think that Luther is dead he ;
will glorj- freelj' and jo3-ousl3' in the God who has humbled the Pope, and begin a game
with the Cardinal of Maj-ence that he did not much expect. Join together, dear Bishops,
j-QU may remain lordlings, however ye shall neither silence nor deafen this spirit an ;
overthrow shall befall you from it, which ye no^v little look for, so I would have you
warned."
Then he makes the two demands to abolish the idol, and to leave in peace the priests
who had entered into the married state.
"To this I request and await a straightforward, speedj^ answer from your Electoral
Grace, within fourteen daj-s, for after these fourteen dajs my book against the Idol at
Halle will be published, unless a plain answer be made me."
The Elector answered on the 21st December (Walch, xix. 66) " Dear Sir Doctor, I :
have received and read j-our letter — and taken

favorably and in good part but in
it all ;
this matter, if I am not whollj' mistaken, the cause w^hich has moved you to write thus
has been long since entirely done awaj' with. I will conduct and show mj-self, if God
will, asbecomes a pious priest and Christian prince, so far as God shall give me grace,
strength, and understanding for which I praj- truly, and will have prayers offered for
:
me. For I can do nothing of mj' own self, and confess that I stand in need of the grace
of God I can not deny that I am a poor sinful man, who may sin and err, and dail}' do
:
sin and err."

s* Three similar editions appeared in 1521, one in 4to, two in 8vo. This first edition
was reprinted in H. v. d. Hardt, Hist. Lit. Reform., p. iv. p. 28 seq. denuo ed. J. Chr. Gu.
Augusti. Lips. 1821. 8. G. Th. Strobel's Litterargeschichte von Ph. M. Locis Theologi-
cis, Altdorf u. Niirnberg, 1776. 8.
CHAP. I.—GEEaiAN REFORIVIATION. § 1. 1521.
qi
It was not wonderful that the new and unaccustomed freedom
made many men giddy. In Wittenberg a party arose from the

beginning of December, which wished, hke the Taborites, to re-
store suddenly and by force the original simplicity of divine wor-
ship. A body of students and citizens began to hinder the cele-
bration of mass and the chanting of hours, and threatened the
barefooted friars.^^ Not long after Carlstadt joined in these pro-
ceedings.^^ But December -some fanatics from
in the last days of
Zwickau increased this party, and brought into circulation the
doctrines of an internal word, of a visible kingdom of Christ upon
earth, and the rejection of infant baptism.^- Only the Reformer
^' See the letters of the Senate of the Academy to the Elector, of the 3d and 5th De-
cember, in Melanchth. 0pp. ed. Bretschneider. i. 487 seq. where also the acts which
:
follow are given most completely.

®^ Carlstadt gave notice on the Sunday before Christmas, in the Cathedral Church
(Bretschneider, i. 512): "dass er auf das kunftige Test circumcisionis domini ofFen- —
barlichen communiciren jedermann, wer da woUe (and so without confession), sub utra-
que specie panis et \ini, und davor ein kurz Sermon thun, imd wolle schlechts sprechen
die Consecration, und die andern . . . (namely, the other portions of the Mass serv-
ice) alle aussen lassen. Solle auch nicht willens sejTi Kasel, Alben oder Chorrock zu
genannter Mess auzuziehen."
^^ Compare on this point Spalatin's account in Schneider's Bibliothek der Kirchen-
gesch. II. iii., partly reprinted also in Bretschneider, i. 533 seq. On the former pro-
ceedings in Zwickau, see Leben, Schriften, und Lehren Thomae Miintzers, von Strobcl.
Nurnberg, 1795, s. 12 ff. Hildebrand Archiv merkw. Urkunden u. Nachrichten fur die
Parochialgeschichte. Jahrg. 1833, s. 1. On the whole subject, J. Hast Gesch. der Wie-
dertfiufer. Munster, 1836. 8. s. 20. Melancthon gives the following account to the Elect-
oral Commissaries v. Einsiedeln and Spalatin at Lichtenberg (Schneider, ii. 117 Bret- ;
schneider, 1. 533) : "Es seind in die Jo. Evangelistae (27 Dec.) zu mir zu Wittenberg
kumen Claus Storck mit zwej'en seiner Gesellen, mir angezeigt, wie sich etlich Empci-
rung erhoben zu Zwickau, und sonderlich von wegen baptismi parvulorum und fidei
alienae, und sich auf Doctorem Martinum berufen. Hab darnach insonderheit gehort
einen uuter den dreien, genannt Marcus Thomae, der mir gesagt, wie dass er, dergleichen
auch Storck, sonderliche und gewisse und offenbare Gespriich mit Gott habe, doch nyn-
dert auch nicht predige, denn wo und was ihm Gott heisse!" Melancthon was so dis-
concerted that he wrote to the Elector on the same day (Bretschneider, i. 513) Non :
ignorat Cels. V., quam multae variae et pericnlosae dissensiones de verbo Dei in urbe
C. V. Zwiccavia excitatae sint. Sunt et illic in vincula conjecti, qui nescio quae nova-
runt. Ex horum motuum auctoribus hue advolarunt tres viri, duo lanifices, literarura
rudes, literatus tertius est. Audivi cos. Mira sunt, quae de sese predicant ; missos se
clara voce Dei ad docendum, esse sibi cum Deo familiaria colloquia, videre futura, bre-
viter, viros esse propheticos et apostolicos. Quibus ego quomodo commovear, non facile
dixerim. Magnis rationibus adducor certe, ut contemni eos nolim. Nam esse in eis
spiritus quosdam multis argumentis adparet, sed de quibus judicare praeter Martinum
nemo facile possit. Proinde cum vertatur hie evangelii periculum, ecclesiae gloria et
pax, modis omnibus efficiendum est, ut his hominibus Martini copia fiat. Ad hunc enim
provocant. At his interview with the Electoral Commissaries on the 1st Januarj', Me-
lancthon was more self-possessed. He says (Schneider, ii. 119 Bretschn. i. 534) "Mich
; :
hat nicht sonderlich bewegt, was sie von gottlichen Gesprilchen sagen, und dergleichen.
Denn solches in seinem Worth stehet, und nichts daran gelegen, anders denn, dass durch
::
G2 FOUETH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
himself, in whom discretion, enthusiasm, and energy were united

solchen Schein weitere Beschwerungen mochten vorgenommen werden. Diese Quaes-
tiones aber de baptismo haben mich meines Bediinkens billig bewegt." (A little before
" Es haben Augustinus und derselbigen Zeit viele andere mehr viel disputirt de baptismo
parvulorum, imd wenig ausgerichtet," etc.) On the day following, the Elector had an
intimation convej'ed to Melancthon and Amsdorf by the Commissaries, that it was ad-
visable they should not mix with the people; for it " wiire zu besorgeH, ihr Vorgeben
ware mehr eine Verfiihrung, denn ein Bestand in Wahrheit, well sie von den Haupt-
sachern der Emporung und Aufruhr zu Zwickau seyn sollten, und zu fUrchten, sie —
mochten zu Wittenberg auch Emporung anrichten." Among the articles thus agitated
at Zwickau was the baptism of infant children " als niimlich, dass etliche zweifeln, ob
:
der Glaube der Pathen dem Kind zu der Tauf behiilflich etliche vermeinten, ohne den
;
Glauben selig zu werden. Etliche geben an, als ware die gottliche Schrift zur Lehre
der Menschen unkriiftig denn der Mensch musst allein durch den Geist gelernet wer-
:
den. Denn hatt Gott den Menschen mit Geschrift wollen gelernt haben, so hatt er uns
vom Himmel herab ein Biblien gesandt. Item fiir die Todten wiire nicht zu bitten, und
andere grausame Unart, die der Stadt Zwickau einen unchristlichen Piclcardischen Na-
men macliten." Upon this Melancthon declared still more composedly' " dass an dem :
Artikel von der Tauf der Kinder nichts sonderliches liege, und dass besser sej', dass man
davon nicht weiter handle, denn dass man viel davon zweifele:" this only was suspi-
cious, "dass die Lent zu Emporung geneigt, und zu .Wittenberg auch Aufruhr moch-
ten erregen." Moreover, the Elector, at the request of Melancthon, promised that these
persons, if they did not begin a rebellion, should not be put down bj' force. Thus the
prophets of Zwickau, namelj', the two cloth-weavers, Nicholas Storch and Marcus Tho-
mae, and two students, Marcus Stiibner and Martin Cellarius, now continued to work
at Wittenberg,and won over Carlstadt especially- to their side who also had been mar-
:
ried in Januarj-, 1522 (see the announcement of his marriage, 6th Jan., in Bretschnei-
der, i. 538). As Camerarius De Vita Melanchth. ed. Strobel, p.
to their doctrines, see
4G. They and said, "ex ilia discedendo hanc institui
rejected the existing Church,
oportere. Et quibus hoc persuaderetur et placeret, eos denuo baptismo initiandos esse.
— Xihil recte et debito modo fieri gerique uspiam perhibebant, quod summa rerum esset
—
penes malos. Atque decrevisse Deum extinguere istud genus et sufficere alterum inno-
centia justitiaque et sanctitate praeditum. Ad cujus exordium atque incrementa doce-
bant necessariam esse curam et diligentiam in procreanda sobole. Et ideo neminem
ducere uxorem debere, ex qua non sciret se liberos pios, et gratos aeterno Deo, et ad
communionem regni coelestis electos suscepturum esse. Id autem non aliter quam ipso
Deo patefaciente sciri posse. Et jactabatur praecipuum donum Dei in illis coetibus prae-
dictionis eventuum futurorum, et arcanorum judicii, cujus eximiae et salutaris rei in
veritate nonien est graecum Prophetia. Compertum autem est, multis horum per quie-
tem somni mirabilia visa, et species quasdam vigilantibus etiam aliquibus, sed paucis,
oblatas esse. Cognitum etiam est, fuisse in coetu isto foeminas vaticinantes. Et hoc —
erat in legibus istorum, ne quis in otio liberali bonis artibus et Uteris operam daret., neu
aliunde scientiae cognitionisque facultatem quaereret, quam ab aeterni Dei benignitate,
cui adjumentis humanis nihil esset opus. According to the Zeitunff aiis Wittenberg,
written in the middle of Januarj' (Strobel's Miscellaneen, v. 127), Marcus Stubner said
"Martin is right on most points, but not on all Another will come after him with a
:
loftier spirit, etc. Item, the Turks will soon take possession of Germanj'. Item, all
priests shall be slain if thej'- now take wives. —
Item, in a short time about five, six, or
—
seven j'ears there shall be such a change in the world that no ungodly or sinful man
shall remain alive, etc. Then shall there be one way, one baptism, one faith. The bap-
tism of infants, as now administered, before they have reason, is no baptism." At Wit-
tenberg the sect worked directly only in secret (minus libere et aperte, Camerar.}, in a
wider sphere only indirectlj' by the preachers devoted to tlieir cause, Carlstadt, and the
former Benedictine, Gabriel Didj'mus, who advanced with rapid strides. With regard
to these disturbances compare the Zeitung aus Wittenberg, quoted above. Something
CHAP. I.— GERJIAN EEFORMATION. § 1. 1522. 63
in such an extraordinary manner,®^ could protect his work from

was now conceded to the innovations, but the innovators proceeded still farther see ;
Beyer's Schreiben an Einsiedel v. 25. Jan. (Bretschn. i. 540) " I would have you know
:
that the Universitj' and the town-council have agreed upon the way in which mass should
be celebrated in the parish chuixh to which we all belong. First, the hymn will be sung
with the Tntroit, Gloria, et in terra, epistles, gospel, and Sanctus ; then comes the ser-
mon, and afterward the mass, as our God and Lord Jesus instituted it at the Last Supper.
The priest speaks the words of consecration aloud in German, and admonishes the peo-
ple that to everj' one who feels the burden of sin, and thirsts for the grace of God, the
bod}' and blood of the Lord will be administered. When the people have communica-
ted, the Agnus Dei, Carmen, and Benedicamus Domine are sung. The canon has been
reversed. For the future we will tolerate no beggar, be he monk or no monk. The
—
poor shall be provided for from the common purse. Thej' will not endure images in
church, and in time will remove them strong passages of Scripture are brought against
;
them." Carlstadt and Didj^mus continually preached against the adherents of the old
customs (Bretschn. i. 548) thej- taught, for instance (p. 548), "dass die Gemeine wohl
;
Macht habe, in Nachlassigkeit der Oberkeit aus einem Mitleiden und Liebe Ichts (etwas)
vorzunehmen," and thereby eftected (p. 550), that in the beginning of February the im-
ages were suddenly carried oft", cut to pieces, and burned. Carlstadt made 3'et further
alterations in the celebration of the Lord's Supper, whereupon, in the parish church (p.
552), " einer sust, der andre so, ohne Ordnung und Messgewand Mess gehalten haben."
This occasioned fresh investigations and threats, and orders from the Elector mean- ;
while the innovations were partiall}' submitted to. The Council gave notice, on the
12th Febr. (p. 553) " Der Bilde halben haben wir beschlossen auf dem Eathhaus, dass
:
sie sollen durch die Obrigkeit, welcher allein es anstehet, eignet und gebiihret, abgethan
werden." On the contrary, in the Mass (p. 554), the " Weise, Kleidung, und Gesang"
were to remain as before. Carlstadt now promised (p. 557) that he would refrain from
this style of preaching for the future. Did3'mus left Wittenberg. Still, great disunion
remained (p. 560). This picture is filled up bj' the account of M. Sebast. Froschel,
who came to Wittenberg in 1522, in the Dedication to the Elector Augustus of his tract
on the Priesthood, Witten. 1565. 4 (Fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen,
1731, s. 691). He charges Carlstadt, Did3-mus, and M. George More, the master of the
boj's' school, with having ruined the boj-s' school, and saj's they would gladlj' have
made an end of the Universit}' also. "These three men give out that no one should
studj', or keep school, or confer degrees, for Christ has forbidden all this in Matt, xxiii.
with these words : Be ye. not called Eabbi, or masters ; in consequence of this manj'
men of fine ingenia at the same time left this place and forsook their studies, wlio might
—
have been useful to then* countrj^ and countrj-men. Dr. Carlstadt went round to the
houses of the citizens, and asked them how they understood this or that passage in this
or that prophet. And when the simple people wondered at his question, and said to
him Sir Doctor, how comes it that you learned men and doctors in holj' Scripture thus
:
ask us poor, illiterate, unlearned folk such questions ? 3'e should rather tell us the mean-
ing: then Carstadt answered them, that God had hidden it from such, as the Lord Jesus
himself sa3-s, in Matt. xi. and Luke x. I thank thee,
: Father, Lord of heaven and
earth, because Thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed
them unto babes. Besides, these three persons began not onl3' to tear down the schools,
but also the churches and images in churches, casting the images out of the churches ;
and the3' gave out that no learned man should be received or allowed as preacher or
])riest in the churches, but la3'men and handcraftsmen, who were onl3- able to read, as I
have known man}' such persons whom the}' wislied to call to this office."
*^ Compare his judgment about the fanatics, addressed to Melancthon, 13th Jan.,
1522 (de Wette, ii. 125) Venio ad Prophetas, ac primum non probo tuam timiditatem,
:
cum et majori tam spiritu quam eruditione polleas, quam ego. Ac primum, cum testi-
monium perhibeant de se ipsis, non statim audiendi sunt ; sed juxta consilium Joannis,
epiritus proband!. Habetis consilium Gamalielis difl'erendi : nihil enim adhuc audio ab
:
sinking into a destructive fanaticism. He suddenly came forth

from his seclusion, in March, 1522 f^ his powerful preaching
frightened away the false prophets, and quieted men's minds.^°
quod Satanas non queat praestare vel aemulari. Then follows advice as
eis dici et fieri,
to how
the prophets were to be examined, and a defense of infant baptism and the Au-
gustinian doctrine that the Jides aliena of the sponsors availed for the children. He
writes to Spalatin on the 17th Jan.(1. c. 135) Tu quoque cura, ne Princeps noster ma-
:
nus cruentet in prophetis novis Cygnaeis. There is also a fragment of a letter to

illis
the men of Wittenberg, probably in Febr. (not Dec, 1521, as in de Wette, ii. 118):
" They have introduced these changes in the mass and images, attacked the sacrament,
and other things which are of no account, and have let faith and love go just as though ;
all the world hereabout had great understanding in these matters, which is not the fact;
and so they have brought it about, that many pious people have been stirred up to do what
is really the devil's work. It would indeed be a good thing to begin such changes, if
we could all together have the needful faith, and if they suited the whole Church in such
measure that no one should take offense at them. But this can never be. We can not
all be as learned as Carlstadt. Therefore ws must j-ield to the weak otherwise thou, ;
who art strong, wilt run far and the weak, who can not follow thee at like pace, will
;
be run down. God has given to you the Word in its purity, and shown great grace to
them at Wittenberg. Yet I do not descry among you anj' love at all," etc.
*' On the journe}- he wrote to the Elector, who had warned him against it (Melanchth.
Epist. ed. Bretschneider, i. 559), on the 5th March (de Wette, ii. 139), from Borna, e. g.
"This I know full well about mj-self, if matters stood so at Leipsick as at Wittenberg,
I would ride thither, though (j'our Electoral grace will pardon my foolish speech) for
nine da3's long it were to rain only Duke Georges, and each of them were nine-fold more
furious than this one is. —This is written to j'our Electoral grace to the intent that j-our
Electoral grace ma)- know that I go to Wittenberg under far higher protection than
that of the Elector. have no intention of demanding protection from your Electoral
I
grace. Yea, I take have more power to protect j'our Electoral grace than j-ou have
it I
to protect me. Besides, if I knew that your Electoral grace could and would protect
me, I would not come. No sword either can or ought to guide and aid this cause God :
alone must provide, without human care or help. Accordingl)', whoever has most faith
will be here of most use. Since I now perceive that your Electoral grace is still verj'
weak in faith, I can bj- no means regard your Electoral highness as the man who is able
to shield or save me. As j'our Electoral grace desires to know what j-ou should do in this
cause, especiallj' as j'ou think 3-ou have done far too little I answer with all subjec-
:
tion ;
your Electoral grace has done far too much, and you ought to do nothing at all.
For God neither can nor will endure 5-our or mj' plans and proceedings. He will have
it left to himself; this and nothing else j-our Electoral grace may decide accordingly.
:
— In respect to men your Electoral grace should thus conduct j'ourself you should, as ;
an Elector, be obedient to the supreme authority, and allow his imperial majestj' to rule
in your Electoral grace's towns and dominions, over persons and property, as is due,
according to the order of the Empire, and neither oppose, nor resist, nor desire to offer
any resistance or hinderance to the authorities, if the}- wish to arrest or kill me. For no
one maj' break with or resist the powers that be excepting Him alone who has ordained
them to act otherwise is rebellion, and against the will of God," etc. On Luther's
;
meeting at an inn in Jena with some Swiss traveling to Wittemberg, see the true-hearted
account of one of them, John Kessler, in the original in J. J. Bernet's Job. Kessler ge-
nannt Ahenarius, Burger und Eeformator zu St. Gallen. St. Gallen, 1826. 8. s. 27.
^0 Luther arrived at Wittenberg on Friday the 7th of March, and preached everj- day
—
from the Sunday Invocavit to Reminiscere (9th 16th March) against the imprudent in-
novations: "Acht Sermon D. M. L. von ihm geprediget zu Wittenberg in der Fasten,
darin kurzlich begriefen von den Messen, Bildnissen, beyderley Gestalt des Sacraments,
von den Speisen und heimlichen Beicht," in two different editions, Walcb, xx. 1 ff., and
;
CHAP. I.—GEKMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1522. 55
Soon after he offered to his German fatherland the precious fruit

pkicked in his retirement at the Wartburg, his Translation of the
New Testament,^^ which gave to every man of the people the
means of arriving at certainty in his faith, and of being able to
give a reason for it.^^
62 ff. Luther wrote to Caspar Giittel, prior of the Augustines at Eisleben, 30th March
(de Wette, ii. 177) Ego Carolstadium offendi, quod ordinationes suas cassavi, licet doc-
:
trinam non damnarim, nisi quod displicet in solis ceremoniis et externis faciebus labo-
rasse eum, neglecta interim vera doctrina Christiana h. e. fide et charitate. Nam sua
inepta docendi ratione eo populum perduxerat, ut sese Christianum arbitraretur per has
res nihili, si utraque specie communicaret, si tangeret (receive the sacrament with the
hand), si non confiteretur, si imagines frangeret. Froschel (see Note 87), Fortg. Samml.
1731, s. 694 " As Dr. Carlstadt now saw that his projects were defeated, he went away
:
from the citj' of Wittenberg to a village called Segren, not far off; there he bought him
a farm, and became a peasant and the other peasants called him Naber Enders (neigh-
;
—
bor Andreas). Naber Enders did not endure this verj' long it soon became too much ;
for him and he crept back again to the Cross (zum Kreiitz). So, likewise, did the other
;
two, Frater Gabriel and M. More," etc. At first Luther refused to see the prophets of
Zwickau at length he admitted Marcus Stiibner, Martin Cellarius, and a third to his
;
presence (Camerarius in Vita Melanchth. § 15) Audivit Lutherus placide narrantem :
Marcum sua. Cum dicendi finem fecisset, nihil contra ilia adeo absurda et futilia dis-
serendum ratus Lutherus hoc modo monuit viderent, quid agerent. Nihil eorum, quae
:
commemor assent, sucris Uteris niti, commentaque esse cogitationum curiosarum, aut etiam
fallacis et fraudulenti spiritus deliras et perniciosas subjectiones. Ibi Cellarius et voce et
gestibus vesanis, cum et solum pedibus, et propositam mensulam manibus feriret, ex-
clamare et indignari, ausum esse Lutherum suspicari tale aliquid de divino homine.
At Marcus paulo sedatior, ut scias, inquit, Luthere, me spiritu Dei praeditum esse, ego,
quid in animo tuo conceperis, sum indicaturus, idque est te incipere inclinari ad haec, :
ut meam doctrinam veram esse credas. Cum Lutherus, ut ipse postea dixit, istam dedita
opera sententiam cogitando esset complexus increpet te Dens, Satana. Post haec plus
:
verborum faciendum Lutherus non putavit, et minantes gloriantesque eos dimisit. Eo —

die oppido illi excesserunt, et —
Chembergo literas plenas maledictis et execrationibus
ad Lutherum miserunt. Compare Luther's short account of this interview, given to
Spalatin and Lange, 12th April (de Wette, ii. 179, 181). Nicholas Storch also afterward
appeared before him see Luther to Spalatin, 4th Sept., 1522 (1. c. 245).
;
^' The first edition appeared in September,

1522, the second as early as December, and
so everj' j'ear original editions and reprints. In 1523 followed the first part of the Old
Testament, the Books of Moses in 1524 the second part, the rest of the historical books
;
and the third part, Job, the Psalter, and the writings of Solomon in 1532 the fourth ;
part, the Prophets, some of which had been before published by themselves. The first
entire edition of the Bible, with the Apocrj'pha, appeared in 1534. Compare G. W. Pan-
zer's Entwurf einer vollstandigen Gesch. der Deutschen Bibeliibersetzung Luther's. 2te
Aufl. Niirnberg, 1791. 8. Lucke's kurzgefasste Gesch. d. Luther. Bibelubersetzung, in
the Zeitschriftfiir gebildete Christen der evangel. Kirche, 3tes Heft (Elberfeld, 1823),
s. 1. K. A. Weidemann's Gesch. der Deutschen Bibeliibersetzung Luther's. Leipzig,

1834. 8. D. H. Schott's Gesch. der Deutschen Bibelubersetzung D. M. Luther's, u. der
fortdauernde Werth derselben, Leipzig, 1835. 8 (vgl. Jen. A. L. Z. Marz, 183G, s. 321).
Grotesend fiber D. M. Luther's Verdienste um die Ausbildung der hochteutschen Schrift-
sprache in the Abhandlungen des Frankfurter Gelehrten-Vereins fur teutsche Sprache.
St. 1 (Frankf., 1818), s. 24 AT.
^° Cochlacus, De Actis et Scriptis M. Lutheri ad ann. 1522, fol. 50, b. : mirum in mo-
dum multiplicabatur per chalcographos novum Testamentum Lutheri, ut etiam sutores,
et mulieres, et quilibet idiotae, qui theutonicas literas utcunque didicerant, novum illud
VOL. IV. 5
(3G
FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
Hadrian AT., a pious and strict man,^^ who mounted the papal
Testamentum, tanquam fontera omnis veritatis, avidissime legerent, quicunque Luthe-

ran! erant, illudque saepe legendo memoriae commendarent, in sinii secum portantes
codicem. Ex quo tantam inti'a paucos menses sibi doctrinam arrogabant, ut uon solum
cum laicis partis catholicae, verum etiam cum sacerdotibus et monachis, atque adeo
ctiam cum Magistris et sacrae theologiae Doctoribus disputare de fide et Evangelic npn
erubescerent. Quin immo repertae sunt mulierculae, quae propositis thematis editisque
llbellis theutonicis ansae fuerint ultro provocare, et quidem procacissime insultantes,
ignorantiamque improperantes et contemptui habentes viros, non mode laicos atque pri-
vates homines, verum etiam quoslibet Doctores et Licentiates totius facultatis theologi-
cae, ac totas etiam Universitates, id quod de Argula, nobili quadam muliere, compertum
habetur (compare Lipowsky Argula v. Grumbacli geb. Freiien v. Stauffen. Miinchen,
1811. 4., de Wette, ii. 558). —
Cum igitur mobile vulgus ubique magis intentum sit et
avidum ad novas late divulgandas, quam ad res consuetas in suo statu conservan-
res
das factum est, ut turba Lutherana longe plus operae impendent discendis sacris lite-
;
ris ita translatis, quam impendit populus Catholicorum, ubi Laid eam curam potissime
in sacerdotes et Monachos rejiciebant. Unde contigit nonnunquam, a laicis Lutheranis

plures scripturae locos ex tempore citari in coUoquiis, quam citarentur a presb3'teris et
Monachis catholicis. At jam dudum persuaserat Lutherus turbis suis, nuUis dictis ha-
bendam esse fidem, nisi quae ex sacris literis proferrentur. Idcirco reputabantur Catho-
lici ab illis ignari scripturarum, etiamsi eruditissimi essent theologi. Quinetiam palam
aliquando coram multitudine contradicebant eis Laici aliqui, tanquam mera pro conci-
oue dixerint mendacia aut figmenta hominum. Accedebant et alia incommoda. Nam
cum antiqui theologi multis retro annis peritiam linguarura et politiores literas neglex-
issent; Lutherus mox ab initio per Philippum Melancthonen, et per Zuinglium, Oeco-
lampadiumque et Bucerum (antequam ab eo in nonnullis articulis dissentire coepissent)
totam vere juventutem, eloquentiae literis linguarumque studio deditam, ac ingenio ex
acutis et expolitis Erasmi Roterdami opusculis pulcherrime excultam, in partem suam
traxit. Juvenes vero et ingenio alacres, et laborum patientes mox in sacris literis (qui-
bus Lutherus unicum tribuebat sensum, et eum solummodo literalem) ita profecerunt
literaliter, ut vel XXX annorum theologi tarn prompti in citandis scripturae locis non
viderentur, quam erant illi. Qui et de peritia linguarum et de styli elegantia superbi-
entes, mox quoslibet veteris farinae theologos non solum contemnere, verum etiam pro-
vocare coeperunt, maxime, quando ad populura verba faciebant. Quod si quis novita-
tibus eorum contradiceret, mox praetendebant lectionem graecam vel hebraicam, aut
aliquem ex vetustissimis auctoribus, et confestim plenis convitiorum plaustris invehe-
bantur in graecarum et hebraicarum literarum ignaros theologos, quos odiose sophistas,
asinos, porcos, animalia ventris, et inutilia pondera terrae vocitabant, superaddentes
etiam ronchos et cachinnos immodestissime. Ac unum Lutherum, velut verum theolo-
gum populo commendantes, ejus adversaries velut ignaros, immo hostes veritatis, et ob
alimoniam sibi praecisam aut imminutam Luthero invidentes, invidiosissime traduce-
bant.
" He had taught the fallibility of the Pope in his Comm. in libr. quartum Sententia-
rum (reprinted,Romae, 1522, fol.). Quaest. de sacra C07ifirm. certum est, quod (Ponti-
fex) possit errare in quae tangunt fidem, haeresim per suam determinationem aut
iis,
decretalem asserendo the other hand, Luther's doctrines appeared preposterous to

: On
him, the strict scholastic theologian, and so he said with regard to Luther's propositions
condemned by the theologians of Louvain, in a letter which he wi'ote to them while j-et
cardinal (C. Burmanni Hadrianus VL sive Analecta historica de Hadr. VL Traj. ad.
Rhen., 1727. 4. p. 447) qui sane tam rudes ac palpabiles haereses mihi prae se ferrc
:
videntur, ut ne discipulus quidem theologiae, ac prima ejus limina ingressus, ita labi
—
merito potuisset. Miror valde, quod homo tam manifeste, tamque pertinaciter in fide
errans, et suas haereses somniaque diffundens, impune errare, et alios in perniciosissi-
mos errores trahere impune sinitur. Hence he must come to the opinion that the redress
of external abuses in the Church would put an end to Luther's success. This judgment
throne after Leo X. (t 1st Dec., 1521), thought that the more plain-
ly he acknowledged and promised to redress the defects that had
crept into the external constitution of the Church, so much the
more decidedly he might venture to claim the execution of the
existing law of heresy against Luther's deviations in doctrine.
But the public declarations which, for this purpose, he caused to
be made at the Diet of Nuremberg (Dec, 1522),^* only resulted in
would necessarilj' be strengthened hy the letter of Wilibald Pirkheimer addressed to him

(Pirckhej'uieri 0pp., ed. Conr. Ritterhusius, p. 372; Gerdesii Hist. Evangelii renovati,
i. Monum. p. 170), according to -which the arrogance and deceitfulness of the Domini-
cans, and their hatred of the humanists, were the cause of all the evils. Ludovicus Vi-
ves, in a formal opinion (0pp. 834 Burmannus, p. 456), recommended the new Pope
ii. ;
to call a general council, to do awaj' with all the confusion prevailing iu Europe. Ha-
drian's correspondence with Erasmus is worthy of especial notice (Bermannus, p. 493
seq., but here the letters are not all given ; see Danz Analecta Critica de Hadriano VI.
P. ii., Jenae, 1814. 4. p. 9). He challenges him to write against Luther. Erasmus de-
clines this as useless he complains that he has been erroneouslj' considered as the orig-
:
inator of the heresy he expresses his aversion to it, but points out the perverse methods
;
of Luther's adversaries (Burmannus, p. 501 centum locos colligam ex Paulinis episto-

:
lis qui congruunt cum his quae damnata sunt in Lutheri libris), and renews his former
proposal (see Note 67) to let the question be adjusted by impartial arbitrators from dif-
ferent nations. Paul Sarpi (Histoire du Concile de Trent, traduite par Courajêr, i. 41
seq.) gives an account of the Pope's deliberations with the cardinals as to the means to
be adopted, from a diary of Francis Chieregati (p. 50) but it is not probable that Car-
;
dinal Cajetan, who had written on indulgence a short time before in the sense of Thomas
Aquinas, would have advised him to declare, according to the earlier doctrine, that
indulgence availed only for the remission of church-penalties. See Pallavicini, lib. ii.
c. 4.
'* The legate, Francis Chieregati, first had a shorter form of Instructions read before
the Diet, without delivering in the beginning of the year 1523 he first pro-
it in writing ;
duced the second, with express declarations about reform many persons were thus led ;
to the opinion that it had been first composed in Nuremberg (see the account of the
Saxon envoy Hans von der Plaunitz to the Elector, in Luther's works, 2ter Deutscher
Jen. Theil. Bl. 206 b). It was sent after him, as soon as it was manifest that the pub-
lic feeling in Germany required more effective declarations. These last Instructions
Luther soon after published in German with comments (Sleidan, lib. iv. init.), in the
original in Raj'nald. ann. 1522, No. 66, and Goldast Constitutt. Imperial, i. 450. After
setting forth the reasons with which the legate was to urge the princes to suppress the
Lutheran heresj', it proceeds Item dices, nos ingenue fateri, quod Deus banc persecu-
:
tionem Ecclesiae suae inferre permittit propter peccata hominum, maxime sacerdotum
et Ecclesiae Praelatorum. —
Scimus, in hac sancta sede aliquot jam annis multa abomi-
nanda fuisse, abusus in spiritualibus, excessus in mandatis, et omnia denique in per-
versum mutata nee mirum, si aegritudo a capite in membra a summis Pontificibus in
:
alios inferiores Prelatos descenderit. Omnes nos, i. e. Praelati et ecclesiasticl deelina-

vimus unusquisque in vias suas, nee fuit jam diu, qui faceret bonum, non fait usque ad
unum : quamobrem necesse
est, ut omnes demus gloriam Deo, et humiliemus animas
nostras videatque unusquisque nostrum unde ceciderit, et se potius quilibet judicet,
ei,
quam a Deo in virga furoris sui judicari velit. Qua in re quod ad nos attinet, pollice-
beris nos omnem operam adhibituros, ut primiim Cmia haec, unde forte hoc malum pro-
cessit, reformetur ; ut sicut inde corruptio in omnes inferiores emanavit, ita etiam ab
eadem sanitas et reformatio —
omnium emanet. QuanquatH nemo mirari debebit, si non
statim omnia errata et abusus omnes per nos emendatos viderit : inveteratus nimium
a new and importunate demand for the redress of the oft-repeated

grievances of the G-erman nation.^^ For the first attempts at reform
morbus est, nee simplex, sed varius et multiplex ;

pecletentim in ejus cura procedenJum
est, etprius gravioribus raagisque periculosis occurrendum, ne omnia pariter reformarl
—
volentes omnia perturbemus. Quod autem ultimis Uteris suis scribis, questos fuisse
Principes istos, quod Concordatis eorum per banc sedem derogatum
sit dices, nos de ;
his, quae ante nos facta nee posse, nee debere, nobisque ejusmodi deroga-
fuere, culpari
tiones, etiam dum in minoribus essemus, semper displicusse. Proinde nobis certissimam
sententiam esse, etiamsi ipsi non requirerent, illis nostri Pontificatus tempore penitus ab-
stinere, partim, utunicuique jus suum servemus, partim quia aequitas et humanitas ex-
poscit, ut inclytam natiouem nostram non solum non ofl'endamus, sed etiam peculiares
ei favores impendamus. De processibus vero, quos a Rota avocari, et ad partes remitti
postulant, dices, nos cupere eis in hoc gratificari quantum honeste possimus sed prop- ;
ter absentiam auditorum ab urbe pestis gratia, non posse nos de qualitate et habitudine
ipsorum processuum ad praesens informari ; reversis vero illis facturos in gratiam dic- —
torum Principum quidquid rationabiliter poterimus. Item quia intelleximus, in Ger- —
mania esse multos bonos et doctos viros pauperes, aliqua etiam praeclara ingenia, quae
ex indignitate apostolicarum provisionum, histrionibus et stabulariis potius quam viris
cupimus, ut inquiras, quinam illL
doctis fieri solitarum, a sedis hujus devotione aversa ;
sint, eorumque nomina ad nos transmittas, ut occurrente beneficiorum Germanicorum

vacatione, illos proprio motu providere possimus. Scimus enim, quantum Dei honori,
et animarum saluti ac aedificationi obfuerit, quod jam diu beneficia ecclesiastica, maxi-
rae curani et regimen animarum habentia, data fuerunt hominibus indignis. Pirckhei-
mer wrote on this point to Erasmus (Strobel's Vermischte Bej-trage zur Gesch. d. Lite-
ratur Niirnberg, 1775, s. 1G5) Pollicetur multa, quae utinam velit, et quum velit, possit,
:
et quum possit, re exequatur, quod multis impossibile videtur. In the letter to the
German princes, which the legate brought with him (Raj-nald, 1522, no. 60, and Lu-
theri 0pp. T. ii. Jen. lat. fol. 536, b.), he complains that the edict of Worms was not
observed, and exhorts them to carrj' it into execution, with a reference to the treatment
of earlier heretics, e. g. Huss at Constance. In order to produce a greater impression,
he suggests the political dangers of the Lutheran heresy An putatis, alio tendere istos :
iniquitatis filios, quam ut libertatis nomine omni obedientia sublata, quod cuique libu-
erit faciendi licentiam inducant ? An ullius pensi jussa et leges vestras habituros cre-
ditis, qui sacros canones et Patrum decreta —
non solum vilipendunt, sed etiam diabolica
non verentur ? An denique vestris cervicibus parsuros, qui
rabie lacerare et comburere
non tangendos Christos Domini contemerare, caedere, trucidare ausi sunt? In vos, in.
vestras res, domos, uxores, liberos, ditiones, dominatus, templa, quae colitis, haec mise-
randa calamitas tendit, nisi mature obvlam eatis At the same time he addressed a
!
violent letter to the Elector Frederick (Raj-nald, 1. c. no. 73 ss.) ; and, besides this, let-
ters to the town-councils of Bamberg (which Luther published with notes, T. ii. Jen.
lat. fol. 538, b.), of Breslau (see Fibiger's eingerissenes Lutherthum), of Constance
(Fiissli's Beytrage zur Reformationsgesch. iv. 223), to Henr}', Duke of Mecklenburg
(Riederer's Nachrichten, iv. 202), and undoubtedl}' others to the separate Estates which
have not been divulged.
^^ The answer of the Estates to the Pope may be seen in Latin in Goldast Constitutt.
Imperial, i. 452, in German in F. Hortleder Von den Ursachen des Deutschen Krieges,
i. and Walch, xv. 2550 (compare Ranke, Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Ref. ii. 52
9,
ff.) Quod sedis Apostolicae sententia in Lutherum lata, simulque Sacrae Caesareae Ma-
:
jestatis edictum non sit debitae executioni demandatum, non sine maximis, urgentissi-
misque rationibus, utputa ne pejora inde causarentur, etc., hactenus praetermissum est.
Majori namque populi parti jam pridem persuasum est, et modo Lutheranis libris ac
dogmatibus populorum opinio sic informata, ut jam pro comperto habeant. Nation! Ger-
manicae a Curia Romana perêrtos abusus multa et magna gravamina et incommoda
illata esse ob id, si pro executione Apostolicae sedis seutentiae, vel Imperatoriae Ma-
:
— ;
CHAP. I.—GERMAN EEFORMATION. § 1. 1523. 69
in Rome, Hadrian earned hatred, resistance, and an early death

(14th Sept., 1523).^^ His successor, Clement YH., immediately
jestatis edicti quidpiam acerbius attentatum esset, mox popularis multitudo sibi lianc
suspicionem animo concepisset, ac si talia fiebant pro evertenda evangelica veritate, et
siistiucudis manuteuendisque malis abusibus impietatibusque. Unde indubie nihil aliud
qiiam gravissimi tumultus populares, intestinaque bella speranda essent, quemadmodum
ex multis ac variis reruiu argumentis Principes aliique Ordines jam plane didicere et
cognovere. Oportunioribus itaque remediis his malis, in hac potissimum temporum
difficultate, succurrendum esse existimant. Then the Pope's promises were highly
praised. Nam nisi istiusmodi abusus et gravamina, simulqiie certi Articuli, quos saecu-
lares Principes juxta haec specialiter designates scriptis exkibebunt, fideliter reformentur,
vera pax et concordia inter ecclesiasticos saecularesque Ordines, hnjusque tumultus et
errorum extirpatio per Germaniam minime speranda est. Then they pray for the abo-
lition of the annates, asserting, Principes Germaniae in solutionem Annatarum ad ali-
quot annos sedi Apostolicae solvendarum ea lege ac conditione consensisse, ut ilia in
oppugnationem perfidissimi Turcae, et defensionem fidei Catholicae converterentur. But
that time had long since passed, and this purpose was never regarded. Thej' propose,
as the best means of allaying all disturbances, quod Beatitudo Pontificis, accedente ad
haec Sacrae Caesareao Majestatis consensu, liberum Christianum Concilium ad locum
convenientem in Natione Germanica, quanto ocius et celerius quoad fieri possit, videlicet
vel in Argentoratum, vel Moguntiam, Coloniam Agrippinam, vel ad civitatem Meten-
sem, vel alium convenientem locum in Germania indiceret nee ultra unius anni spatium
:
(si possibile foret) haec Concilii convocatio et designatio differretur, et quod in tali Con-
cilio eis qui interesse deberent Ecclesiastici vel laicalis ordinis, non obstantibus quibus-
cunque juramentis et obligationibus, libere liceret loqui et consulere pro gloria summi
Dei, et salute animarum, proque republica Christiana, absque aliquo impedimento
quinimo quilibet ad haec debeat esse obnoxius, etc. Till this could be brought about, a
check should be placed upon innovating letters and sermons. The legate, in his reply
(Goldast, 1. c. 455), expressed himself as much dissatisfied with this ans^wer, but he re-
ceived a curt dismissal (1. c. 45G) Quamvis Principes, et reliqui ordines Germanicae na-
:
tionis iterum pro verbis verba dare potuissent, quum tamen aliis magis necessariis oc-
cupati essent, Pontificium oratorem priori responsione contentum esse jusserunt donee ;
gravamina nationis Germanicae summo Pontifici transmissa forent, ac inde manifestum

fieret, num verba ejus tarn blanda, facta etiam debita secutura essent. In the composi-
tion of the Gravamina, those of Worms (see Note 76) were the ground-^work these were ;
only to be brought into a more convenient form. Thej' were to have been given to the
legate, as is expresslj- stated in the preface (in Georgi, p. 366) and this -would have
;
been done, si non praeter omnium exspectationem abitionem suam hinc tantopere matu-
rasset, ac inopinato ita decessisset (see the Peroratio in Georgi, p. 500) so they had to
;
be sent after him. Veesenmej-er (Kirchenhist. Archiv, 1824, iii. 87) erroneouslj^ asserts
the contrarj' for the statement in the Peroratio, which is not the work of the first editor,
;
but of the Estates, certainh' outweighs all other testimony. See these Gravamina in
Goldast, 1. c. 456 J. F. Georgii Imperatorum Nationis Germ. Gravamina adv. Sedem
;
Eomanam, Francof. et Lips., 1725. 4. p. 365. On the many Latin and German editions
of them, see H. G. Franci De Gravaminibus Norinibergensibus ab Erroribus Liberatis
Epist. ad J. E. Kappium, Lips., 1731. 4.
'* The judgment of the Roman clergy with regard to these concessions made to the
Germans has been preserved in Pallavicini's Hist. Cone. Trident, lib. ii. c. 6, § 8 Est pa- :
riter veritati consentanea ea ratio, quam Suavis asserit a Soderino Cardinale propositam
Pontifici emendationem Datariae, aliorumque ecclesiasticorura Romae Magistratuum,
:
—
haereticorum conversion! parum esse conducibilem. Quia ex eo quod ipsorum causa
emendatum fuisset, plausum auctoritatemque apud populos sibi comparaturos fuisse.
Atque ita experimento compertum esse, moderatis concessionibus iratum quidem popu-
lum quandoque placari posse, perduellem non posse adeoque perduellionis incendium
:
—
returned to the old papal ways, and demanded, through his cardinal
legate, Campeggio, at the Diet of Nuremberg (Jan., 1524), the un-
conditional suppression of the heresy.^'' The legate only obtained
an unsatisfactory decree for the observance of the edict of Worms,
as far as was possible,^^ and now endeavored, by negotiations with
the separate Estates and with individuals, to obtain somewhat
non With regard to the instruc-

nisi vel terroris gelu, vel sanguinis pluvia restingui.
tions of the legate, Cap. 7, § 9 Hujusmodi mandata, sicut aperto declarant Adrianl
:
—
probitatem, ita apud plerosque majorem in eo prudentiam circumspectionemque desi-
derabant. § 10 Experientia compertum est, non mode Romanum Pontificatum, sed
: —
regimen modici Ordinis religiosi, quantumvis simplicis ac formae severioris, melius regi
a quodam praedito mediocri probitate cum eximia prudentia conjuncta, quam a sancti-
mbnia modicae prudentiae compote. Quapropter ut ipsa sanctitas in subditis conserve-
tur, non tantum in sanctitate, quam in prudentia momenti est.
'^ When Campeggio was required to make a declaration at the Diet with regard to the
Gravamina, he replied (Sleidanus, lib. iv. ed. Am Ende, p. 226) In conventu Worma- :
ciae Caesaris exilsse mandatum ejus rei, de communi ipsorum consilio promulgatum :
sibi igitur videri, priusquam aliud decernatur, de modo executionis deliberandum esse.
— Quantum ad ipsorum postulata pertinet, an edita sint, ut Romam deferantur, omnino
se nescire tria solum exemplaria fuisse perlata Romam ad quosdam privatim
: ex iis :
unum sibi contigisse Pontifici autem et Cardinalium senatui non posse persuaderi, haec
:
a Principibus ita fuisse decreta, sed existimare, privatos homines odio reipublicae Ro-
manae in lucem emisisse nullum etiam ejus rei se mandatum habere neque tamen
: :
hoc sic accipiendum esse, quasi de eo potestatem non habeat agendi sed in iis postula- :
tis esse multa, quae et Pontificis derogent auctoritati, et haeresim redoleant, et a se

tractari non possint alia vero, quae non adversentur Pontifici, quaeque nitantur acqui-
:
tate, non se recusare, quominus de iis et cognoscat et agat: sed tamen sibi videri, mo-
deratius multo posse proponi, si quid erga Pontificem habeant. Pirkheimer narrates
that this Campeggio, then at Nuremberg, cheated a poor mathematician out of a
book and a globe, and refused to make him any indemnification because he was a
Lutheran ; see Strobel's Vermischte Beytrage zur Gesch. der Literatur, Niirnberg, 1765,
s. 98.
5* The final decree of the Diet, 18th April, 1524, in Lunig's Reichsarchiv P. Gen. cont.
1, p. 445 ; Walch, xv. 2674 the Emperor had expected that the states would, with re-
:
gard to the edict of Worms, " gehorsamlich gelebt und nachkommen seyn, darzu das-
selbe gehandhabt haben, und aber solches nicht beschehen, davon gemeiner Christen-
heit deutscher Nation nicht kleine Beschwerung erfolgt." On the repeated demand of
the Emperor, the Estates determined, "demselben unserm Mandat gehorsamlich, wie
sie sich dess schuldig erkennen, so viel ihnen moglich, zu geleben, gemass zu halten
und nachzukommen." Libels were to be discontinued, a general council assembled as
soon as possible, an abstract of the new doctrines, "was darin disputirlich gefunden,"
to be prepared for its use ; meanwhile, " das h. Evangelium und Gottes Wort nach rech-
tem wahren Verstand u. Auslegung der von gemeiner Kirchen angenommenen Lehrern
ohn Aufruhr u. Aergerniss gepredigt u. gelehrt." But measures were to be taken with
regard to the Gravamina at the next diet. But the electoral envoy, and the deputies
of the counts and nobilitj', protested against this decree (see the documents in Walch,
XV. 2696). The Pope remonstrated against its indefiniteness to the Emperor, and to
the Kings of France and England (see letters of the 16th, 17th, and 22d May, in Eay-
nald, 1524, no. 15 ss.). The Emperor accordingly, in an edict from Burgos, 15th July
(Cyprian's Niitzl. Urkunden appended to Tentzel's Bericht, Th. 2, s. 304), refused the
demand for a council, and required, " pei vermeidung Criminis laesae Majestatis, un-
ger u. des Reichs Acht u. Aberacht" the observance of the edict of Worms.
—
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. 1524. 7x
more.^^ He actually succeeded so far as to unite several of the

Estates at Ratisbon (July, 1524), in concluding a league for the
execution of the edict of Worms, and in receiving from the legate
a decree against isolated abuses, as if this was the reformation of
the Church that was to satisfy the universal expectation.^"" How-
ever, the time for deception was past ; even zealous Catholic prin-
ceswere ashamed of supporting this sham reform ; and it soon
became the laughing-stock of the people.^"^
Hadrian's honest concessions and fruitless efforts, as well as the
opposite policy of his successor, only increased the conviction that
a reformation of the Church was necessary, but could never be
expected from Rome. Hence there was a more decided return
to those ecclesiastical reforms which had already been success-
fully begun. In almost every part of Germany they had their
champions. Popular authors, such as Hans Sachs at Nurem-
berg,^"' John Eberlinof Giinzburg,^"^ Michael Stiefel from Essling-
" He desired especially to draw over Melancthon to his side. When, in April and
May, he visited his fatherland, the Palatinate, the legate sent his secretarj', Frederick
Nausea, to him, to win him bj- large promises. Melancthon stoutly refused everj' over-
ture (see the account of Camerarius, who was present at the time. Vita Melanchth. § 26,
ed. Strobel, p. 93). Melancthon was thereby induced to send the cardinal a letter,
which has become known under the title De Doctrina D. Lutheri ad Amicum quondam
(Mel. Epistt., ed. Bretschneider, i. G57), and begins with the important remark Fallitur :
mundus, cum unum hoc agi a Luthero judical, ut puLlicae caeremoniae aboleantur.
Verum non de caeremoniis dimicat Lutherus, majus quoddam docet, quid intersit inter
hominum justitiam et Dei justitiam. The legate also tried to win Melancthon by
means of Erasmus ; see Erasmi Ep. 'ad Mel. postr. Nonas Sept., 1525, in Bretschneider,
i. 672.
Ranke's Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Ref. ii. 158. These were the Archduke
*"''
Ferdinand, the Duke of Bavaria, the Archbishop of Salzburg, the Bishops of Trent,
Ratisbon, Bamberg, Spires, Strasburg, Augsburg, Constance, Basle, Freisingen, Passau,
and Brescia. The Documents of the League are in Walch, xv. 2699 best in Strobel's ;
Miscellaneeu, ii. 118. The Constitutio ad removendos Abusus et Ordinatio ad Vitam

Cleri reformandam, which belongs to it, issued by Campeggio, may be seen in the Fas-
ciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, ed. E. Brown, p. 422. Goldasti Con-
stitt. Imperial, iii. 478.
-'" Even the zealous Catholic Ortuinus Gratius says of it in his Fasciculus 1. c. : quae
sicuti pauca complectitur, ita etiam a paucis est recepta. Lampoons against it are men-
tioned in Strobel's Miscellaneen, ii. 134, where also some extracts are given from one
of them, "Absaz oder Fehdschrift des hoUischen Fiirsten Lucifers, Doctor Martin Lu-
ther jetzt zugesandt."
"^ For instance, bj^ his WittenheVgische Nachtigal, probablj' in 1523. Disputacion
zwischen einem Chorherren u. Schuhmacher, darin das Wort Gottes u. ein recht christ-
lich Wesen verfochten wird: 1524. Dialog von den Scheinwerken der Geistlichen u.
ihren Geliibden 1524. See Hans Sachs, Beforderer der Reformation, von Veesenmeyer,
:
in the Kirchenhist. Archiv, 1826, iii. 249.

In 1521 he left the Franciscan monaster}' at Ulm, and labored in many places as
'"3
a preacher of reform. To the number of his works, which are distinguished for their
;
72 FOURTH PEEIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
en,"* and others,"^ recommended them. In many parts of northern

Grermany, and the adjacent countries, they ohtained the ascend-
ancy: in East Friesland from 1519;"^ in some towns of Pome-
rania,"^ and of Livonia,"^ and in Silesia,"^ from 1522 in Prus- ;
sia"'' and Mecklenburg"^ from 1523 ; in Denmark and Sweden

mildness, belong especiallj- the 15 Bundsgenossen. Strobel's Nachricht v. Joh. Eb. v.
G. Leben u. Schriften im Altdorf. literar. Museum, i. 363. Eighteen works of his are
here enumerated. His worli on the Reformation of the Clerical Order is reprinted in
Strobel's lliscellaneen, ii. 207.
"* An Augustinian monk at Essling he wrote a poem, "Von der Christformigen, ;
rechtgegrundten Lehre D. M. Luther's," and was drawn into a correspondence about it

with Thomas Murner at Strasburg. He left his monastery in 1522, worked as an evan-
gelical preacher inmanj- places, wrote much in the cause of the Reformation, but de-
generated at length into Apocalyptic dreams, f 1567 at Jena ; see the Nachricht von M.
Leben u. Schriften, in Strobel's Neue Be3'trage, i. 1.
Stiefel's
"5 Thus Kettenbach, a barefooted friar, wrote, "Practica practicirt aus der h. Bibel,
1523. 4." Museum, ii. 51. In the year 1524 appeared " Ain
See Altdoi-fisches literar. :
Sermon gepredigt vom Pauren zu Werdt bey Nurnberg von dem freyen Willen des
Menschen, auch von Anrufung der Heiligen," composed by Diepold Peringer, a peasant
from the district of Ulm, who had preached publicly at Kitzingen and Niiremberg, and
was probably also the author of the following works: "Des Christl. Pauren getreuen
Rath," and "Ain schone Auslegung iiber das gottlich Gebet Vater Unser, das uns Gott
selbst geleret hat. Das hat betracht ein armer Bauer, u. s. w. ;" see Riederer's Nachrich-
ten, 71. ii. —
Utz Rychsner's (Urbanus Regius) Gesprach zwischen einem PfafFen u. We-
ber probably to the same author belongs also the dialogue between a barefooted friar
:
and a spoon-maker. Both dialogues have been erroneously attributed to Hans Sachs
see Veesenmeyer, in the Kirchenhist. Archiv, 1826, iii. 271. Ain schoner Dialogus von —
einem Lanzknecht u. Predigermiinich durch Wolfgang Zierer von Salzburg; see Vee-
senmeyer in Illgen's Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theologie, ii. 2, 257.
1 "« Gittermann's Reformationsgeschichte v. Ostfriesland, in the Kirchenhist. Ai-chiv,
1824, iii. 23.
»»' It was propagated in Treptow, from 1520, by Bugenhagen, persecuted in 1521;
see Johannes Bugenhagen, by Zietz, Leipz., 1829, s. 43 ff. Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. hist.
Theol. V. 230 ; and the same work, new series, I. iii. 139. Stettin received two preach-
i.
ers from Wittenberg, Seckendorf, i. 240, b. Christian Ketelhodt preached at Stralsund

from 1522 in April, 1523, a general storm against images ensued see Sastrowen's Le-
; ;
ben, edited by Mohnike, i. 36 Joh. Berckmann's Stralsundische Chronik, edited by

;
Mohnike u. Zober (Stralsund, 1833), s. 33, 259. D. C. F. Fabricius, Die Acht u. Vierzig
Oder : die Einfiihrung der Kirchenverbesserung in Stralsund. Stralsund, 1837. 8. — (v.
Medem's) Gesch. der Einfuhrung der evangel. Lehre im Herzogth. Pommern. Greifs-
wald, 1837. 8. J. G. L. Kosegarten, De Lucis Evangelicae in Pomerania exorientis Ad-
versariis. Grj'phisw., 1830. 4.
"OS
See § 15, Note 5, below.
">' Breslau set the example ; it was followed by Frederick II., Duke of Liegnitz, and
George, Margrave of Brandenburg, as Duke of Jilgerndorf ; see Rosenberg's Reform.
Gesch. V. Schlesien. Breslau, 1767.
110 Note below.
See § 15, 3,
111
First at Rostock, in 1523, by Joachim Schliiter (M. Joachim Schluter erster evang.
Prediger zu Rostock, ein Beitrag zur Reformationsgesch. geschr. durch Nicolaum Grj--
sen 1593, neu herausgegeben v. K. F. L. Arndt, Lubeck, 1832. 8), at Wismar, by Hen-
ry MoUens, in 1524, Seckendorf, i. 295, a. Sculteti Annales Evangelii Renovati, ad
ann. 1524. D. Schroder's Kirchenhist. des evang. Meklenburg. Rostock, 1788, 2
Theile, 4.
the number of adherents was already considerable. Reform met

with special success among the people in the free towns. Thus,
by the decision of the citizens, it prevailed at Francfort on the
Mayne,"- in Swabian Halle,^^^ and in Magdeburg in 1523,"* in
1524 in Ulm,'i5 Strasburg,"^ Bremen,"^ and Nuremberg."^ Very
few were the towns in which it did not stir up a hazardous strug-
gle that endangered the old constitution of the Church."^
''2 It had been preached there ever since 1521, and been protected hy certain noble-
men in the neighborhood. On the 5th March, 1523, the Senate had to issue an order to
all theclergy to preach the word of God pure and clear, Seckendorf, i. 243. J. B. Eit-
ter'sEvang. Denkmahl der Stadt Frankf. a. M., od. ausfiihrl. Bericht der daselbst er-
gangenen Kirchenreform. Frankf., 172G. 4.
"^ By John Brenz, who here became pastor in 1522, and discontinued mass in 1523,
Seckendorf, i. 242.
"* The citizens assembled on the 23d June, 1523, with seven preachers, in the Au-
gustinian monasterj', and drew up articles for the Council, in which thej- demanded a
reformation. Then they prevailed on Nic. Amsdorf to undertake the arrangement of
ecclesiastical matters, Seckendorf, i. 246. G. S. Eotger's Magdeburg. Reformations-
Magdeburg, 1792. 8.
geschichte. 2te Aufl.
"* Though the Franciscans, John Eberlin (see Note 103), Henry of Kettenbach (see
Veesenmeyer's Bej'trage zur Gesch. der Literatur u. Reform., Ulm, 1792, s. 79), and
John Diepholt had preached the Reformation before this time, it obtained greater con-
sistency in 1524, when Conrad Sam was
called in at the request of the townsmen. In
the same Senate began its regulations for reform, by a command to the clergy
j'ear the
either to dismiss their concubines or to marrj' them ; see Seckendorf, i. 242.^The Ref-
ormation prevailed at Heilbronn also bj- means of Bernhard Lachmann, 1521, who was
pastor there ; see C. Jager's Mittheilungen zur Schwab, u. Frank. Reformationsgesch.
Bd. 1 (Stuttgart, 1828), s. 30 ff. In Kauf beuern the signal for the introduction of reform
was given by a tinman, 8th Sept., 1524, who interrupted the priest in a sermon of ex-
travagant commendation of the Virgin Mary with the words "Pfaff, du liigst" (Priest,
thou liest) ; see Wagenseil's Beitrag zur Gesch. der Reform. Leipz. 1830, s. 2.
"^ The efforts for reform, which had been early undertaken, received a decided char-
acter from the year 1523, when Caspar Hedio came to Strasburg as preacher at the ca-
thedral,Wolfgang Fabricius Capito as provost of the foundation of St. Thomas, and
Martin Bucer. The alteration in divine service was commenced in 1824, with the approv-
al of the Senate ; see A. Jung's Beitrage zu der Gesch. d. Reformation. 2te Abth. Gesch.
der Reformat, der Kirche in Strasburg u. dem Elsasse. Strasb. u. Leipz., 1830. 8.
"' Heniy of Ziitphen preached the reformation here from 1522-24 in the Anscharii-
kirche John Timann from 1524, in the church of St. IMartin. In 1525 the mass was ev-
;
ery where abolished; see Pratje, Bremen u. Verdische Bibliothek, B. 1, St. 2, s. 1 H. ;
W. Eotermund vom Anfange der Reformation im Erzstifte Bremen u. Stifte Verden.

Ltineburg, 1825.
"^ Job. Milliner's Reformationsgesch. der freyen Reichstadt Nilrnberg. -Niirnberg,
1770. 8. The two provosts, George Besler at St. Sebald, and Hector Pomer at St. Lau-
rence's, the Augustine prior, Wolfgang Volprecht, and Andrew Osiander, from 1522
preacher at St. Lawrence's, began, from the j-ear 1522, to preach the Reformation and ;
the Council protected them, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the papal legate, and
the Emperor's stadtholder, at the Diets of Nuremberg, in 1523 and 1524 see Altdor- ;
fisches literar. Museum, ii. 26. In the jêar 1524 they abolished the mass and other
popish usages, and the sentence pronounced against them by the Bishop of Bamber j re-
mained without result see Strobel's Miscellaneen, iii. 45.
;
1" For a characteristic account of this struggle, see Ambrose Blarer's apology to the
;
74 FOURTH PEEIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. lol7-lG48.
town-council of Constance, a.d. 1523 (in Fussli's Beytrage zur Reformationsgesch. iv.
195). He shows how Luther's doctrine was perverted bj' his enemies : " Thej' say Lu-
ther rejects all outward good works which God has commanded, but at the same time
they pass over in silence his faithful teaching, that all good and fruitful works must
proceed from the ground of a believing heart: thus he would first make the root and
the tree good, so that the fruits may not be hung upon it from without, but put forth
from within. They also pretend that he inculcates carnal enjoyments, and teaches that-
men should fast no more, and that accordinglj- he rejects all appointed days and sea-
sons ; but they maliciously conceal the fact that he exhorts us earnestly to dsxWy chas-
tening and restraint of the flesh. —
Further, they object that, according to Luther's doc-
trine, man need not pray, merely because he condemns vain repetition, as Christ himself
condemned such lip-service ;
—
however, they omit to say that he teaches us to pray
without ceasing, with elevation and aspiration of the soul toward God.— They report
that Luther teaches carnal wantonness, because he wishes to put some check upon the
wide-spread, scandalous impurity of the clergj' by permission to marry, and to assist
well-meaning priests, who, through bashfulness, are unable to advise themselves, and
who would yet be willinglj-- helped in the becoming manner allowed by Christ and his
apostles but they pass over in silence that he forbids all impurity, while we still have
;
to this day, as our ecclesiastical superiors and spiritual advisers, men who live in open
fornication, scandal, and crime. —
Further still, they cry out that Luther would do away
with because, forsooth, he will not endure the cruel rule of certain tyrants
all authority,
who undertake, with unhallowed boldness, to encroach upon the sovereignty of God the
Lord, since they try to extend their power over our souls and consciences yet thej- do
;
not say that, according to Luther's doctrine, we are not only subject to authority, but
also are bound to suffer and endure with Christian patience even their insane and cruel
—
government, reserving only the freedom of the soul and conscience. Besides, they al-
lege the discord and disturbance which this doctrine has roused in the world, and do not
consider that the word of God from the first has caused disunion and conflicts between
the believers in truth and falsehood. —
Then we have to consider, as Christians, that, as
the Church was at first begun and built up by the persecution and bloodshed of the
faithful, now too, since it has been brought to ruin and lamentable disorder in almost
all points, it can not be reconstituted, and re-established in its ancient dignit_v without
—
great disturbance and revolt. They also pretend that Luther rejects all divine orna-
ments, tables, coffins, lamps, tapers, organs, mass-vestments, etc. but they conceal the
;
fact that he so earnestly exhorts us to keep in repair and to adorn the living temples of
God, as Paul saj-s, namely, the poor, that they maj' not suffer from want and necessity.
— In like manner, they complain that this doctrine tends to the disgrace and the lessen-
ing of the honor of the immaculate and ever-pure Virgin Marj-, and other of God's saints
because pilgrimages, outl3-ing chapels, taper-burning, and such proceedings, are not
allowed to be of much but they do not say that we are taught true reverence for
avail ;
and adore the grace of God in His saints, and thus

saints, namely-, to recognize, praise,
to strengthen our hearts in confidence and hope, that He M'ill grant unto us the same
paternal grace as to them, because they are our brethren, and, in fine, so direct us iu
their footsteps that we may follow the example of their faith and virtuous living. They
will imbitter this honey of ours by saying that Luther is so hasty, quarrelsome, and
bitter, that he attacks, reproaches, and reviles his adversaries, and among them even
the great nobles and princes, ecclesiastical and temporal, with such wanton boldness
that he quite forgets brotherly love and Christian courtesy. Of a truth he has often
mispleased me in this respect I would advise no one now to imitate him in this point.
;
At the same time, I have not, on this account, rejected his good, Christian doctrine, nei-
ther will I pronounce sentence upon his person in this matter because I do not under-
;
stand his spirit and the secret judgment of God, since by this fault many people are
deterred from his doctrine but I also bear in mind that he is not fighting his own
;
cause, but for the word of God on this account much may be forgiven him, and all
;
—
ascribed to a zealous indignation for God. Lastly, they endeavor to make this doctrine
suspicious and reproachful, by saying that for more than a thousand years there has
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. INTRODUCTION. 75
§ 2.
HISTORY OF THE REFORIMATION IN SWITZERLAND TO 1525.
From the time that the brave Swiss mercenaries had so often
decided the fortunes of war on the battle-fields of northern Italy,
the Pope and the kingdom of France had been the chief rivals in
the attempt to obtain adherents in the. thirteen cantons.^ Pen-
sions were given by both parties to win men of influencp. The
Pope employed his spiritual power, also, for the same purpose and ;
allowed great forbearance and concessions about ecclesiastical mat-

ters, indulgences, and church-benefices. The direct result of the
constantly increasing enlistment in foreign service was a deplora-
ble demoralization ; for the mercenaries, on their return to their
fatherland, brought back licentiousness, wanton levity, and all
sorts of crimes.^ At the same time, the was degraded

clerical order
by the unprincipled distribution of church-patronage.^ But rev-

erence toward Rom.e also rapidly decreased, now that men so
often came to know her near at hand, and found svich frequent
cause of complaint against her.* Accordingly, the Swiss Govern-
ments were constantly assuming a more independent bearing
been a general agreement in the understanding of Holj' Scripture and that the holy ;
fathers and teachers have been quite unanimous in this but now comes Luther, over- ;
throws everj' thing, and will have a private meaning after his own head, so that all past
opinions together are quite worthless. In answer to this, it is enough to say that he,
above all other men, has so restricted his understanding, according to the exhortation of
Paul, and forced it into subjection to the word of Christ, that he seldom decides bj' his
own opinion, but by comparing and explaining Scripture with Scripture, which is the
—
highest art in commenting. Besides, it is not true that ancient or modern teachers have
hitherto been agreed in handling Scripture, for in a few days I could compile a large book
of articles in which they have been entirelj' at variance and discordant. Against Luther —
onlj', who has pointed out and laid his hand on the real ulcer and crime of the Church,
thej' raise the cry of murder thej- can not endure his writings, they endeavor to make his
;
doctrine loathsome to all men, they pervert his words, thej' attribute to him manj' unheard-
of heresies, so that every thing preposterous which is now sung or said of God and the
books and heresies, are burdened upon Luther and the Lutherans," etc.
saints, all vicious
' Compare J. v. Miillcr's Schweitzergeschichte, Th. 5, Abth. 2, bj' Robert Glutz-Blotz-
heim (Zurich, 1816), s. 243 ff. Wirz, Neuere Helvet. Kircheng. i. 31 ff.
^ Anshelm's Berner Chronik, vi. 91, in the 3'ear 1521 " Wie dann vornach bishar alle
:
Uebermiiss, Ueppigkeit und Aendrung der Sitten in ein schlechte, tapfere Ej'dgenoss-
schaft us fremden Kriegen gebracht ist worden, also ist auch zu diser Zj't beschehen,
etc." Bullinger's Reformationsgeschichte, i. 4. Glutz-Blotzheim, s. 504. Wirz, i. 48.
Niklaus Manuel von Griineisen. Stuttg. u. Tubingen, 1837, s. 27. Compare the poem
" Der alte u. der neue Eidgenosse," ibid. s. 461.
^ Glutz-Blotzheim, s. 601. Hettinger, continued by Miiller and Glutz-Blotzheim, vi.
282. Gruneisen, s. 16.

* Gruneisen, s. 26. Anshelm, v. 481. When a papal legate appeared before the Diet
at Glaris, in Jan., 1520 : "Da erklagten sich die Eydgenossen, ihre Pension wurd ihneu
toward the Pope, as they became certain that circumstances im-

posed upon him the necessity of courting their favor.^ Thus the
evil of foreign enhstment, which was perpetually denounced by
patriots as the ruin of Switzerland,'' brought with it its own cure,
by helping to prepare the way for an ecclesiastical reformation.

The point of light in Switzerland was Basle. At its university,
among many divines stiffly attached to the old order of things,
Thomas. Wyttenbach of BieF had been teaching from 1505, and
Wolfgang Fabricius Capito, a native of Alsatia, from 1512 to
1520,^ and opening to their hearers many clear views of particular
doctrines. But Erasmus especially, who in 1516 was for a time
domesticated at Basle, gathered round him a circle of enthusiastic
admirers of ancient learning, and of enlightened religious views.^
To this circle Ulrich Zwingle joined himself. He was born on
mit nuwer, unwahrer Miinz und zu Unzj-t bezahlt, anders dann der Bund wj'ste. Aucli
so ware niit ze dulden, dass sie von Curtisanen betriibt wurdint, dass des Babsts Gardi-
knecbt Pfriinden erwurbint und die verkouftint item, und dass die verwurkten Priester
;
um Diebstahl, Todtschlag, Ketzeiy, etc., dem

Biscbofen ubergeben, usgelassen oder en-
trunnen wieder Mess hieltint, und andere priesterlicher Wiirdigkeit Aempter iibtint.
Ihnen sullte zugelassen werden, soliche ze strafen und abzewj-sen. Antwort der Legat,
eswurde Besserung und .Fiirsebung beschehen, solltint ein Zyt Geduld haben, und ge-
mein Anligen der heil. Kilchen bedenken."
* When the Pope, in 1518, required 12,000 men at arms from the confederates for an
expedition against the Turks, thej- declared tliemselves ready on condition (Anshelm,
V. 341): "So wir nit uf sin sciUten, bis auder Christliche Fiirsten, Herren und Stand,
die uns vorgahn, uf sind, und wider den Tiirken ziehent." They promised 10,000 men,
and added " Wo babstliche Heiligkeit noch nieh bedorfe, wijllint wir ihr uf ihra Gefal-
:
len noch 2000 Pfaffen us unserer Eidgenossschaft auch nachlassen, dass die auch soUint
Ziehen, damit die Zahl der 12,000 erfullt werde."
^ Thus many persons advised, as earlj' as the Diet of Lucerne, in 1495 " Aller frem- :
den Herren miissig zu gehn," Glutz-Blotzheim, s. 56. At Berne, the Carthusian, Franz
Kolb, from 1512 preacher at the Vinzenzen-Miinster, was very zealous against foreign en-
listment, and left the town from chagrin at the ill success of his sermons see the Re- ;
formatoren Bems im XVI. Jahrh., by G. J. Kuhn. Bern, 1828, s. 344 ff.

' With regard to him, see Kuhn, s. 47 ff.
8 About him, see Jung's Gesch. d. Reform, d. Kirche in Strassburg, B. 1, s. 86 ff.
' To this circle of Erasmians, which is also known from Zwingle's earlier correspond-
ence, belonged Capito, Beatus Rhenanus, Henricus Glareanus, the Franciscan, Conrad
Pellicanus, Oswald Myconius in Basle, Joachim Vadianus, professor at Vienna, from
1518 at his native town of St. Gall, Wilh. Nesen at Basle, afterward at Paris, Job. v.
Botzheim, canon of Constance (see J. v. B. u. seine Freunde von K. Walchner, Schaf-
hausen, 1836. 8). The extent to which progress in theology had been made among
these men, even at an earl}' date, is shown in the narrative of John Fabritius Slontanus
(f 1566), in his funeral oration on Pellicanus ; according to
which he and Capito, as
early as 1512, had come to an understanding at a private conference in Bruchsal upon
the commentum transuhstantiationis, and, with St. Augustine, received the bread as
Symholuni corporis (see Miscellanea Tigurina, iii. 431 ss. Gerdesii Hist. Evangelii Re-
novati, i. 112 ss.) although this later account of it is evidently colored by opposition
;
to the Lutheran opinion.

—
CHAP. I.—SWISS EEFORMATION. § 2. INTRODUCTION. 77
the first of January, 1484, at Wildhaus, in the county of Toggen-

burg, and educated at the universities of Vienna and Basle : at
the latter place he received from Wyttenhach^^ his first impulse
in the study of divinity. From 1506, when he was elected by
the community of Glarus to be their pastor," he devoted himself
to a zealous study of the Latin classics and fathers of the Church.^^
1" in Praef. ad Adnotatt. Zuinglii in N. T. 1539
Leo Judae D. Th. Wittenbachius—
:
vir in omni disciplinarum genere exercitatissimus, et qui propter multijugani eruditio-

nem omnibus istius seculi doctissimis hominibus miraculo et stupori, et phoenix quidam
habitus sit. Quo praeceptore Zuinglius et ego uno eodemque tempore circa a.d. 1505,
Basileae Uteris operam navantes formati sumus, nee solum in cultioribus disciplinis,
quorum erat callentissimus, sed in scripturarum quoque veritate. Ut enim homo ille
praeter singularem eloquentiam acuto erat ingenio, multa quae posteris teuiporibus ab
aliis prodita sunt, providebat ac praesagiebat, utde indulgentiis Papisticis et aliis rebus,
quibus Eomanus Pontifex stultum niundum aliquot jam seculis dementaverat. Ex hoc
hausimus quidquid nobis fuit solidae eruditionis, atque hoc totum ei debemus. Quum
ergo a tauto viro semina quaedam verae religionis Zuingliano pectori injecta essent, et
calcar additum, quo ad lectionem literarum, rejectis nugis sophisticis, excitaretur, ad
Graecanicarum literarum studium statim accinctus Marte suo profecit, etc. Zwingle, in
his Uslegen u. Grund der Schlussreden 1523, in the Uslegung des XVIII. Artikels (Werke
V. Schuler u. Schulthess. Bd. 1, s. 254) Dann ich vorhin (vor Luther) von dem Ablass
:
bericht was, wie es ein Betrug und Farbe wiir, us einer Disputation, die Doctor Thomas
W3'tembach von Biel, min Herr u. geliebter triiwer Lehrer, vor etwas Zyten ze Basel
gehalteu hatte, wiewol in minem Abwesen." In the Arnica exegesis ad Lutherimi, 1527
(0pp. ed. Schuler et Schulthess, iii. 544), he had already learned from Wj'ttcnbach
solam Christi mortem pretium esse remissionis peccatorum. Rud. Gualterus (Zwingle's
son-in-law, preacher at Zurich, f 1586), in Praef. ad Priorem Partem Homiliarum in
Matthaeum (Miscell. Tigur. iii. 102), says of Wj-ttenbach Non solum bonarum litera-
:
rum et liberalium artium studia instauravit, sed multos, quoque Papisticae doctrinae
articulos de Sacramentis, indulgentiis, votis monasticis publico damnabat, et junioribus
dicere solebat, non procul abesse tempus, quo theologiam scholasticam aboleri, et doc-
trinam Ecclesiae veterem, ab orthodoxis patribus et scriptura sacra traditam, instaurari
oporteat. On the other hand, Zwingle writes to Wj-ttenbach on the loth June, 1523
(0pp. vii. 297) Quod quereris, frustra te aetatem tarn tuam, quam nostram, in Sophis-
:
tarum nugis detrivisse, non injuria facis quanquam nihil est, cur nostra causa turberis.
:
Dedimus haec jam olim temporum iniquitati vcrum poenitendo nihil efHcimus, quam
;
quod aliis exemplo sumus, qui paulo sunt ingenio raagis ingenuo, ne illi diutius quam-
par sit his haereant, a quibus nos esse avulsos, ut vehementer gaudemus, ita non parum
dolet, sero nimis avulsos.
^' The Pope's presentation to this cure of Henry Goldli, of one of the first families of
Zurich, who alreadj' held several benefices, was not regarded and in 1512 the Pope paid
;
him an annual sum by -way of indemnity (Schuler's Huldr. Zwingli, s. 20, 302). This is
at once an example of the Pope's arbitrary dealing and of his concessions to Switzerland.
" The letters written by him and to him at this time are an indication of the char-
acter of his studies they are entirelj' taken up with subjects of interest to the circle of
;
humanists, with questions of taste and style, literary intelligence, and SHch points. John
Dingnauer wrote to him on the 6th of December, 1514 (0pp. vii. i. 9), as Apollineae —
lyrae moderator!, nostraeque tempestatis Ciceroni indubitato. Wilh. Nesen, 27th April,
1517 (0pp. vii. 21), writes to him Tanta est tua eruditio candorque, ut inter extremae
:
sortis homines sint merito connumerandi, qui te non eximium mirentur Musarum simul
et Christi sacerdotem. Zwingle wrote first to Erasmus in 1514, and received a very
friendlj' answer (0pp. vii. 10) how highly he prized it is shown by his letter to him,
;
29th April, 1515 (1. c. 12) Tu nol)is amasius ille es, cui ni confabulati simus, sommina
:
;
As an eloquent preacher, he inveighed against the corrupt morals

of his day ;^^ in 1510 he did the same in satirical and allegorical
writings.^* Nevertheless, he was still quite devoted to the Pope
he received from him a pension as an influential preacher ;^^ and
regarded the support which the Swiss rendered to the Pope as a-
dutiful protection of the Holy See.^^ But afterward he was led

back more and more to the Holy Scriptures as the only source of
Christianity in 1513 he began to learn Greek, and engaged with
:
zeal in the study of the New Testament.^^ Thus his sermons, from
non capimus. — —
Nos peracti ad te itineris scias tantum abesse ut poeniteat, ut magnum
etiam fecisse nomen nos existimemiis, non alia re magis gloriantes, quam Erasmum vi-
disse, virum de Uteris Scripturaeque sacrae ai'canis meritissimum, quique Dei hominum-
que ita caritate flagret, ut quidquid literis impenditur, sibi impendi putet, pro quo item
omnes bene precari oporteat, ut eum Deus 0. M. incolumem servet, ut sanctae literae a
barbaric sophismatisque per eum vindicatae in perfectiorem aetatem grandescant, ne
tenellae adhuc tanto patre orbae ingratius duriusque educentur. Ego enim pro tua —
isthac in universos beneficientia, sero licet, tibi dudum quod Socrati Aeschines (quan-
quam imparem) donavi (viz., myself).
" Mj'conius, De Zwinglii Vita, § 11, in Stiludlin's u. Tzschirner's Archivf. Kircheng. i.
ii. 8 Congredi coepit juxta Christi normam cum flagitiis quibusque perniciosissimis, ante
:
omnia tamen cum pensionibus (sic appellamus munera Principum, quae certis milites
parandi bellique conficiendi gratia dabantur hominibus), eo quod eas exstirpare, et pa-
triam reformare ad sanctitatem pristinam prorsus haberet in votis. Nam videbat, turn
demum doctrinae coelesti locum futurum, ubi fons malorum esset exhaustus omnium.
Compare his Narratio verissima civilis Helvetiorum Belli, ibid. s. 41,
'* The Labyrinth (Works, ii. ii. 243), against the manifold errors to which foreign
lands lead men Fabelgedicht vom Ochsen und etlichen Tkieren

; (ibid. s. 257), against for-
eign enlistment and pensions.
'^ See Note 43, below.
'^ This appears from his Eclatio de Gestis inter Gallos et Helvetios ad Ravennam,
Papiam, aliisque locis (in Freheri Rerum Germ. Scriptt. ed. Struvii, iii. 137 ss.), a.d.
1512 e. g., hunc itaque Christianorum matris (the Church of Rome) statum intuentes
:
confoederati, malo periculosoque exemplo futurum existimant, si cuilibet Tj-rannorum

(as the King of Trance) pro rabie communem Christifidelium matrem impune permittant
incessere, sedulo raptim habitis conventibus strenue accisas Ecclesiae Italiaeque res
resarcire statuunt. The Pope is to him beatissirnus Christi vicarius, the conduct of Lewis
XII. toward him, and his intention —Antipapam, ut ajunt, Cacodaemonis instinctu cre-
are, are altogether to be condemned.
1' Zwingli Uslegen der Schlussreden im J. 1523 des XVIII. Art. (Works, i. 254):
" For who stirred me up to preach the Gospel, and to expound an entire Evangelist ?
Did Luther do this ? I had begun to preach before I had ever heard of Luther's name,
and ten j-ears before (so in 1513) I had begun to learn Greek with this end in view, that
I might draw the doctrine of Christ from the original." (With this agrees Zwinglii Ep.
ad Joh. Vadianum, 23d Febr., 1513, 0pp. vii. 9 Graecae, latinae ignarus, animum ap-
:
plicui. Quare boni consule, ne oleum laborque pereant et in manus post Chr3-solorae
;
Isagogen quid sumendum ? Ita enim graecis studere destinavi, ut qui me praeter
—
Deum amoveat nesciam, non gloriae, sed sacratissimarum literarum ergo.) See also
his essaj' Von der Klarheit des Worts Gottes. 1522. (Works, i. 79) "In my younger :
days I advanced as far as anj' of my contemporaries in human lore and when, seven ;
or eight 3'ears ago (1514-15), I felt moved to devote mj-self to Holj- Scripture, philoso-
phy and theology strove to entangle me in their disputes. But at last I thought within
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. INTRODUCTION. 79
the year 1516, assumed a thoroughly sunple and bibhcal form.'^

He began to discern many ecclesiastical errors and abuses ;^^ but
he did not yet openly assail them.^° AVhen, however, a large part
of the confederates allowed themselves to be won over to the side
of France, and Swiss began to fight against Swiss in foreign
lands,-^he then raised his voice against pensions and foreign en-
listment. As he thereby incurred the hatred of the French party,
he accepted the invitation of the administrator, Diebold von Ge-
roldseck, who was devoted to learning, to reside at Einsiedeln
in 1516,2" where, in close intercourse with several congenial spir-
myself (guided by Scripture and the Word of God), Thou must leave all this, and learn
the meaning of God plainly from His own simple word. Then I set to work, pra3-ed to
God for His light, and Scripture began to be much plainer to me, when I read the plain
text, than if I had read many comments and expositions."
" Zwingli Uslegen der Schlussreden, 1523 Uslegungdes XVIII. Art. (Works, i. 253)
; :
"Before any one in our neighborhood knew any thing of Luther's name, I began to
preach the Gospel of Christ, in the j-ear 1516 so that I never went up into the pulpit
;
without taking for my text the word which had been read as the gospel the same morn-
ing at mass, and explaining it from holj' writ alone. Much as I adhered, at the begin-
•ning of this period, to the ancients, as purer and plainer teachers, I was nevertheless
disappointed with them at times. As
that honorable gentleman, Diebold of Geroldseck,
Warden of Einsiedeln, may perhaps remember how I advised him manj' times to read
Jerome with all diligence, and added, the time will soon come, if God will, when neither
Jerome nor any other writer will have much authority among Christians, but Holj- Scrip-
ture alone."
" E. g., Zwingli Uslegung des XX. Art. 1523 (Works, i. 298) "Eight or nine j-ears :
ago (1514 or 1515) I read a comfortable fiction written on the Lord Jesus by the learned
Erasmus of Rotterdam, in which Jesus complains that men do not seek all good things
from Him, whereas He is a fountain of all good. Then I thought, if this be the case,
why do we seek help from the creature? I began to search in Scripture and the works
of the Fathers, whether I could find there anj' certain information with regard to prayer
to saints. In short, I found nothing of it in the Bible at all ; among the ancients I fouftd
it in some, and not However, it did not much move me if they did teach
in others.
praj-er to saints for they always stood on tradition alone.
; And when I read the
Scriptures which they quoted for this purpose in the original, these had no such mean-
ing as they wished to thrust upon them and the more I considered this doctrine or opin-
;
ion, the less authority I found for it in Scripture, but rather more and more against it."
'" Myconius,
§ 13: Interea gratiam evangelicam ita promulgabat, ut de Ecclesiac
Romanae abusu nihil, vel admodum parce commemoraret. Volebat, veritatem cogni-
tam in cordibus auditorum agere siram officium nam veris perceptis et intellectis hand
:
dilKculter falsa cognosciraus. Quamvis uec per tempus tuni licuerit aliter prius enim :
Veritas in tanta hominum protervitate et malitia penitus fuisset amissa, quam abusus
religionis sublatus. Accordingly, when, in the jêar 1522, Zwingle preached once more
at Glarus, he acknowledged that he had formerh' recommended many doctrines of men,
and exhorted his hearers to hold fast the Word of God alone (according to the manu-
script history of the Reformation by Werner Steiner, who was present at the time ; given
in J. J. Hottinger's Helvet. Kircheng., iii. 92).
" Anshelm, v. 219, 225 ; Glutz-Blotzheim, s. 436.
Zwinglius ad Jo. Vadianum, dd. 13. Jun., 1517 (Opp. rii. 24): Locum mutavimus,
"'^
non cupidinis aut cupiditatis moti stimulis, verum Gallorum technis, et nunc Eremi su-
mus. He remained still on the best terms with the government, Id. ad Stapferum,
:!
its,^^ he continued his studies after the method of Erasmus,^* and

gained new light in theology. His sermons continued to be dis-
tinguished only for their simple, Scriptural style. Although he

had quietly helped to put an end to certain abuses,^^ still he
did not yet assail the doctrine of the Church.^^ True, Zwingle
and more and more clearly the necessity of
his friends recognized
a Reformation in the Church ;^^ but like their master, Erasmus,
they still hoped that this might be effected by the ecclesiastical
authorities.^^ Zwingle himself took some steps with this end in
view, which were of course completely unsuccessful.^^
1522 (1. c. p. 237) Apud meos Dominos Claronae tanta cum pace et facilitate versatus
:
sum, lit nunquam aliquid litis intercesserit, atque adeo tanta cum gratia discessi, ut
mihi Praebendam duos annos prorogaverint, spe ducti, me reversurum esse.
"^ Besides the administrator Geroldseck, cliiefly with the papal chaplain, Franz Zink,
John Oechslia see Schuler, s. 176 f.

;
"* One memorial of these studies is Zwingle's copy of the Epistles of St. Paul in Greek,
preserved in the town-librarj' at Zurich it was made from Erasmus's edition of 1516,
:
and finished at Einsiedeln in Maj-, 1517, with marginal notes from the Fathers of the
Church and Erasmus. See BuUiuger, i. 8 Myconius De Vita Zwinglii, § 10 (Archiv, i.
;
ii. 7) ; Schuler, s. 303.

-* The inscription over the entrance of the —
monastery hie est plena remissio omnium
peccatorum a culpa et a —
poena was removed. Zwingle and Oechslin were sent bj' the
administrator to the convent of Fahr, to introduce among tlie nuns the reading of the
New Testament in German, instead of the chanting of matins, and to release those who
wished to depart Hess's Life of Zwingle, translated by Usteri, s. 59 f. Schuler, s. 180.
; ;
— On the other hand, Zwingle's sermon, on the day of the commemoration of angels,
mentioned bj' Bullinger, i. 81, in which he inveighs against the worship of saints, pil-
grimages, and vows, does not belong to this date, as Hess (Usteri, s. 61 ff.) Wirz, i. ;
142) and others maintain but to the j-ear 1522, in which Zwingle and Leo Judae preach-
;
ed at Einsiedeln on the commemoration of angels see Anshelm, vi. 97 f. Schuler, s.

; •.
357. As the feast of the Blessing of Angels was only celebrated everj' seventh j'ear, it
A)uld not have taken place during Zwingle's residence at Einsiedeln.
^^ Salat, in his manuscript account (in Schuler, s. 357), saj's " Er fing an zu rutteln,
:
doch so listiglich, dass er nicht zu begreifen war, dazu man sich keines andern, daun
dem Christenglauben gemiiss iind gleich verschen hutte." Compare Note 18.
^' Capito ad Bnllingerum, 1536 (ex MS. in J. H. Hottingeri Hist. Eccl. sacc. xvi.
p.
ii. p. 207) Antequam Lutherus in lucem emerserat, Zuinglius et ego inter nos commu-
:
nicavimus de Pontifice dejiciendo, etiam dum ille vitam degeret in Eremitorio. Nam
utrique ex Erasmi consuetudine, et lectione bonorum auctorum qualecunque judicium
turn subolescebat. Compare Beatus Khenanus ad Zwinglium, d. 6. Dec, 1518 (Opp.
vii. 1, 57), complaints on the state of the Church —
Sacerdotes ethnicam aut judaicam
:
doctrinam docent. De vulgo sacerdotum loquor. Neque enini me latet, te tuique simi-
les purissimani Christi philosophiam ex ipsis fontibus populo proponere, non Scoticis aut
Gabrielicis interpretationibus depravatam, sed ab Augustino, Ambrosio, Cj'priano, Hie-
—
ronymo germane et sincere expositam. Utinam tui similes multos haberct Helvetia
Sic tandem facile posset, ut meliores mores nostrates induerent.
-''
Cf. Capitonis Epist. ad Christoph. Utenhemium, Episc. Basileensem, prefixed to
Jo. Clichtovaei Elucidatorium Ecclesiasticum. Basil., 1517. Reprinted in Gerdesii Hist.
Evang. Renov. i. Mouum. p. 123. In this letter of dedication the necessitj' of counter-
acting the immorality and ignorance of the clergy was inculcated upon the bishops.
=' Bullinger, i. 10. Zwingle's Antwurt an Valentin Compar., 1525 (Works, ii. i. 7)
6
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.— 1523. 81
when a trader in indulgences, the Franciscan,

In the year 1518,
Bernhardin Samson, made his appearance also in Switzerland, and
surpassed all in effrontery,^" Zv/ingle, as well as many others,
raised his voice against this abuse.^^ This, however, was the
less surprising, since even the Bishop of Constance regarded this
trader in indulgences as an intruder.^^ Zwingle remained in
such high favor with the papal legate that he appointed him pa-
pal chaplain.^^
On the first upon the office
of Jartuary, 1519, Zwingle entered
of Leut-priest in the great minster at Zurich;and in order to
spread abroad a knowledge of pure, Scriptural doctrine, he at
onco abandoned the customary mode of preaching from the pas-
sages of Scripture assigned for each service, and explained in
his sermons entire books, first the Gospel of St. Matthew, in
regular order. Although he undertook his work independently,^^
"Eight j-ears ago (hence and afterward at Zurich, I often proved
in 1517), at Einsiedeln,
Lord Cardinal von
to the and testified throughout with strong
Sitten, in plain language,
passages of Holj' Scripture, that the entire papacy had a bad foundation. The noble
gentleman, Diebold von Geroldseck, Master Franz Zingg, Doctor Michael Sander, who
are all three still living, often heard me. And the aforesaid cardinal often answered
me to the following effect If God help me to recover mj' authority (for he was at that
:
time out of favor with the Pope, and the popelings, that is, the cardinals, who alwaj-s
breed popes), I would see to it that the arrogance and falsehood which the Bishop of
Rome employ's should be brought to light and reformed. He has often since then con-
versed with me on doctrine and on Holy Scripture, but always to the effect that he rec-
ognized what was false and disapproved it. But there is no need here to record how he
has conducted himself since that time."
'" Miiller's Schweitzergesch., continuedbj' Hottinger, vi. 287. He was so well satis-
fiedwith Bern, that, upon his taking leave, he granted plenarj' indulgence to all per-
sons present, who repeated the Paternoster and Ave Maria upon their knees those who ;
went three times round the church praying, he assured that they would deliver any
soul they desired out of purgatory. At length, after all had repeated the Paternoster
and Ave Maria five times for the souls in purgatory, "syhrey er lut: jetzan diss Augen-
blicks sind aller Berneren Seelen, wo und wie joch abgescheiden, alle mit enandere us
der hollischen Pyn des Fagfiirs in die himmelsche Frouddes Himmelrychs ufgefahren."
So saj'Sthe ej-e-witness, Anshelm, v. 335 f., on the year 1518.
3' Hottinger, Hist. Eccl. saec. xvi. P. iii. p. 1C2, and J. J. Hottinger, Helvet. Kirch-
eng. iii. only state in general terms, without naming their authorities, that when
29,
Samson sold the indulgence in Switzerland, Zwingle preached against him at Einsiedeln.
3= See Fabri Epist., Note 38, below.
^^ He appointed him Accolitus Ccqyellamis. The document, dated 1st Sept., 1518, is in
Hottinger, saec. xvi. P. ii. p. 275.
3* Bullinger, Zwingli Uslegung des XVIII. Art. 1523 (Works, i. 254) "When
1. 12. :
I began to preach at Zurich, in the year 19, I gave notice before the honorable dean and
chapter that I wished, if God so willed it, to preach upon the Gospel written by St.
Matthew, without anj- glosses of man, and not to be led into error or controversj'. At
the beginning of this year none of us knew anj' thing about Luther, except that some
work upon indulgence had been issued by him this taught me but little, for I had be-
;
fore learned about the indulgence, that it was a deceit and imposture, from a disputa-
VOL. IV. —
'
yet, as Luther's mighty voice, waxing louder and louder, just now
began to penetrate Switzerland also, arousing the slumbering and
encouraging the back ward, ^^ the agreement between the two men
was soon recognized and abroad, the later and feebler movement
;
of Zwingle was understood to have arisen from the earlier and-

more powerful impulse of Luther.^^ The universal excitement
tion which Doctor Thomas Wytembach of Biel, ni}- master and trulj'-bcloved teacher,
had held some time ago at Basle, albeit in my absence. So Luther's work, published
at the same time, had helped me but little in mj' sermons on Matthew. But all persons
who longed for the Word of God resorted to these sermons in such numbers, without in-
termission, that I wondered at it myself. Now I will thus speak with the enemies of
the doctrine of Christ. Who charges me with being a Lutheran ? When Luther's book
on the Lord's Praj-er came out, as I had shortlj' before commented upon this prayer in
St. Matthew, I know well there were manj' pious persons who suspected erroneously
that I had written the book, and prefixed Luther's name to it. Who, then, can charge
me with being a Lutheran ?" The order in which he proceeded with the other books of
the New Testament, and his reasons for it, may be seen in his Archeteles, 1522 (0pp.
iii. 48).
'* Luther's works went from Basle through Switzerland. According to Froben's and
Capito's Letters to Luther in Febr., 1519 (see § 1, Note 37), the Cardinal von Sitten, and
the Administrator of Einsiedeln, Herr von Geroldseck, were well-disposed toward him
Mlreadj' at that time. At Constance thej' were well known after Luther's conference
with Cajetan at Augsburg (Oct., 1518) see Fussli's Bej'trage, iv. 174.
;
^^ In Bern, for instance, where Luther was well known as a reformer before Zwingle
began to reform; see Beatus Rhenan. ad Zuingl. dd. Basil., 26. Dec, 1518 (0pp. vii.
Gl) Nudius tertius hue a Bernensibus missus est bibliopola, qui multum hie Luthera-
:
norum exemplarium coemit et illo deportavit. Gaudeo, mi Zuingli, vehementer, quo-

ties video mundum resipiscere, et abjectis mataeologoruni somniis solidam consectari
(loctrinam. Idem a meis municipibus factum est. Quo magis miror Thuregiensium
negligentiam, qui moniti per Te facere cessent, quod alii sua sponte capessunt. Neque
enim credere possum, Te illos non monuisse, aut rem non succepisse apud eos, qui tibi
in judicando primas tribuunt. (But Zwingle did not come to Zurich till the 27th Dec.)
Anshelm, Berner Chronik, v. 273, on the j-ear 1517, speaks of Luther's first appearance
as the "Urhab u. Anfang der wundcrbaren Erniiwcrung des heil. Evangeliums," and
describes, vi. 101, the reformation of the Church as "durch den Luther angericht und
von Zwingli gestarkt." On the j-ear 1519 he relates, v. 368: "At the verj' beginning
of this j-ear the steadfast Ulricli Zwingle brought a great accession of strength to the
strong Luther. After preaching three years at Einsiedeln on the Gospels appointed to
be read in the mass-service, according to the style and method of the earlj' teachers of
the Church, he was now appointed to be a people's priest, and preacher at the great
minster of Zurich, a worthy confederate of the afore-mentioned place. After first ob-
taining the permission of his dean and chapter, he began to preach upon the Gospel of
St. Matthew from Scripture only, and earnestly to exhort his people to hear, read, re-
ceive, and believe the Word of God onlj-, as the immovable foundation of our salvation
and He began and carried on this blessed undertaking with such great suc-
holiness.
cess, that there, as at Wittenberg, a wonderfully large concourse of people came to hear
the Word of God; and an opinion prevailed that Luther and Zwingle, far apart as they
were, and onlj' known to each other b}' hearsay, preached a doctrine learned from each
other, and were in fact united together. But thereupon the divine truth itself clearly
showed and proved, that where the Word of God was expounded in puritj' and accord-
ing to His Spirit, it would be everj' where consistent, and every where produce the same
doctrine, faitli, and fruit."
;
roused by Luther could not be without effect upon Zwingle also.
True, he remained essentially faithful to his principle of over-

throwing falsehood not by direct attack, but by proclaiming the
opposite truths.^^ Still, so many weighty questions were brought
by Luther before the public, that Zwingle could not avoid ex-
pressing his opinion on these points. Of his public ministry it is
only known, that when Samson came at this time to Zurich, he

preached zealously against indulgences,^^ and censured the cor-
ruptions of the clergy and monks. Many private expressions of
his may have contributed to the opinion which soon prevailed in
Zurich, that he was a Lutheran at heart.^^ The monks first at-
" Zwingli Uslegung des XX. Art. 1523 (Works, i. 268) "I have not done as some
:
now do -when they begin to preach, they first pray for the intercession of saints ; and
;
if one object to this, thej' say: Have not the preachers been- showing you, first of all,
that the false gods are not gods but idols ? Hence, since I find that men rely upon the
intercession of saints, and that there is no ground for this practice, shall I not first show
them this f I answer, No, there is another shape to this matter, and one that can not
be well measured in this waj'. I have taken the matter thus in hand ; I have faithfull}'
taught and pointed out Christ Jesus, that people should seek every good thing from
Him, and have recourse to Him in everj' need. I have thus made the grace of God an
object of love to men, and have certainly proved and experienced that God will work
with His word. I have also yielded to ignorant persons, after often speaking with them,
if they maintain their point obstinately Well, well, j'ou bring your praj'ers to the
:
saints I will bring mine to God alone.

; Let us see which of us takes the better cours
And I have thus fed them with milk, until some of them, who were formerlj' strongly
against me, afterward became strong in the cause of God alone. So I advise all persons
at this time who preach the Word of God that thej' should duly preach salvation from
the plain and true Word of God. Thus trust in God alone will surely increase, and the
dcceitfulness of false hopes fall to the ground."
58 In the early months of 1519. Samson was rejected in Zurich Bullinger, i. 17 ;
Muller-Hottinger, vi. 290. The papal letters of 30th Apr., 1519, are in Hottinger, saec.
xvi. P. iii. p. 177 ss. The vicar-general, John Faber, who governed the diocese of Con-
stance in place of the feeble Bishop Hugh v. Landenberg, wrote on this subject to Zwin-
gle, 7th June, 1519 (0pp. vii. 79) Quid ad fratrem indulgentiarium coelipotentem atti-
:
net, mens mihi genius praesagiit hunc eventum neque enim tam frigidus circa prae-
:
cordia sanguis obstitit, ut tam portentosas venias a sede apostolica nunquam profectas
crederem. Quid aliud ejusmodi veuiarum licitatores effrontes agunt, quam ut ecclesia
passim vel a Christianis irrideatur ?
=' Zwingli Uslegung des XVIII. Art. 1523 (Works, i. "The papists, by a silly
255) :
trick, heap such names upon me and others they say, You must be a Lutheran j-ou
;
;
preach just as Luther writes. I answer them, I preach quite as much like what Paul
wrote whj-- do 3'e not rather receive me as a disciple of Paul ? Yea, I preach the word
;
of Christ, wherefore do ye not receive me as a Christian Thus

nothing but non-
? it is
sense. Luther is, as seems to me, an excellent champion searched
for God, who has
out the meaning of Scripture with greater earnestness than any one on earth has done
for a thousand j-ears and no one has equaled him in the manlj"-, steadfast courage with
:
which he has assailed the Pope of Rome, so long as the Papacy has existed, not to saj'
aught against the others. But whose is such a deed ? Is it of God or of Luther ? Ask
Luther himself; I well know he will say of God. Why, then, do j-ou ascribe other men's
doctrine to Luther, when he ascribes his own to God ? Again, I will not bear the name
tacked him ;*" then several canons of his cathedral complained

that he denied the divine right of tithes, and in the exercise of his
spiritual office did not keep sufficiently in view the increase of
the revenue of the chapter :^^ his adversaries could not as yet
charge him with heresies. In order to avoid dispute, the city
council charged all their clergy to preach only the doctrine of the
Holy Scriptures.'*^ The legate, then at Zurich, did indeed see the
impending danger, and tried to win Zwingle. But the latter gave
up his Roman pension in 1520, and declared that nothing should
hinder him from preaching the Gfospel.*^ The legate pressed ea-
of Luther, because I have read very little of his doctrine, and have often studiously kept
aloof from his writings on purpose to satisfy the papists. But what I have read of his
writings (so far as concerns dogmas, doctrine, opinions, and the sense of Scripture, for
I have nothing to do with his quarrels) is generally so well fortified and grounded in
the Word of God, that it is not possible for any creature to refute them."
*" Beatus Rhenanus ad Zuinglium, d. 7. Maj., 1519 (0pp. vii. 74) non paulo gratius :
fuit, quod ore nobis retulit Simon noster, pergere te videlicet in asserendo Christianis-
mo, quem partim impietas manifesta, partim fallax superstitio non istic modp, sed ubi-
vis gentium, indignis modis conspurcarunt. Et quanquam, ut non caret aemulatione
virtus, obstrepant quidam, tamen a proposito tuo, quod instanter urges, adhuc nemo te
retrahere potuit. In qua re constantiara tuam admirari subit, qua nobis apostolici illius
seculi virum repraesentas. Obganniunt quidam, rident, minantur, petulanter inces-
sunt at tu vere Christiana patientia suffers omnia. Glareanus ad Zuingl., d. 7. Jun.,
;
1519 (1. c. p. 78), audio, nescio quas contentiones esse tibi cum monachis, hominibus,
a quibus plus quam ab aspidum veneno cavendum est. Obesse possunt, prodesse paucis
volunt.
*' Wirz, i. 176. The principal duty of the Leut-priests was the increase and manage-
ment of the revenue ; Schuler, s. 227.
*- Bulliuger, i. 32. The report of the Council of Zurich to their subjects, 1524, in
Fiissli's Beytrage, 237 " Our preachers have, however, for four or five j-ears preach-
ii. :
ed among us the holj- gospels and the Word of God ; at first, as ye saj', their doctrine
seemed strange and new, since it was unlike that taught us by our forefathers. For
this reason there have been among us, both priests and laymen, ten-fold different opin-
ions, and in consequence divisions sprung up, principallj' among those who went little
to hear sermons. Accordingl}', before we knew or heard of Luther's doctrine, we issued
a public charge to all Leut-jwiests, parochial clergy, and preachers in our citj"- and can-
ton, that they should all be free (as even the papal law allowed) to preach the holy
gospels and epistles of the Apostles, in conformity with the Spirit of God, and the di-
vine Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, and whatsoever the}' could cite and
prove from Scripture ; but that they should be silent about other incidental innovations
and ordinances. The greater part of the preachers, to the best of our belief, have faith-
fully done this."
*3 Zwingli Uslegung des XXXVII. Art. 1523 (Works, i. 354) "But that the expedi-:
tion to the Pope (the reinforcement granted by the Zurichers in 1521) happened in con-
sequence of mj' efforts, can not be laid to my charge with truth by any man. For at
the verj' time I was at open enmity with the papists, and they had broken with me in
this wise Three whole years before this time I had preached the gospel of Christ with
:
earnestness thereupon the Pope's cardinals, the bishops, and legates, of whom the citj-
;
was never free at that time, often exhorted me with professions of friendship, with en-
treaties, with threats, with promises of great gifts and benefices. However, I would
not yield to them, but resigned under my own hand, in the year 1520, a pension of fiftj'
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFOKMATION. § 2. ZURICH.—1521-1522, 85
gerly for the burning of Luther's works/* hut did not venture ei-
ther to attack the council for its decree or Zwingle for his sermons.
He thought he had attained his principal object when Zurich
steadfastly refused to join the league,*^ which all the rest of the
cantons concluded with France on the 5th May, 1521 : but Zwin-
gle had greatly contributed to this result by his sermons against
foreign enlistment in general.*^
As Zwingle,
in his sermons, distinguished, with growing clear-
ness,between the ordinances of man in the Church and the divine
teaching of Holy Writ, he was first entangled in a controversy in
1522. He had designated the rule of fasting as a human ordi-
nance : several citizens broke the rule, and were called to answer
for so doing.*'' When questioned by the council, under the direc-
tion of Zwingle, the clergy censured the transgression as capri-
cious, but persisted in the statement that the rule was an ordi-
nance of man.*^ The Bishop of Constance accordingly sent a
commission to Zurich to command the observance of the ceremo-
nies (Apr., 1522). However, the council took Zwingle's part, and
demanded more satisfactory orders from the bishop.*^ This event
florins, which they paid me annuallj' (they were now ready to give me a hundred florins,
but would not receive them), which I had refused in the year 1517, but from which
I
thej"- would not release me for three years after." Zwingle's Eeplj' to Val. Compar
(Works, ii. 1, 8) " Antonius Puccius [the papal legate] held a parle}' with me for the
:
fourth time at Zurich, with great promise ; to whom I spoke right out about the matter
and its and that I would, with the help of God, carrj' out the doctrine of the
bearings,
Gospel, and with it would weaken the papacy, etc. but all this did not help the mat- ;
ter."
** Especiallj- at the Diet of Baden, 1520; see Mj'conius ad Zuingl., d. 2. Nov., 1520
(0pp. vii. 153).
*5 Anshelm, vi. 25 ff. ; Muller-Hottinger, vi. 36 ff.
**
Zwingle's Pious Exhortation to the Confederates of Schwyz, to beware of Foreign
Lords, 1522 (Works, ii. ii. 286), contains, as Bullinger (i. 42) asserts, what he had before
spoken from the pulpit and elsewhere on this subject ; see Miiller-Hottinger, vi. 30.
With regard to Zwingle's sermons against pensions in 1521 and 1525, see Bullinger,
i. 51.
*' Bullinger, i. 69. The minutes of the inquirj' are in Muller-Hottinger, vi. 496.
Compare Wirz, i. 217.
«' Wirz, i. 219.
•" Zuinglii Epist. ad Erasmum Fabricium de Actis Legationis ad Tigurinos missae,
diebus vii. viii. ix. (0pp. iii. 7
Aprilis MDXXII
ss.). The bishop's vicar-general, at the
head of the embassj-, said before the council Quosdam doctrinas novas irritabiles ac
:
seditiosas docere, germanice widenvartig und aufruhrig lehren; nempe nihil praeceptio-
num humanarum servari oportere, nihil ceremoniarum. Quae doctrina si vicerit, futu-
rum, ut non modo civiles leges sed et Christiana fides aboleatur. Cum tamen ceremo-
niae sint veluti manuductio —ad virtutes. Immo virtutum fontem esse, ein Ursprung,
—ceremonias. Quadragesimam item doceri non servari oportere in hac enim urbe :
ausos esse quosdam seso a reliquis Christianis separare, et a Christiana ecclesia. Carnes —
occasioned Zwingle's first reforming work, " Von Erkiesen und

Freyheit der Spyseny^^
The adherents of the old order of things now gave more atten-
tion to the matter. In May, 1522, the Bishop of Constance issued
a pastoral letter to warn against innovations,^^ and the Diet of
Lucerne forbade all preaching likely to cause disquiet.^^ On the
other hand, Zwingle, in the name of several like-minded ecclesi-
astics, defended the free preaching of the Gospel, in a friendly pe-
tition and exhortation addressed to the Diet 13th July,^^ and in
enim eos in quadragesima edisse non sine totius reipublicae Cliristianae scandalo. Quod
tametsi literae evangelicae aperte non permittant, audere tamen eosdem asserere ex
Evangelicis et Apostolicis scriptis sibi licere ; contra sanctorum patruni decreta et con-
cilia, contra denique vetustissimum morem eos fecisse, quem, nisi ex spiritu sancto flux-
isset, tanto tempore servare nunquam potuissemus, etc. Thougli he tliereupon refused
to laear Zwingle,and even asserted that he had spolcen nothing against him neverthe- ;
less he was allowed to respond. First he refuted the charge that the preaching of the
Gospel led to sedition. Tigurum enim magis, quam ullum Helvetiorum pagum, paca-
tum et quietum esse, id quod omnes boni cives acceptum ferreut Evangelio. Quod de-
inde objectum sit, nullas humanas nee praeceptiones nee ceremonias servari oportere
doceri ; ingenue agnoscam, ceremoniarum justam partem ac praeceptiouum me cupere
abolitam esse, quod praecepta sint magna parte talia, quae etiam Petrus in Actis neget
ferri posse. —
Imo ceremonias hand quicquam aliud agere, quam et Christo et ejus iideli-
bus OS oblinere, spiritus doctrinam abolere, ab invisibilibus ad elementa mundi avocare,
—
quod tamen brevibus dici nequeat et explicari. Carnibus esse quosdam ausos vesci
minime malos, qui nee inficientur sed quandoquidem divina lege a carnibus non sit
;
eis interdictum, in testimonium fidei potius edisse quam in uUius contumeliam. Quod
hinc pateat: nam mox, ut docti sint a nobis, rationem scandali haberi debuisse, desti-
terunt, unde nee ista legatione opus fuisse, remittente sua sponte malo, si modo malum
est. Hoc tamen vehementer nos admirari, quod, dum annum jam XVI. in dioecesi Cou-
stantiensi evangelizem, hactenus tamen non resciverim, aliquo misisse Constantienses
tam splendidam legationem, qu'ae scrutaretur quonam pacto Evangelicum negotium in-
deceret. Then Tie maintained that fasting was not commanded by God, and so must be
left fre^ The council determined to request the bishop (Fiissli, ii. 14) that he " ver- —
schaflFen wolle, es se}' bey piipstlicher Heiligkeit, bey den Cardinalen, Bischofen, Con-
cilien, oder sonst rechten, Christlichen, gelehrten Leuten, damit man eine Erlauterung
und Bescheid gebe, wie und welcher Gestalten man sich in solchem Falle halten soUe,
dardurch wider die Satzungen Christi nicht gehandelt werde." The people were to be
exhorted, " dass hinfiiro niemand in der Faste ohne merkliche Ursach Fleisch esse, son-
dern dass man ein Erlauterung kraft des mit U. G. Herrn von Costnitz Botschaft ge-
machten Abscheids erwarte."
^» Works, i. 1.
51 Bullinger, i. 78. Sebastian Meyer, barefooted friar at Berne, published the pas-
toral of the 2d May, with some bitter remarks extracts from it in Wirz, i. 262.
: Kuhn's
Eeformatoren Berns, s. 100 (cf. Meyer ad Zuingl. d. 11. Nov., 1522, 0pp. vii. 213). A
similar letter of 24th May reached the chapter at Zurich printed in Zwingle's Archete-
;
les (0pp. iii. 33). There is a letter to the council of Zurich, in May also, in Fiissli, iv.
125.
** Anshelm, vi. 99. " On the next daj', the 20th of May, a decree was passed that everj-
place should charge its clerg}' to abstain from all such preaching as would cause discon-
tent, discord, and en-or as to the Christian faith to grow up among the common people."
^^ " Ein frundlich Bitt und Ermahnung etlicher Priester der Eidgenossenschaft, dass
;
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.—1521-1522. 87
the Apologciicus Archeteles, directed to the Bishop of Constance

in August.^* As the ceUbacy of the clergy had led to the grossest
abuses in Switzerland, Zwingle and his friends, in that friendly
petition to the diet, and in a private petition to the Bishop of Con-
stance (dated Einsiedeln, 2d July), prayed, first of all, for the ab-
olition of this ordinance of man.^^ However, no answer was giv-
en; on the contrary, the diet and the bishop began to persecute
several of the clergy who had made themselves too conspicuous.^^
The most calumnious reports about Zwingle were disseminated in
the neighboring cantons f^ in the three monasteries of Zurich, the
resorts of the adherents of the old faith, sermons were preached
against him incessantly.'^^ Since the efforts of the council to re-
store peace remained without success, it yielded to Zwingle's wish
man das heilig Evangslium predigen nit abschlahe, noch Unwillen darob empfach, ob
iliaPredigenden Aergerniiss zii vermyden sicli ehelich vermahliud." Werke, i. 30.
^' Apologeticus Archeteles appellatus, quo respondetur paraenesi a Rev. Dom. Con-
stantiensi ad Senatum Praepositurae Tigurinae, quern Capitulum vocant, missae. 0pp.

iii. 26.
^^ Supplicatio quorundam apud Helvetios Evangelistarum ad R. D. Hugonem Episc.
Constantiensem, ne se induci patiatur, ut quidquam in praejudicium Evangelii promul-
get, neve scortationis scandalum ultra ferat, sed Presbj'teris uxores dticere permittat,
aut saltern ad eorum nuptias conniveat (0pp. iii. 17), signed bj- Balthasar Trachsel,
pastor at Weiningen, in the Grafschaft Baden Geoi-ge Chalj^beus (Staheli), Zwingle's
;
assistant Werner Steiner of Zug Leo Judae, Lout-priest at Einsiedeln Erasmus Fa-
; ; ;
bricius (Schmid), prebendarj' at Zurich Simon Stumpf, pastor at Hongg, near Zurich
; ;
Jodocus Kilchmeyer, prebendary at Lucerne Tluldreich Pistoris (Pfister), pastor at

;
Uster, on the Greifensee Caspar Megander (Grossman), preacher at the Hospital of Zu-
;
rich John Faber (Schmid), chaplain at Zurich Huldreich Zwingle.

; ;
^^ The diet at Baden (Nov., 1522) delivered over the pastor Weiss to the
bishop
Bullinger, i. 80 Anshelm, vi. 99 Wirz, i. 315 compare ibid. s. 321 ff.
; ; ;
^' Thus he heard from Jacob Stapfer in Chur, a foreign pensionary; see Jac.
Salan-
dronius ad Zuingl. d. 26. Aug., 1522 (0pp. vii. 220) Effutivit nescio quid de ternis
:
liberis tibi adscriptis et insolitis nocturnis moribus. Item quod et te pensionem non
modo a Sanctissimo, sed et a Gallo comprobare vellet (si urgeretur) accepisse. Prae-
terea dixisse inter concionandum Ave Maria dicere esset dicere Gott griiss dich Gret-
: :
lin, etc. —
Non credis, quot suo impudentissimo ore alienarit alias tibi faventissimos.
Objicitur illico nobis, ut scis, hi, hi sunt mores Evangelicorum. A similar storj' was
circuMed in Sch\T)'z ; see Balth. Stapfer to Zwingle, 19th Oct., 1522 (1. c. p. 236), and
Zwingle's answer, p. 237. Compare Zwingle's Entschuldigung etlicher Huldr. Zwingli
zugelegter Artiklen, doch unwarlich, an die edlen, strengen, frommen, w^'sen gmeiner
Eidgenossschaft Rathsboten in der Stadt Bern v. 3ten Jul., 1523 (Werke, ii. ii. 299), and
his Ein flyssige und kurze Underrichtung, wie man sich vor Lugen hiiten und bewahren
soil, of the 25th June, 1524 (ibid. s. 322).
^"^
Bernh. Weiss in Fussli, iv. 38 "Deshalb predigten die Monchen in der Stadt al-
:
lenthalben von den Heiligen —

deswegen redten ihnen etwann die Lute darein, denn
:
viele Leute hatten neue Testamenter, und waren der Sache wol berichtet." Thus even
Leo Judae interrupted, the prior of the Augustines, p. 44. As early as the 22d July,
1522, the monks were censured b}- the council for their " ungeschickte Predigten" on the
saints, s. 41. Compare Zuingl. ad Oecolampadium, d. 3. Jan., 1527.
—
of publicly meeting these calumnies and attacks, and ordered a

religious conference between the two parties for the 29th Jan.,
1523, in which they were to adduce their doctrines, and support
them from the Holy Scriptures alone.^^
The same political reasons which had led the Pope to overlook
other arbitrary acts of the Swiss in church matters^" induced him
to take no notice of these great movements. Zurich was the only
canton which steadfastly refused the league with France,^^ and
still, in 1521, granted soldiers to the Pope f^ while the rest of the
cantons supported France, and treated the papal legate in Switz-
erland with hostility.^^ Hadrian accordingly overlooked what
scarcely could be overlooked any longer and at the very time in
;
which this conference was threatening the existing ecclesiastical

order,^^ no less in its form than in the results to be expected from
it, he sent Zwingle a flattering letter, to induce him to employ his
influence to retain the powerful canton on the Pope's side.
For the disputation to be held on the 29th Jan., 1523, Zwingle
5' See Bullinger, i. 84.

^^ Anshelm, vi. 201, on the Berne maintained its right to deal with the
j-ear 1523:
clergj' in secular cases, "liess auch, unangeseheu der Geistlichen hochste Fr3-heit und
Bann, einen PfafFen um Diebstahl und Frevel enthaupten." There was so little opposi-
tion on the side of the clergj-, that the people thought the Pope had granted the confed-
erates power to chastise the crimes of the clergj' with the secular arm. See Schatzmann's
Letter to Vadian of the 19th Jan., 1523. Wirz, i. 57.
^' See note 45.
*- Bullinger, i. 51. Miiller-Hottinger, vi. 51 ff. A calumny was raised against Zwin-
gle at this time (Uslegung des XXXVII. Art. Works, i. 355), that, out of consideration
for his pension from the Pope, he had "zu demselbigen Heerzug ein Oug zuthon und
nit emstlich gewehrt :" in reply he asserted, " es besindt sich, dass ich so stark hab ge-
wehrt, als ich je gheinem Kriegen und Ufbrechen gewehrt hab." Bullinger, i. 51, has
preserved some of his declarations.
'3 Wirz, 240.
ii. Even the safe-conduct of the legate Ennius was rescinded bj' the
diet of 1522, and he could onlj' remain with safetj' at Zurich. •
«* Dated 23d Jan., 1523, in Bullinger, i. 83 in Zuinglii 0pp. vii. 266

; Eemittimus— :
Ennium, Episcopum Verulanum, ad istam invictam, nobisque et huic sanctae sedi con-
—
junctissimam nationem, ut de maximis rebus cum ilia agat. Licet autem ei dederi-
mus in mandatis, ut ea communiter cum omnibus et publice tractet tamen cum de tua :
egregia virtute specialiter nobis sit cognitum, nosque devotionem tuam arctius amemus
ac diligamus, ac peculiarem quandam in te Mem habeamus, mandavimus eidem Epis-
copo, —ut tibi separatim nostras literas redderet, nostramque erga te optimam volunta-
tem declararet. Hortamur itaque devotionem tuam in Domino, ut et illi omnem fidem
habeat, et quo nos animo ad honores tuos et commoda tendimus, eodem tu in nostris
rebus procedas, de quo gratiam apud nos invenies non mediocrem. Mj-conius 1. c. adds
to this Non ad hunc solum Papa scripserat, verum etiam ad eximium D. Franc. Zing-
:
gium (see Note 23), ut sibi et sedi apostolicae virum lucrifaceret. Dumque rogitarem
a Francisco, quid pro illo pollicitus esset Papa; serio respondit: omnia certe praeter
sedcm Papalem.
—— — — — — — — ;
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.—1523. 89
had brought together the doctrines he had preached in sixty-seven

articles f^ and he so defended them on that day against the Vicar-
^5 Bullinger, i. 8G; Zwingle's Works, i. 153. Articles: "I. All persons who say
that the Gospel should not be preached without the permission of the Church are in er-
ror, and bring reproach upon God. II. The sum of the Gospel is this, that our Lord
Christ Jesus, the true Son of God, has made known to us the will of His Father in Heav-
en, and bj' His innocence has delivered from death and reconciled God. III. Hence
Christ is who have been, are now, or ever shall be. IV.
the onlj- wa}- to holiness for all
Whosoever seeks shows any other door is in error, yea, he is a murderer of souls and
or
a thief. V. Therefore all persons who esteem any other doctrine equal to, or higher
than, the Gospel, are in error, and know not what the Gospel is. VI. For Christ Jesus
is the Leader and the Captain promised and granted by God to all mankind. VII. That
He is the eternal salvation and the head of all believers, who are His body, but without
Him this body dead and powerless. VIII. Whence it follows, first, that all who live
is
in the Head members and children of God and this is the Church or communion
are :
of saints, the bride of Christ, Ecclesia Catholica. IX. Secondlj', that as the members
of the body can do nothing without the guidance of the head, so in the body of Christ
no man can do an}' thing well without Christ his Head. XI. Hence we see that the
ordinances of the clergj-, as to their pomp, their wealth, their ranks, their titles, their
laws, are one cause of all disorder ; with the Head. XII. Thus
for thus thej' agree not
they rage not for the sake of the Head (for to effect this is the object of our labor bj^
God's grace) but because men will care no more for their storming, but render some
;
obedience to the Head. XIII. When he is redeemed by Christ, man learns the will of
God clearlyand plainlj', and is drawn to Him bj' His Spirit, and changed into His
likeness. XIV. Therefore all Christian men should use their utmost diligence that the
Gospel of Christ alone be every where preached. XV. For in faith in Him stands our
salvation in unbelief, our condemnation for all truth is plain in Him. XVI. Man
; ;
learns in the Gospel that human doctrine and human ordinances are not profitable for
salvation. On the Pope. XVII. That Christ is the one onlj- eternal High-priest hence ;
it follows that they who have given out that they are high-priests resist and impugn
the honor and the power of Christ. On the Mass. XVIII. That Christ, who once offer-
ed up himself, is forever an abiding and sufficient sacrifice for the sins of all believers
hence it may be concluded that the mass is not a sacrifice, but only the memorial of the
sacrifice, and an assurance of the redemption which Christ has shown us. XIX. That
Christ is the one only Mediator between God and us. On the Intercession of Saints. XX.
That God will give us all things in His name hence it follows that henceforth we
;
need no other mediation than His. XXI. That when we pray for one another upon
earth, we reallj' pray that we trust all things will be granted us through Christ onh-.
On Good Works. XXII. Christ is our righteousness hence Ave conclude that our works
;
are so far good as they are the work of Christ but so far as they are our own, neither
;
right nor good. —

On the Property of the Clergy. XXIII. That Christ condemns the
wealth and pomp of this world hence we must infer that thej' who amass wealth in
;
His name are a reproach to Him, and make Him a cloak for their own avarice and wan-
tonness. On Prohibition of Food. XXIV. That no Christian is bound to works which
God has not commanded any food maj' be eaten at any time hence we learn that the
; ;
Kds and Ankenhrief (\eii&Ys of dispensation) is a Roman trick. On Feast-days and Pil-
grimages. XXV. That time and place are subject to Christian men, not men to them
hence it may be known that the}- who impose times and places upon Christians rob
them of their freedom. On Coivls, Clothing, and Signs. XXVI. That God hates nothing
more than hypocris}' so He has taught us that all that is done for appearance' sake be-
;
fore men is mere hj-pocrisj' and perversion hence cowls, signs, shaven crowns, etc.,
;
fall to the ground. Of Orders and Sects. XXVII. That all Christian men are brethren
of Christ and of each other the}- should boast themselves of no earthly father hence
; ;
all orders, sects, clubs fall to the ground.-— (?» the Marriage of Clergy. XXVIII. That
—— — — — —
90 FOUKTH PEKIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
General, Faber, that the council charged him to persevere in his

course, and all their preachers to preach the pure Gospel in the same
all which God has allowed or not forbidden is right accordingly, marriage is becoming
;
in all men. XXIX. That all persons called spiritual sin if, when they are convinced that
God has denied them the gift of continence, they do not protect themselves by marriage.
— On Vows of Chastity. XXX. That they who vow chastity undertake too much, lilce
fools or children hence it may be inferred why they who take such vows are insolent
;
toward pious men. On Excommunication. XXXI. That uo one man can excommuni-
cate another, but the Church, that is, the community in which the person to be excom-
municated lives, together with the guardian, that is, the pastor. XXXII. That man
alone is to be excommunicated who is a notorious sinner. —
On Unjust Possessions.
XXXIII. That unjust property should not be granted to temples, monasteries, monks,
priests, nuns, but be given to the poor, unless it can be returned to its rightful owner.
— On the Supreme Power. XXXIV. The power called spiritual has no grounds for its
pomp in the doctrine of Christ. XXXV. But the secular power has strength and con-
firmation from the doctrine and example of Christ. XXXVI. All rights and protection
claimed by the so-called spiritual state belong to the secular authorities, if they will act
as Christians. XXXVII. Also all Christians, without exception, are bound to obe}- them.
XXXVIII. So long as they require nothing which God has forbidden. XLII. If they
act unfaithfull}' and break the rule of Christ, they may be deposed by the will of God.
— On Prayer. XLIV. True worshipers call upon God in spirit and in truth, without cry-
ing out before men. XLV. H3'pocrites do their works that they may be seen of men,
receiving their reward also in this life. XLVI. So it must needs follow that church-
music or crj-ing aloud, without devotion and only for money, is either seeking of fame
from men or for gain. On Offenses. XLVII. A man should rather suffer death in the
bodj- than injure or disgrace a Christian man. XLVIII. If a man, from stupidity or
ignorance, injure himself witliout cause, he must not be left sick or suffering, but
be restored to strength, lest he take that for sin which is not sin. XLIX. I know no
greater injurj^ than not to allow the clergj' to have wedded wives, but to let them
have concubines for monej'. How great a scandal! On Forgiveness of Sin. L. God
forgives sin onlj- through Jesus Christ, His Son, our Lord. LI. Whosoever attributes
this power to the creature deprives God of His honor, and ascribes it to one who is not
God this is real idolatry. LII. Therefore confession, whether made to the priest or to
;
one's neighbor, should not be set forth as the forgiveness of sin, but onlj- as a request
for counsel. LIII. Penances imposed bj- human autliority (except in cases of excom-
munication) do not take away sin thej' are onlj' imposed by way of menace. LIV.
;
Christ has borne all our sorrows and troubles whosoever, therefore, attributes to works
:
of penance that which belongs to Christ alone, errs and reproaches his God. LV. "Who-
soever pretends to remit even one sin for the penitent man, stands not in the place of
God, or of Peter, but of the devil. LVI. Whosoever remits any sin for money only is
a companion of Simon and Balaam, and an especial emissarj' of the devil. On Purga-
tory. LVII. The true Holy Scripture knows nothing of Purgatory after this life. LVIII.
The sentence of departed spirits is known to God alone. LIX. And just as God has
allowed us to know less upon this subject, so we should undertake to know less. LX.
I do not condemn a man if he call earnestly upon God to show His grace toward the
dead j-et to fix a time for this grace (seven yeai'S for a deadlj' sin), and to lie for
;
the sake of gain, is not human, but devilish. On the Priesthood. LXI. Holy Scripture
knows nothing of the character (ordination-grace) which priests claim in these last
times. LXII. It acknowledges also no priests but such as preach the Word of God.
LXIII. It commands that due honor should be shown them that is, that thej^ should bo
;
supplied with food for the body. On the Abolition of Abuses. LXIV. All who acknowl-
edge their error should not be made to pay for it, but be permitted to die in peace and ;
thus the Church property be placed on a Christian footing. LXV. As for those who re-
fuse to acknowledge, God will surely deal with them. So men should employ no force
CHAP. I.— SWISS KEFOEMATION. § 2. ZUKICH.—1523. 91
manner.*^^ By this disputation, Ly the explanation of his articles,
soon after (in July) published by Zwingle,*^^ and by the preaching

of Zwingle, friend, Leo Judae, who came to Zurich in the
and his
beginning of1523 as Leut-priest at St. Peter's,^^ men's minds
were more and more won over to the Reformation; and many
wished to see it carried out in practice. ^^ For them it was not
enough that the council allowed nuns to leave their convents (17th
June),^*^ that several of the clergy married without hinderance,'*
upon their persons unless it happen that they conduct themselves so perverselj'- as to
;
be no longer endurable. LXVI. All ecclesiastical dignitaries should humble themselves,

and set up onl}' the cross of Christ, not their chests else they will perish, for I warn
:
j'ou, the axe lieth at the root of the tree. LXVII. If anj' mau desire to confer with
me upon tributes and tithes, upon unbaptized children, upon confirmation, I hold my-
self ready to answer him. Let no one here undertake to contend with sophistry or hu-
man trifling, but come to Scripture, have it for the judge (foras canes) Scripture !
breathes the Spirit of God ;him discover the truth or if

thereby let ; it be, as I hope,
discovered, let him hold it. Amen. God grant it.
*^ Bullinger, i. 97. M. Erhard Hegenwald gave an account of this disputation soon
after it took place (in Zwingle's Works, i. 105). As John Faber, the vicar-general of
Constance, who had been present, considered himself injured by this account, he forth-
with issued a counter-report, " Ein warlich Underrichtung" (Wirz, ii. 45) but seven :
j'oung men of Zurich replied to this with a satirical refutation, "Das Gj-renrupfen"
(Gej'errupfen plucking the vulture), Wirz, ii. 50. Besides this, John Salat, historian at
Lucerne, published a "Historical Account" of this conference, drawn entirely from He-
genwald's report, a partisan representation on the Catholic side (in Fussli's Bcytrage,
ii.81). The decree of the council, published on the very day of the conference (Zwin-
gle's Works, i. 143 f. Anshelm, vi. 195 f.), since no one rose up against Zwingle to re-
;
fute him, or convict him of the heresj' laid to his charge, ran thus " That Master Ul-
:
rich Zwingle shall proceed, and henceforth as before preach the Holj' Gospel and the
true divine Scripture to the best of his power^ until he be better informed. Also let all
other Leut-priests, parochial clergj'men, and preachers in their city, countrj-, and district,
neither accept nor preach any other doctrine than what may be proved from the Holy
Gospel and the rest of the true divine Scriptures ; likewise they must not revile one an-
other in any sort, call each other heretics, or by any other reproachful name. Whoso-
ever oppose and are not satisfied with this decision, must be regarded as persons who
err and know that they are wrong."
"
Uslegen und Grund der Schlussreden oder Artikel, in Zw. Werke, i. 169.
'^^
He was elected on the Sundaj' before Whitsuntide, 1522, but did not enter upon
his office till Candlemas, 1523 Bullinger, i. 75 Miscellanea Tigurina, iii. 30.
; ;
" Compare the complaints of the chaplain Widmer at Zurich, an adherent of the
ancient order, to Henrj' Goldli at Rome, 28th June, 1523 (Wirz, ii. 87). The state of
things in Zurich is such " that we priests hardlj^ know how far we are safe in the cit}';
not to mention when we go out hunting with falcons, or venture in the country among
the peasants. Besides, singing, mass-reading, and the rest of the service of God in use
hitherto, is so sorely despised,and openlj' regarded by the common people as idolatrj'
and a soul-destroying exhibition, and denounced in the pulpit as an evident imposture,
that I fear, as the Pope, cardinals, and the bishop leave us to shift for ourselves, we
shall have to renounce the faith and all divine service in a short time, or else allow our-
selves to be put to death by the common people."
'" Fussli's Be5'trage, ii. 25 iv. 47. A nun had been already married in August, and
;
demanded restitution of the propert}' which she had brought to the convent, ii. 28.
'- First Wilh. Roubli, pastor
at Wytikon, 28th Apr., 1523 see Bernh. Weiss in Fussli,
;
that a German baptismal service was introduced in the city (10th

Aug.)," and that the cathedral chapter, at its own request, received
new and They wished to abol-
suitable ordinances (19th Sept.)."
which had till now re-
ish all the idolatrous parts of divine service
mained unchanged, especially images and masses, and according-
ly they soon began, on their own motion, to demolish images and
the apparatus of superstition.^*
These occurrences made, for the most part, an evil impression
upon the They were in part terrified by
rest of the confederacy.
the prospect of a schism in the Church in part they concluded, ;
from certain exaggerated rumors, that all civic order was destroyed
in Zurich ;" and they dreaded the power of this example. In Lu-
cerne,"^ Freiburg, and Zug, there was violent exasperation against
]''
the Reformation, from a stiff adherence to the old order of things
the Bernese aristocracy opposed the attempts at ecclesiastical in-
novation, out of regard for their own authority.'^ Although in
iv. 45. He was followed bj- others, and among them by Leo Judae, 19th Sept., 1523,
and Zwingle, 2d Apr., 1524. Bullinger, i. 108.

'^ Weiss in This baptismal service is in Zwingle's Works, ii. ii. 224.
Fussli, iv. 47.
'^ Bullinger, i. The Christian Constitution is also in Fussli, i. 1.
113.
'* In September, 1523, Lawrence Hochriitiner broke in pieces the sacred lamp in the
cathedral church soon after the same thing was done in several chapels (see the exam-
;
ination in Muller-Hottinger, vi. 498) but the overthrow of a great crucifix by the cob-
:
bler, Nicholas Hottinger, at the end of September, attracted the most attention. Compare
especially Fussli, ii. 33 ; Wirz, ii. 124 ; Muller-Hottinger, vi. 387, 450.
"^
The Bernese envoy, Caspar of Mulinen, said, at the diet in Berne, Julj', 1523 (Fiiss-
li, ii. 2G):
" Dear confederates, beware in time lest the Lutheran cause, and they who
are embarked in it, gain the upper hand for their preachers have brought their citj'
;
(Zurich) to such a state, that if the nobles themselves wished to retrace their steps
the}' could not do so. Matters are come to such a pitch that a man is not safe in his
own house. It is necessarj' that a man should take other men to his house to protect
him with arms from all mischance ; the cause has advanced so far that their peasants
in the countr)' will paj' neither tribute nor tithe, and there is such a division in this city
and the whole canton that the like has never been seen before." Compare the letter of
the Council of Zurich to that of Constance, Donnerst. nach Othmer (November), 1523,
in Fussli, v. 71 :
"
has been reported to us that certain godless persons, enemies to
It
the evangelical doctrine, have stated before j-ou that disquiet prevails among us in
consequence of preaching, so that all ranks are expecting a rebellion and that we are ;
repenting that we have so fullj- received the evangelical doctrine." All this is un-
true, "since, bj' the grace of God and His divine doctrine, there has never been, for a
long time, greater peace and friendship between the lower and higher orders than at the
present daj'."
'* At Lucerne, during a diet, the people burned Zwingle in effigj', Febr., 1523 ; Muller-
Hottinger, vi. 433.
" Muller-Hottinger, vi. 394, 410, 418.
'* According to vi. 199, it was the vicar-general, Faber, who, in connection
Anshelm,
with the rest of the prelates, "has made enemies and opposers of the evangelical doc-
trine, yea, even tyrants, out of by no means the least of the confederate nobles, as, for
;
CHAP. I.—SWISS EEFORMATION. § 2. ZURICH.—1523. 93
other cantons the Reformation had many friends, even among the
rulers, yet the voices of these powerful cantons swayed the diets,
and from them, as well as from the Bishop of Constance,"'' procla-
mations were issued against all ecclesiastical innovations.*^"
As, however, the general voice of Zurich was expressed with
increasing preponderance for the advance of the Reformation, the
council cared the less for these warnings in fact, it made prep- ;
arations for anew conference on the 26th of October upon images

and the mass.^^ No champion was found for them but so gross ;
an ignorance was then discovered among the clergy, that the coun-
cil determined to leave the old order of things for a while undis-
turbed, until sufficient instructionhad been imparted.^^ Zwingle,
the Abbot Von Cappel, and Conrad Schmid, commander of the
Knights of St. John at Kiisnacht, were to preach for this purpose
in the country districts and, besides this, Zwingle was to com-
;
pose his Christian Introduction,^^ which was then published with

the assent of the council, in order to explain more fully the mean-
instance, Bastian von Stein at Berne,who formerly were favorable and friend!}' to the
Gospel, and gracious lords. The priests and monks, especially the bishops, raised the
cry : The storm falls now upon us it will fall next upon the nobles. Your free life,
;
j'our tribute and tithe, will all be despoiled.

Let us stand together against these rebell-
ious heretics. By such day by day, manj' powerful and wealthy
outcry as this, raised
nobles were deterred from even listening to, much more from accepting, the Word of
God: that which was divine and evangelical they called devilish and infernal."
" Pastoral of the 10th Jul}-, 1523, in Simler, i. 789 (in German in Fiissli, iv. 135).
^^ Anshelm, vi. 200. "After the aforementioned meeting (at Zurich, in Januarj-),
when the pious Zwingle went forth into the countrj' to preach and instruct the clergj-,
and every where in the confederacy the Word God increased then
of ; the confederates
passed a decree, in Jul}- at Berne, and in autumn at Lucerne, that all the followers of
Luther and Zwingle should be strictly searched out and punished and that Zwingle ;
should be arrested if he came into their dominions in order that they might support
;
the Bishop of Constance against his disobedient clergy, as they had been earnestly ex-
horted to do." (Compare Lud. Tschudii Epist. ad Zuinglium, die Jovis post Margare-
tae, 1523. 0pp. vii. 302.) The bishop had remonstrated to the diet at Berne against
the disobedience of his clergy, and received this answer at the diet of Lucerne ; it may
be seen in Fiissli, iv. 156.
" BuUinger,
i. 126. All the Swiss bishops and cantons were invited to this confer-
ence, but onlj-Schafhausen and St. Gall sent delegates. The minutes of the confer-
ence were published at once by Lewis Hetzer (in Zwingle's Works, i. 459) from these, :
again, Salat derived his historical account, composed in the same spirit as that of the
first disputation (Note 66) ; see Fiissli, iii. 1.
'- Zwingle recommended this course during the conference see his Works, i. 531 f. —
as did the commander, Conrad Schmid, ibid. s. 533 ff. On these decrees, made imme-
diately after the conference, see Zuinglius ad Vadianum, d. 11. Nov. (0pp. vii. 313)
Bullinger, i. 135.
*3 "Eine kurze Christenliche Ynleitung:" prefixed to it is a mandate of the council
of 17th Nov. ; in Zwingle's Works, i. 541.
:
94 FOURTH PERIOD— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
ing and the object of the Reformation. All excess of zeal, wheth-
er in behalf of the old or the new, was held in check ; and all ex-
cesses and illegal demonstrations were chastised.^* On the other
hand, concessions were gradually made to the pressure for reform
in December the shrined pictures in the churches were shut up,

and every priest was left free to celebrate mass or not as he chose.^^
Even a solemn embassy from the diet to Zurich (in Febr., 1524)
could no longer impose any restraint,^'' much less the Pope's re-
fusal to pay arrears of debt till after the abolition of the innova-
tions.^^ After the council thought they had waited long enough,
on Whitsunday, in 1524, a more thorough reform of the Church
was begun by the destruction of images.^^ One after another all
^* Proofs of this maj' be seen in the decisions of the council, Fiissli, ii. 31 ff.
85 The verdict of the council of the 19th Dec. (BuUinger, i. 139 Fiissli, ii. 47, Note ; ;
Zwingle's Works, i. 568) was that all the priests should appear before the council on the
28th of December, and in case they had anj' thing to allege against the last disputation,
there to bring it forward. The picture tablets were to be shut up, and images were to
be no longer carried about. mass and prohibiting all
Afterv\'ard the decree against the
aspersions was read December (see the
to the priests in presence of the council, the 28th
decree in Fussli, ii. 43 ff. Zwingle's Works, i. 581) at the same time, it was determined
; :
to send to the bishops of Chur, Constance, and Basle, to the University of Basle, and
the other cantons, the Introduction published by the council, "that if they were then
still inclined to conform their opinions to Scripture, they might do so, and return us a
fricndlj- answer. Thus answers might be obtained, and it would be seen what progress
was made in the matter, in order that at Whitsuntide it might be taken in hand once
more, and a conclusion arrived at pleasing to God and to the furtherance of His hoh'
Word."
^^ Bullinger, i. 157. Anshelm, vi. 227. The impression made by this embassj' was
weakened bj' the fact that their instructions did not agree see Miiller-Hottinger, vi.
;
474. The Zurichers gave their answer on the 21st of March in print (the conclusion and
date are in Anshelm, vi. 227 the whole is in the Bericht an die Unterthanen, Fussli, ii.
;
231-261) : but this made the confederates less favorable than before to the innovations ;
Anshelm, vi. 230.

8' See Wirz, i. 41, and the investigations prefixed to Zwingle's Judgment on these
transactions, 1526, in Zw. Werke, ii. ii. 387. The Pope's manifestoes were alwaj's of
the same import as the brief to the Zurichers, 11th Dec, 1525 (1. c. p. 390) Quod si id,
:
quod Deus avertat, in his novis et impiis erroribus perstare propositum vobis haberetis,
quomodo possemus non solum erga vos uti liberalitate, sed pecunias ullas, etiamsi max-
ime vobis debitae essent, juste et pie persolvere.' Cum alienis a fide recta, nee quae
ipsorum quidem patria et avita bona sunt, illis jure relinqui debeant.
88 A commission of the clergy had been alreadj- obliged to draw up a proposal about
the images and the mass (Bullinger, i. 162; Zwingle's Works, i. 572). The council
agreed upon this, but resolved (Bullinger, i. 172) " that at this time a beginning should
be made with images, and they should be done awa}' with with regard to the mass ;
the}' would wait a short time, and see meanwhile what measures could be conveniently
taken, even if the matter of 'the images should be mismanaged, as it was natural for the
uninformed and the confederates to fall into error." But with regard to images, an or-
der of the council was issued on the 15th June, 1524, to the provincial authorities (Land-
vogte) (Bullinger, i. 173; Fussli, i, 142): It had determined "to do awa}- with images
and idols wheresoever they were held in honor;" no force was to be used, but it "was
;
the objects and usages of superstition quickly disappeared f^ the

monasteries were suppressed, and changed into schools and alras-
houses.^° The council secured the assent of
its subjects by a pub-
lic upon these proceedings f^ and

invitation to declare their opinion
it had now less to fear from the threatening aspect of some of the
cantons, since the others, especially Berne, entered into more friend-
ly relations with it.^- The transformation in pubUc worship at
desired, " that if a parish had set up images and pictures bj' common consent at its
own expense, might remove them, if the majority of the parishioners desired it to be
it
done, but on condition that it should be done in the presence of the pastor and persons
of good repute appointed for the purpose bj' the communitj', with decency and without
tumult. If, however, any one had put up images at his own expense, he might take
them into his own hands without hinderance." A commission was appointed at once in
Zurich to remove the images (Fussli, ii. 60) the work was begun on the 20th of June,
:
and was quietly finished in thirteen daj's (Bernh. Weiss in Fussli, iv. 49). Compare
Zwingle's account in his answer to Valentine Compar. 1525 (Works, ii. i. 58).
**'
The feast of Corpus Christi was abolished (Fussli, ii. 59) a list of all that was
:
done away with in 1524 is given by Bullinger, i. 160 Bernh. Weiss in Fussli, iv. 57
;
Aushelm, vi. 225 "In May, this j-ear, the honorable city of Zurich has quite abolish-
:
ed and done away with the popish mass, observance of times, saints, hymns and prayers
for the dead, all idols and images, together with the decorations and the services which
belonged to them. It has also buried its patron saints, St. Felix and St. Regula, with
the bones of the rest of its dead. Next fell the popish confessional, anointing and con-
secration, monastic rules and vows. In their stead the holy sacraments of Baptism and
the Supper of our Lord and Master Jesus Christ, were ordered to be celebrated with pi-
ety, according to their first institution, and in the German language, that all might un-
derstand. Daity preaching was also established, common prayer, public confession,
teaching and instruction in Holj' Writ in four languages. The poor and needy were
provided for with alms, holy matrimony was allowed to all estates, open sin and licen-
tiousness strictly forbidden and punished, and a public account of these transactions
printed and made accessible to us all."
'" The abbess of Frauenmiinster surrendered her convent to the council
on the 30th
Nov., with the reservation of a pension Fussli, ii. 74, 77. By the advice of Zwingle
;
(Works, ii. ii. 327), the Augustines, Dominicans, and Franciscans were all placed to-
gether in the Franciscan monaster^' on the 3d Dec. those that wished to learn a trade
;
received back the property thej- had brought in the rest were to die out. Fussli, ii.
;
76, 78 ;
iv. 79. With regard to the appropriation of monastic property, see Muller-Hot-
tinger, vii. 71. On the 20th Dec, 1524, Zwingle gave up the higher and lower jurisdic-
tion of the prebendal stalls at the great minster, but
he reserved its property for the es-
tablishment of schools (Works, ii. ii. 342).
" The Bericht des Rathes zu Zuricli an ihre Unterthanen, was sich die Zeit hero fiir
Veranderungen in der Religion zugetragen haben (of the 7th July, 1524 see Muller- ;
Hottinger, vi. 478 A.) in Bullinger, i. 177. Fussli, ii. 228, The answers, all approv-
;
ing, are in Fussli, iii. 105.

" After Zurich had begun the Reformation, Schafhausen and Appenzell openly
joined its party. The most ardent of their opponents, Schwj-tz, Uri, Unterwalden, Lu-
cerne, Frj'burg, and Zug, entered into a league at Baden on the 28th of June, " with all
their power, so help them God, to stand by the old faith, and banish the new also to ;
have no fellowship with its adherents ;" see Anshelm, vi. 231. The three states above
mentioned were not summoned to the diet at Zug on the 11th July however, threaten- ;
ing as this diet certainly was, Zurich still received from Berne distinct assurances of
friendly feeling see Muller-Hottinger, vii. 48.
; St. Gall, Basle, and Solothurn joined
;
Zurich was completed by the celebration, on Maundy-Thursday,

13th April, 1525, of the Lord's Supper again in its original sim-
plicity in the great minster.^^ This same year produced, for the
establishment of the Reformation among the learned, Zwingle's

work, De Vera et Falsa Religione ;^* and for the instruction of
the common people, the first part of the Zurich translation of the
Bible, which the clergy of Zurich composed in Swiss-Grerman.^^
Beyond the canton of Zurich the Reformation, for the present,
was only carried out in Appenzell and the town of Miihlhausen,
The free Appenzellers, to whom, since the year 1522, Walter Kla-
rer, pastor at Hundweil, had preached the Gospel, after a violent
struggle, granted to every parish the right of deciding for itself

(1524). Oat of the eight parishes of the canton, six at once came
over to the Reformation, and began to change their Church con-
stitution, undeterred by any considerations.^^ Miihlhausen was
with Berne "forsooth as the strong Bear (Berne) had determined, in accordance with
the hopes and efforts of the six cantons, Zurich must be considered a lesser Turkej-, and
must defend her creed not against the Word of God, but against fire and steel." An
embassj' to the three reforming cantons was resolved upon but Berne spoke in the;
name of the ten districts much more mildly than Lucerne in the name of the six An- ;
shelm, vi. 232. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 50. Zurich justified her conduct again in a print-
ed letter (of the 4th January, 1525, Bullinger, i. 233. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 74) : see
this in Fiissli, i. 293.
'^ The yoijth received the communion on Maundj'-Thursday, the middle-aged on
Good Fridaj', the aged on Easter Sunday see Bernh. Weiss in Fussli, iv. 64. Anshelra,
;
vi. 324. Bullinger, i. 263. The liturgj' used on the occasion may be seen in Zwingle's
Works, ii. ii. 233. Whj' Zwingle delaj-ed so long maj- be seen in Anshelm, vi. 203, on
the year 1523 Luther and Zwingle had demonstrated the exceptionable authority' of
:
the canon, and the proprietj- of administering the Lord's Supper under both kinds and
in the vulgar tongue. "The Lutherans had instituted a German mass, with German
psalms and hj'nins, and certain ancient ceremonies, with a view to the introduction of
a new or altered papacj'. But Zwingle endeavored to restore the first constitution of
the Church, and abolish every ordinance of man. With this view he would neither in-
troduce a German mass nor churcli-music, but waited until he could firmly establish the
Lord's Supper with the preaching of the pure Word of God, without anj' mass or devised
ceremonies, according to the simple institution and usage of the Lord and the apostles
which he soon afterward effected."
5*
0pp. iii. 145.
'^ See a list of the editions in Simler's Sammlung, ii. 381. As earlj- as 1524 the New
Testament was printed at Zurich after Luther's translation in 1525 the historical books
;
of the Old Testament, according to Luther's translation, altered in some places in 1529 ;
the prophets, Hagiographa, and Apocrj-pha, were printed in a new translation, upon
which Leo Judae and Caspar Grossmann were chieflj' employed. The first complete edi-
tion of the Zurich Bible was issued in 1531. See Hettinger's Helvet. Kirchengesch.,
iii. 224.
'° See the historical account bj' the reformer Walter Klarer, by what occurred in the
canton of Appenzell in the time of the blessed Reformation, written in 1565, in Simler's
Sammlung, i. 803. Wirz, i. 514, ii. 387. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 144.
;;
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 2. BEYOND ZURICH, TO 1525. 97
won over to the Reformation by Ulrich of Hutten, and reshaped

its forms of worship as early as 1523. Still a party of adherents
of the ancient order, who relied upon the confederacy for support,
imposed upon the council the necessity of caution.^^
In Berne,^^ by the fiery, barefooted friar, Sebastian Meyer, and
the more prudent priest, Berchthold Haller, a broad foundation
was early prepared for the Reformation, and favored by the gov-
ernment f^ Niklaus Manuel, in his, carnival-farce of 1522, could
unmask, without restraint, the crimes of the papacy and the cler-
gy
100 -Q^^ ^Q events at Zurich in the year 1523 made the rul-
ing nobles suspicious of the Reformation as a source of disorder ;^°^
and the government endeavored to uphold its by an in-

influence
termediate position between the parties. The preaching of the
Gospel was, indeed, freely conceded ;^°^ but every attack upon ec-
" Matthias Graf, Gesch. der Stadt Miihlhausen, 2ter Theil. His Gesch. der Kircheu-
verbesserung zu Muhlhausen. Strasburg, 1818. 8.
'* Compare Valerius Anshelm's Berner Chronik, vi. 101 ff. Die Reformatoren Berns
im XVI. Jahr. Nach dem Bernerschen Mausoleum umgearbeitet von G. J. Kuhn.
Bern, 1828. Bertold Haller oder die Reformation von Bern, von Melchior Kirclihofer.
Zurich, 1828. 8.
'^ Thus the council decided in favor of the pastor, George Brunner, who was accused
by his dean of preaching evangelical doctrine in 1522 (see Anshelm, vi. 103) and an- ;
other contemporary account in Simler, i. 461 Kuhn, s. 253

; and soon after punished
ft". ;
a citizen who had accused Sebastian Mej-er of heres}' Anshelm, vi. 108.
;
*'"'
There were three which were publicly acted in the streets Anshelm, i. 107 " One,
; :
called the Todtenfresser, touching all the abuses of the papac}-, on the priests' Fassnacht
another, on the contrast between the character of Jesus Christ and that of his so-called
vicar, the Pope of Rome, on the old Fassnacht. Between these, on Ash-Wednesda}^ the
Roman Indulgence, with the Boknenlied, was dragged through all the streets and ridi-
culed. By this strange exhibition, which had never before been thought profane, a
great nation was induced to consider and distinguish between Christian freedom and
papal bondage. Among all the evangelical publications there is scarcely' a book so oft-
en printed and so widely spread as these farces." They were printed at Zurich, 1525,
Berne, 1540 but thej' had almost entirelj' disappeared, and accordingly were published
;
again Des Venners der Stadt Bern Niklaiis Manuel Fastnachtspiele. Bern, 1836. 8
:
also in Niclaus Manuel, von Dr. C. Gruneisen. Stuttg. u. Tubingen, 1837. 8. s. 339.
"" Compare Note 78, above.
"* The mandate of 15th June, 1523, is in Anshelm, vi. 204: "That j'ou and all per-
sons who undertake and use the office of preaching, preach nothing else but the H0I3'
Gospel and the free love of God, openly and without concealment, and in like manner
what you can defend and prove from the true Holy Scripture, the four Evangelists,
Paul, the Prophets, and the Bible— in short, from the Old and New Testament and en- ;
tirelj' desist from all other doctrine, controvers}-, and unprofitable trifling not agreeing
with the Hoi}- Gospels and Scriptures above mentioned, whether the}- be written or pub-
lished by Luther or other doctors." Anshelm, vi. 207, remarks thereon When the no- :
bles, of whom the lesser council was composed, "who thought that by this mandate the
doctrine of Luther, Zwingle, and their adherents, would be excluded, saw and heard
that the new doctrine and preaching were only strengthened thereby then they rued, :
and began to seek with all their might to hinder the observance of their mandate, which
VOL. IV. —-7
;
98 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648,
clesiastical usages, and all controversy, were forbidden and punish-

ed with severe penalties.^"^ Thus Sebastian Meyer, the preacher
of the Dominicans, was obliged to leave the city on account of
his controversial sermons, as was also his adversary .^°* Haller, on
the other hand, and those of like opinions, were allowed to preach
the simple G-ospel, though the government of Berne, with the Cath-
olic cantons, remonstrated against the alterations which had taken
place in Zurich.
The governments of the lesser cantons, which were more or less
inclined to the Reformation, followed this example of the powerful
Berne. But they were obliged to be satisfied with hindering any
violent ecclesiastical alterations, while they overlooked other in-
fringements of the old order, in consonance with the views pre-
vailing among their subjects.
where Thomas Wyttenbach preached the Gospel, follow-
Biel,
ing the example of Berne, dismissed eight married priests, and
Wyttenbach among them, from their offices. But in 1525 the
citizens carried through the free preaching of the Grospel, and pro-
cured the restoration of Wyttenbach."^
In Basle,"^ Wolfgang Fabricius Capito and G-aspar Hedio were
the first preachers of the Gospel. When they departed, as early
as 1520, others came in their place, especially John Oecolampa-
dius, in 1522, as professor of divinity, and assistant minister at
St. Martins. The cathedral and the university were against the
Reformation : but the more it spread among the people so much
the more were the authorities inclined toward it, although out of
they dared not rescind from fear of their fellow-townsmen and the community. How-
ever, the greater council maintained the mandate inviolate."
1°' See the mandate of the Thursday after St. Mark's day, 1523, in Fiissli, ii. 271, in
which that of the loth June was confirmed " j'et with this addition, that priests who
;
had married wives, or hereafter should marr}-, were to forfeit and lose their benefices.
In like manner, that all persons who spoke abusively or contemptuouslj' of the Mother
of God and the saints, or ate flesh and other forbidden food on fast days, or otherwise
practiced or preached from the pulpit such unheard-of customs, must expect punishment
from us."
'"* 1524. Anshelm, vi. 246. Kuhn, 122 ff. Anshelm's own wife was punished, in
1523, for saj'ing, " Our Ladj' was a woman like herself; requiring the grace of her Son
—
Jesus Christ else she could not be saved ;" and Anshelm had so much to suffer in con-
eequence that he left Berne see Anshelm, vi. 209.
;
'°5 Bullinger, i. 155. Nachricht von der Kirchenreformation in Biel in Fiissli, ii. 265
ff. Wyttenbach's Leben, in Kuhn, s. 53 if.
"6 Christ. Wursteisens (professor at Basle, f 1588) Basler Chronik. Basle, 1580. fol.
from Book vii. cap. 11 onward. Ochs Geschichte von Basel, Bd. 5, s. 429 ff. Lebens-
geechichte D, Job. Oecolampads (von Sal. Hess). Zurich, 1793. 8.
;:
CHAP. I.-SWISS KEFOKMATION. § 2. BEYOND ZURICH, TO 1525. 99
consideration for the other cantons, and a prudent regard for internal
peace, all that they did in a public way was to grant it toleration.
In 1524 they issued an ordinance to the same effect as the Bernese

mandate of 15th June, 1523 r^"'' yet they appointed disputations
for Oecolampadius, 30th August, 1523,^°^ for William Farel, and
.Stephen Stor, Leut-priest of Liestal, 15th and 16th February,

1524 and conceded to Oecolampadius those conditions as to
•,^'^^
reform under which he accepted the ministry of St. Martins in

1524.""
So, too, in Schafhausen the Reformation was favorably intro-
duced by Sebastian Hofmeister, a barefooted friar, after 1522,"^

and in St. Gall by two laymen, Joachim Vadianus and John Kess-
ler,"^ though as yet unable to come into full activity.
"" See this in Wursteisen, book vii., cap. 13 (compare Note 102, above).
'"' Erasmus ad Zuinglium, d. 31 Aug., 1523.
0pp. vii. 308. Oecolampadius pro-
jjosuerat, quaedam disputare, jamque schedas prodiderat. Jussus est in aliud tempus
prorogare. Nunc permissum est disputare, quum volet. P. 310. Oecolampadius heri
disputavit, disputaturus denuo proximo dominico. He had prepared four concluding
addresses to refute the following charges commonlj' brought against the Reformation
1. That its adherents despised all teachers; 2. That the new doctrines abrogated all
good works 3. That they taught men to despise the saints ; 4. That they allowed no
;
validity to human laws. See Wirz, ii. 360. These theses he defended on two Sunday
afternoons.
"' Both of these men were refused permission by the Universitj- the Council granted ;
it :see the mandate in Fiissli, iv. 243. Farel's thirteen theses impugn the false, and
point out the true way of salvation ; see Fiissli, iv. 246. The Life of Oecolampadius, by
S. Hess, s. 77. The Life of W. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 21. Stor, who had married, de-
fended the marriage of priests in five theses. Bullinger, i. 152. Fiissli, ii. 151.
''" His condition was, according to Wursteisen, vii. 13, " that he should be free with
regard to the Word of God, to teach what it teaches, and condemn what it condemns
also, that he should be released from the popish ceremonies, which he said were unprof-
itable to the people and one deacon only should be allowed him, of whose help he
;
might avail himself in the administration of the holj' sacraments, etc. Thus much was
conceded to him bj' the patrons, and afterward sanctioned by the Council but on the ;
understanding that he should introduce no important innovation without previously in-

forming them. When Dr. Hausschein (Oecolampadius) addressed himself to the Church
service, he charged his deacon to baptize children intelligiblj' in the German language.
They administered the Lord's Supper in both kinds, with the knowledge of the Council.
He taught that the mass was no sacrifice for the sins of the living and dead, or for those
who were still in purgatory but that full forgiveness of their sins was obtained once
;
for all, by the passion and death of our Saviour Christ, for all believers. He warned
the people against consecrated water, salt, palms, tapers, wafers, and such things. He
proved that it was against God to attribute any virtue to these things, and bej-ond God's
command to circumscribe the freedom of the Holy Ghost with such ordinances. This
l>roduced so great an effect that the chaplains of important churches discontinued these
usages, and b)' degrees processions with crosses, carrj-ing the sacrament, and ceremo-
nies of the kind, were abolished, together with the mass."
'
'
'
Life of Sebastian Wagner, called Hofmeister, b}' Melch. Kirchhofer, Zurich, 1808.
His Schafhauserische Jahrbiicher, from 1519 to 1529. Schafhausen, 2te Aufl., 1838. 8.
"^^ The principal source is the Chronicle of Kessler, extant in manuscript, Sabbatha
;
§ 3.
CONTROVERSIES PREJUDICIAL TO THE REFORMATION.
It was natural that the new-horn freedom, following the slav-

ery of a thousand years, should hring in its train not only constant
warfare against the old principles, hut also many conflicting de-
velopments, and even errors and ahuses : hence came manifold
struggles ; hut this, too, gave an appearance of truth to the accu-
sation of its adversaries, that the Reformation led to endless revolt
against all existing institutions. First of all, the fearless vehe-
mence with which Luther treated even the monarchs who opposed
themselves to the Gospel, contrihuted to strengthen this charge
and though they opposed him in a sphere where their aitthority
ought not to prevail, yet it still seemed to threaten mischief to
the truth.^
Greorge, Duke of Saxony, had most frequently to endure Lu-
ther's violent indignation, for his persecution of the Reformation.^
Better deserved was the reply of Luther to Henry VIIL, King of
England, who had ventured to come right into the region of the-
ology in his Adsertio Septem Sacramentorum adversus Martinum
Lutherum, 1521, in order to win from the Pope the title of a De-
fensor Fidei. Luther's rejoinder. Contra Henricum, regem An-
gliae, 1522,^ was conclusive, although it far overstepped all hounds
of reverence and courtesy. But Luther's controversy with Eras-

mus, and the entire separation of the latter from the cause of the
Reformation, were much more injurious than these other contests.
Erasmus, who has been very frequently considered the real au-
thor of the Reformation, did, indeed, accompany its first steps with
(see Kessler s. 9, 80, 113), of which the old historj- of the Reformation in
von Bernet,
St. Gall, in Simler's Sammliing, i. 115 ff., is an abridgment. Ildef. v. Arx, Geschichten
des Cantons St. Gallen, Bd. 2 (St. Gallen, 1811), s. 477 ff. Joh. Kessler, genannt Athe-
narius, Burger und Reforraator zu St. Gall, bj' J. J. Bernet. St. Gallen, 1826. 8.
'
Compare Luther's work on the Secular Authorit}', how far a man is bound to render
obedience to it, 1523, in Walch's edition, x. 426.
^ First, when George demanded of Luther, in consequence of his letter to Hartmuth
V. Kronberg, March, 1522 (de Wette, ii. 161), whether he acknowledged it as his (Walch,
xix. 593) a very severe answer of the 3d Jan., 1523 (de Wette, ii. 284). Compare, with
;
regard to all Luther's quarrels with George, Walch, xix., hist. Einleit., s. 28. Georg
u. Luther, oder Ehrenrettung des Herzogs Georg v. Sachsen, von M. A. M. Schulze.
Leipzig, 1834. 8.
- ' Walch, xix., hist. Einleit., s. 1 ff.
CHAP. I.—REFORMATION. § 3. LUTHER AGAINST HENRY VIII. IQl
sympathy but at the same time, he took good care that his own
;
ease and good understanding with his dignified ecclesiastical pa-

trons should not be disturbed, and that the progress of learning,
which was more to him than all things else, should not be viewed
with suspicion by the powerful.* After the Reformation seized
upon the minds of men as an overpowering impulse, and did not,
as he would have it, merely cause them to smile with friendly in-
telligence upon their former errors and after the edict of Worms
;
had not only pronounced the ban upon all Luther's adherents, but
had also made them outlaws, he shrank back in affright, and
looked forward with fear and anxiety to endless tumults. Thus
he belonged to the Reformation by his convictions, but was kept
on the side of the old Church by calculation and fear. He thus
fell into an untenable intermediate position, in which he endeav-
ored, by a double-tongued policy, to allay the suspicion with which

he was regarded by both parties, and to satisfy the demands inces-
santly made upon him, by the adherents both of the old and of the
new faith, to declare himself decidedly on their side.^ Zwingle
« See § Notes 32, 56, 67 cf. Erasmi Ep. ad Leonem X. dd. 13. Sept., 1520 (0pp. ed.
1, ;
Lugd. iii. 1, Esse video, qui quo magis communirent factionem suam, conati sunt
578) :
causam bonarum literarum, causara Reuchlini, meamque causara cum Lutheri causa
—
conjungere, cum liis nihil sit inter se commune. Lutherum non novi, nee libros illius
unquam leg!, nisi forte decern aut duodecim pagellas casque carptim. Ex his, quae
turn degustavi, visus est mihi probe compositus ad mysticas literas Veterum more ex-
planandas, quando nostra haec aetas immodice indulgebat argutis magis quam necessa-
riis questionibus. —
Ferme primus omnium odoratus sum periculum esse, ne res exiret
in tumultum, a quo sic abhorrui semper ut nemo magis. Proinde minis etiam egi cum
Joanne Frobenio typographo, ne quid operum illius excuderet. He writes more in de-
tail in Ep. ad Campegium Card. dd. 6. Dec, 1520 (1. c. p. 594), in which he seeks espe-
cially to justify his letter to Luther (§ 1, Note 32). P. 596 is cBliracteristic Siquidem :
ut veritati nunquam fas est adversari, ita celare nonniinqiiam expedit in loco. Semper
autera plurimum refert, quam in tempore, quam commode et attemperate eam proferas.
Quaedam inter se fatentur theologi, quae vulgo non expediat efferri. P. 601 Si cor- :
rupti mores Romanae curiae postulant ingens aliquod ac praesens remedium, certe meum
aut mei similium non est banc provinciam sibi sumere. Malo hunc, qualis qualis est,
rerum humanarum statum, quam novos excitari tumultus, qui saepenumero vergunt in
diversum, atque putabatur.
* Erasmi Ep. ad Petr. Barhirium dd. 13. Aug., 1521
(1. c. p. 656): Quum Lutherans
tragoedia semper in pejus glisceret, mire quidam conati sunt me illi admiscere. Uti- —
nam tam immunis essem ab omnibus vitiis, quam sum ab hoc alienus negotio. Mihi —
—
sane adeo est invisa discordia, nt Veritas etiam displiceat seditiosa. Si tibi narrem, a
quibus, et quibus modis solicitatus sim, ut adjungerer negotio Lutherano, quibus tech-
nis quidam conati sint me pellicere, quibus odiis quidam hue me conati sint propellere,
—
tum demum intelligeres, quam mihi displiceant dissidia. Non ignorabam, quam perti-
nacibus odiis me insectarentur quidam apud nos odio bonarum literarum. Perspicie-
bam esse tutius in alteram factionem secedere. At mihi stat, semperque stabit senten-
tia, vel membratim discerpi potius, quam fovere discordiam, praecipue in negotio fidei.
;
102 rOURTH PEEIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
and the rest of the Swiss were forhearing, from their old deference
—In his qui damnantur in Lutheri libris, nihil video quod illi mecum conve-
articulis,
niat, nisi fortequod a me moderate suoque loco dictum est, ille dicit immodice. Si hoc —
est congruere, congruet vinum aceto. Sed dices hactenus nou scripsisti quicquam ad-
:
versus Lutherum. Id quo minus fecerim, duo praecipue fuerunt in causa, otii penuria,
et imperitiae propriae conscientia. —
Si pium est nocere causae Lutheri, fortassis magis
illi nocui, quam quisquam eorum qui odiosissime reclamarunt, quique hominem convi-
tiosissimis libellis prosciderunt. Primum, violentum ilium ac seditiosum scribendi

— —
niodum constanter improbavi. Non destiti dehortari plurimos, ut ab ea factione sese
abstinerent. NuUis studiis adduci potui, ut vel paululum ipse memet admiscerem.
Haec, opinor, plus fregerunt vires ejus factionis quam quorundam tumultus. Nae ego —
praeclarum interim operae pretium fero, qui utrinque lapidor ? Apud nostros falsissi-
nio titulo traducor Lutheranus, apud Germanos male audio, ut Lutheranae factionis ad-
versarius. Ad Paul. Bombasium, dd. 23. Sept., 1521 (p. 664) Quominus hactenus libris
:
editis cum Luthero pugnarim, plurimae sunt causae, quas hie non est necesse percense-
re: sed ilia praecipua fuit, quod mihi prorsus defuit otium legendi, qqae scripsit Luthe-
rus. — mi Bombasi, proclive dictu est scribe adversus Lutherum. Sed ad hoc pluri-
:
bus rebus est opus, quam ad plaustrum fabricandum, ut inquit Hesiodus. Video, quam
varia, —
quam morosa slnt hominum judicia. Egi diligenter cum Hieronymo Alean^ro,
daret mihi facultatem legendi quae scripsit Lutherus. Nam hodie Sycophantarum et
Corycaeorum plena sunt omnia. Pernegavit se id posse, nisi nominatim impetraret a
sunimo Pontifice. Primum igitur hoc mihi velim impetres Brevi quopiam. Ad Episc.
Palentinum, dd. 21. Apr., 1522 (p. 713): Sunt isthic, qui reclamante ipsorum conscientia
me faciant Lutheranum, nimirum illud agentes, ut me suis odiis volentem nolentem
protrudant in castra Lutheri. Me vero ab Ecclesiae catholicae consortio nee mors dis-
trahet, nee vita. —Novi Pontificis docta prudentia, et provida sinceritas, simulque divi-
nus quidam nostri Caesaris animus me in summam spem vocat, fore ut haec pestis sic
tollatur, ne quando possit reviviscere. Id fiet, si radices amputentur, unde hoc mali
toties repullulat. Quarum una est odium Romanae Curiae, cujus avaritia ac tyrannis
jam coeperat esse intolerabilis. Et aliquot humanae constitutiones, quibus Christiani
populi libertas gravari videbatur. His omnibus citra tumultum orbis Caesaris auctori-
tas et novi Pontificis integritas facile medebitur. Compare his correspondence with
Pope Hadrian VI., § 1, Note 93, above. With this may be compared his letter to Zwin-
gle, dd. 31. Aug., 1523 (Zwingli 0pp. vii. i. 308) Lutherus proponit quaedam aenigmata
:
in speciem absurda: omnia opera sanctorum esse peccata, quae indigna ignoscantur
Dei misericordia ; liberum arbitrium esse nomen inane; sola fide justificari; hominem
prope nihil ad rem fafltere. De his contendere, quomodo velit intelligi Lutherus, non
video quem fructum adferat. Deinde video in plerisque ei addictis miram pervicaciam,
et in Lutheri scriptis quantum maledicentiae, saepe praeter rem Ista me cogunt sub-
!
dubitare de spiritu illorum, quem ob causam, cuifaveo, velim esse sincerum. Ego flo- —
rentissimam regionem (Brabant) reliqui, ne miscerer negotio Pharisaico : nam alia lege
non licuisset illic vivere. — Satis

admonui Episcopos, satis Principes vel in libello de
Principe, homo nullius auctoritatis. Quid me velles facere praeterea ? Etiamsi vitam
contemnerem, non video, quid esset insuper faciendum. Tu in nonnuUis dissentis a
Luthero. Dissentit et Oecolampadius. An ergo propter illius doctrinam objiciam me
meosque libros periculis ? Omnia recusavi, quae mihi hoc nomine offerebantur, ut ad-
versus ilium scriberem. A Pontifice, a Caesare, a Regibus et Principibus, a doctissimis
etiam et carissimis amicis hue provocor. Et tamen certum est, me non scribere, aut ita
scribere, ut mea scriptio non sit placitura Pharisaeis. —
Lutherus scripsit ad Oecolampadi-
um, mihi non multum esse tribuendum in iis, quae sunt Spiritus. Velim hoc ex te dis-
cere, doctissime Zwingli, quis sit ille Spiritus. Nam videor mihi Jere omnia docuisse,
quae docet Lutherus, nisi quod non tam atrociter, quodque abstinui a quibusdam aenig-
matibus et paradoxis. Erasmus von Rotterdam v. S. Hess, ii. 77. Leben des Erasmus
von A. MuUer, s. 282.
;
CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. LUTHER AND ERASMUS. 103
but with Luther, who had always remained far removed from the
stand-point of Erasmus,^ and whose whole personal character stood
in decided opposition to the Erasmian refinement and indecision,"
he was soon brought into open variance.^ The ungenerous con-
duct of Erasmus toward Hutten at Basle, in 1522, and the con-
troversy which thence arose, in which his relation to the Reforma-
tion was the principal subject of discussion,'' estranged him entirely
^ Compare § 1, Note 6.
Lutherus ad Spalatinum, dd. 9. Sept., 1521 (do Wettc, ii. 49)

^ Neque Capitonis, :
iieque Erasmi judicium me tantillum movet nihil alienum opinione sui apud me faci-
:
unt quin et hoc veritus sum, ne quando mihi cum alterutro negotium fieret, quando
:
Erasmum a cognitione gratiae longinquum esse viderem, qui non ad crucem, sed ad
pacem spectet in omnibus scriptis. Hinc omnia putat civiliter et benevolentia quadam
humanitatis tractanda gerendaque sed banc non curat Behemoth, neque hinc quicquam
:
sese emendat. Memini, me, dum in praefatione sua in N. T. 'de se ipso diceret gloriam :
facile contemnit Christianus, in corde meo cogitasse Erasme, falleris, timeo. Magna
:
res est gloriam cojitemnere, caet.

* Zwinglius ad B. Rhenanum, d. 25. Maj. 1522
(0pp. vii. i. 193) : Accepimus paucis
ante diebus, duellum inter Erasmum atque Lutherum futurum propendent enim omnia :
ad dissidium stimulari hunc a Wittembergensibus, ut adulatorem aliquando prodat

:
ilium a Romanensibus, ut haereticum sibi damnosissimum extinguat. Quae res quan-

tum niali datura sit Christianis, conjectura non opus habes. Scis enim, quantae ab —
utriusque parte stent copiae, quantaque sit utriusque vel pugnandi vis, vel eludendi
solertia. He
prays Rhenanus to join with Pellicanus in mediating between Erasmus
and Luther. He himself was with Erasmus at Basle about this time, probably with
similar views see the letter of Mj-conius to Zwingle, 1. c. p. 192, 195.
;
'' In a letter to Erasmus of 15th Aug., 1520 (published bj- Hagenbach in the Studicn
u. Kritiken for 1832 ; Heft 3, s. 633), Hutten already censures his pusillanimous con-
duct with reference to Luther. When he came to Basle in Nov., 1522, after the fall of
Sickingen, Erasmus declined to receive him, to avoid his remonstrances, and that ho
might not be remarked upon for associating with him. Erasmus related this occurrence
untruthfully in an Epist. ad Marc. Laurinum, dd. 1 Febr., 1523 (0pp. iii. i. 760), and
at the same time entered at length upon his position with regard to the evangelical
party and the reasons for it. Hutten's mortification now rose to indignation, and his
—
Expostulatio cum Erasmo (July, 1523 Hutten's works by Miinch, iv. 343) overwhelm-
ed him with reproaches for his unworthy conduct, which Erasmus did not succeed in
obliterating with his Spongia adv. Huttenicas Adspergines (Miinch, iv. 403; Erasmi
0pp. ed. Lugd. x. 1631). At the same time, Erasmus tried, in an ungenerous manner,
to make the knight an object of suspicion to the Council of Zurich, where he lived, as
one who had nothing to lose, and acted only from love of mischief and frivolitj' (in a
letter of the 10th Aug., 1523, in Hess's Life of Erasmus, ii. 572 Munch, iv. 397), and;
petitioned the magistrates of Strasburg to punish his printer (dd. 27. Mart, and 23. Aug.,
1524 0pp. iii. i. 793, 804). Here, again, he showed himself to be double-tongued, for
;
to both these evangelical towns he alleged the interests of the Gospel As the reason to
Zurich, —
" But this I write that he may not abuse your goodness in favor of a licentious
:
and arrogant style of writing, which is highlj' injurious to the cause of the Gospel, to
liberal arts, even to common moralitj-." To Strasburg veneror pietatem vestram, quod
:
favetis Evangelio, pro quo provehendo ego jam tot annistantum exhauriolaborum, tan-
—
tumque sustineo invidiae. Certe Evangelico negotio non parum obfuerit, si videant
homines, per occasionem Evangelii Reipublicae disciplinam fieri deteriorem. Pro meo —
erga bonas literas et erga rem Evangelicam affectu sincerissimo visum est hoc admonere.
Ea res vehementer displicuit ipsi etiam Luthero et Melanchthoni, qui intelligunt nullos
104 FOURTH PERIOD,— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
from its adherents.^" From this time Erasmus complains inces-

santly of the hostility of the Evangelicals.^^ The haughty style
homines magis officere negotio Evangelico, quam tales. Pro Evangelic provehendo —
plurimum laborum et invidiae sustinui. Omnia recusavi quae mihi Principes obtule-
runt, ut scriberem adversus Lutherum, imo mea malui perdere, quam ad afFectus quo-
rundam scribere contra meam conscientiam. Tantum isti foederi (the Evangelical
Church) nolui dare nomen, quum multis aliis
de causis, turn ob hoc, quod quaedam in
libris Lutheri non intelligerem, quaedam omnino non probarem, praesertim cum in ista
conjuratione viderem quosdam esse, quorum mores et molimina mihi viderentur longis-
sime abesse a spiritu Evangelico. Nullus usquam a me laesus est, vel quia faverit Lu-
parum faverit. Thus wrote Erasmus in August, 1524, although as early
thero, vel quia
as September his work against Luther had appeared. Compare Ulrich v. Hutten gegen
Desid. Erasmus u. D. Er. gegen U. v. H. zwey Streitschriften, libersetzt, mit den no-
thigen Notizen versehen u. beurtheilt von D. J. J. Stolz. Aarau, 1813. Ulrich v.
Hutten von Wagenseil, Nurnberg, 1823, s. 129. Hutten's Werke von Munch, iv. 646.
Erasmus Leben v. Hess, ii. 116. Erasmus Leben von Miiller, s. 307. [Ulrich von Hut-
ten, von Dr. Dan. Fr. Strauss. 2 Thle. Leipz., 1858.]
" In defense of Hutten and the Reformation against the Spongia, as Hutten had died
before its publication, on the island of Ufnau, in the Lake of Zurich, xfi Aug., 1523, Otto
of Brunfels wrote at Strasburg his Ad Spongiam Erasmi pro Hutteno Responsio (Hut-
ten's "Works by Miinch, iv. 497), and Erasmus Alberus his Judicium de Spongia Erasmi
(1. c. p. 555). Luther gave his opinion with regard to this controversy (to Hausmann,
1st Oct. 1523, de Wette, Equidem Huttenum nollem expostulasse, multo mi-
ii. 411) :
nus Erasmum extersisse. hoc est spongia abstergerp, rogo, quid est maledicere et
Si
conviciari ? Prorsus frustra sperat Erasmus sua rhetorica sic omnibus ingeniis abuti,
quasi nemo sit, imo quasi pauci sint, qui sentiant, quid alat Erasmus. Incredibilem et —
nominis et auctoritatis jacturam fecit hoc libro. Luther's opinion upon Erasmus in
general (to Oecolampadius, 20th Jun., 1523, de "Wette, ii. 352) Quid Erasmus in rerum :
spiritualium judicio sentiat, aut simulet, testantur ejus libelli abunde, tam primi quam
novissimi. Ego etsi aculeos ejus alicubi sentio, tamen quia simulat, se non esse hostem
palam, simulo et ego, me non intelligere astutias suas, quanquam penitius intelligatur,
quam ipse credat. Ipse fecit ad quod ordinatus fuit. Linguas introduxit, et a sacrile-
gis studiis revocavit. Forte et ipse cum Mose in campestribus Moab morietur nam ad :
meliora studia (quod ad pietatem pertinet) non provehit. Vellemque mirum in modum,
abstinere ipsum a tractandis Scripturis Sanctis et paraphrasibus suis, quod non sit par
istis officiis, et lectores frustra occupat et moratur in Scripturis discendis. Satis fecit,
quod malum ostendit at bonum ostendere (ut video) et in terram promissionis ducere
:
non potest. Sed quid ego de Erasmo tani multa,' nisi ut illius nomine et auctoritate
nihil movearis, atque adeo gaudeas, si quid ei displicere sentias in re ista scripturarum,
ut qui vel non possit, vel non velit de iis recte judicare, sicut paene totus jam orbis in-
cipit de eo sentire. Erasmus was much vexed at this letter, a sight of which he soon
obtained see his letter to Zwingle, 81st Aug., Note 5, above.
;
^^ Ep. ad Stanisl. Turzonem Ep. Olomucensem, dd. 21. Mart., 1523 (Opp. iii. i. 766):
Sunt, qui me impudentissime etiam in aula Caesaris traduxerint ut Lutheranum. Hie

fremunt in me Lutheran!, quod ab eo dissentiam, meumque nomen in publicis professi-
onibus suis lacerant, libellos insuper dentatos minitantur. Ad Sylvestrum Prieratem,
1523 (1. c. 777) Aleander nihil non facit adversus Lutherum, at si pernosses rem om-
:
nem, solus Erasmus plus fregit vires et animos illius factionis, quam omnia Aleandri
molimina. —
Id an vobis isthic [^Romae] persuasum sit, nescio: certe Lutherani hie
intelligunt, qui mihi uni imputant, quod illis non succedit, jamque dentatis libellis
in me debacchantur tanquam in adversarium, et vere sum. Ad Jo. Canium, 1524
(1. c. 795) ignoras, quantum malorum hie sustineam a Lutheranis. Ego puto, mor-
:
—
tem esse leviorem his quae patior. Lutherani in neminem magis fremunt, quam in
Erasmum.
:
CHAP. I.— KEFORJIATIOX. § 3. LUTHER AND ERASMUS. 105
in which Luther offered him peace^" could only have the effect,
upon this ambitious man, of giving additional weight to the re-
quest which reached him at the same time from England, that
he would take revenge upon Luther for his attack upon the royal
author.^^ And so, to assail the formidable Luther in the weakest
^^ Iq April, 1524 (de Wette,
ii. 498). E. g., Nihil causor, quod alieniorem te erga nos
habueris, quo magis esset tibi integra et salva causa tua contra hostes meos Papistas.
Dauique non aegre tuli admodum, quod editis libellis in aliquot locis pro illorum gratia
captanda, aut furore mitigando, nos acerbiuscule momorderis et perstrinxeris. Quando
enim videmus, nondum esse tibi a Domino datam earn fortitudinera vel et sensum, ut
monstris illis nostris libera et fidenter occurras nobiscum, nee ii sumus, qui a te exigere
audeamus id, quod vires et modum tuum superat. Quia imbecillitatem tuam et men-
—
suram doni Dei in te toleravimus et venerati sumus. Sic hactenus stilum coiiibui, ut-
cunque pungeres me, cohibiturumque etiam scripsi in Uteris ad amicos, quae tibi quo-
que lectae sunt, donee palam prodires. Nam utcunque non nobiscum sapias et plera-
que pietatis capita vel impie vel simulanter danines aut suspendas, pertinaciam tamen
tibi tribuere non possum neque volo. Nunc autem quid faciam ? utrinque res exacer-
batissima est. Ego optarem (si possem fieri mediator) ut et illi desinerent te impetere
tantis animis, sinerentque senectutem tuam cum pace in Domino obdormire. Id sane
facerent mea quidem sententia, si rationem haberent tuae imbecillitatis, et maguitudi-
nem causae, quae modulum tuum dudum egressa est, perpenderent praesertim cum :
res jam eo pervenerit, ut parum sit metuendum periculum nostrae causae, si Erasmus
etiam summis viribus oppugnaret, nedum si aliquando spargit aculeos et dentes tantum.
Rursus si tu, mi Erasme, illorum infirmitatem cogitares, et a figuris illis rhetoricae tuae
salsis etamaris abstineres, etsi omnino neque posses neque auderes nostra asserere, in-
tacta tamen dimitteres et tua tractares. Erasmus answered on the 5th Maj' (Fortg.
Sammlung von alten u. neuen theolog. Sachen, 1725, s. 545) Nee tibi concedo, ut ma-
:
gis ex animo bene cupias Evangelicae sinceritati, quam ego, cujus rei gratia nihil non
perpetior, et hactenus omnium venor occasionem, ut Evangelium fiat omnibus com-
mune. Caeterum quod tu imbecillitatem voces aut ignorantiam, partim constantia est,
partim judicium. Tua quaedam legens valde pertimesco, ne qua arte deludat Satanas
animum tuum rursum alia sic non capio, ut velim huifc metum meum esse falsum.
:
Nolim profiteri, quod ipse niihi nondum persuasi, multo minus quod nondum assequor.
Hactenus rectius consului negotio Evangelico, quam multi qui se jactant Evangelii no-
mine. Video, per banc occasionem exoriri multos perditos et seditiosos ; video pessu-
mire bonas literas ac disciplinas video discindi amicitias, et vereor, ne cruentus exori-
;
atur tumultus. Si tuus animus sincerus est, precor ut Christus bene fortunet quod agis
me nulla res corrumpet, ut sciens prodam Evangelium humanis aflfectibus. Nihil ad-
huc in te scripsi, facturus id magno Principum applausu, nisi vidissem hoc absque jac-
tura Evangelii non futurumtantum eos repuli, qui conabantur omnibus modis Princi-
:
pibus passim persuadere, mihi tecum foedus esse, et mihi tecum per omnia convenire, et
in libris meis esse quicquid tu doceres haec opinio vix etiam nunc potest ex illorum
;
animis revelli. Quid scribas in me, non magnopere laboro si mundum spectem, nihil
:
—
mihi accidere posset felicius. Si paratus es omnibus reddere rationem de ea, quae in te
est, fide, quare aegre feras, si quis discendi gratia tecum disputet ? Fortasse Erasmus
scribens in te magis profuerit Evangelio, quam quidam stolidi scribentes pro te, caet.
1^ Erasmus ad Hier. Emserum,
Note 17, below. He was chiefly influenced bj- a re-
port which was spread about him bj' certain persons in England, that he had some
share in Luther's work against Heniy VIIL (Cutbert. Tonstallus ad Erasm. dd. 7. Jul.,
1523, 0pp. iii. i. 771). With what fear Erasmus undertook the work, and how highly
he estimated his compliance with the King's wish, ma}' be seen in his Ep. ad Henricum
Regem Angliae, dd. 4. Sept., 1523 (1. c. p. 773) Molior aliquid adversus nova dogmata,
:
sed non ausim edere, nisi relicta Germania, ne cadam, priusquam descendam in arenam.
part of his theological system, he wrote his work De Libero Ar-

bitrio, in September, 1524."
Luther replied with his usual bit-
terness in the work De Servo Arbitrio (Dec, 1525).^* Erasmus
repaid, in like coin, in his Hyperaspistes (1526).^^ Thus the re-
nowned Erasmus^^ now passed over into the ranks of the enemies
1*
0pp. ed. Lugd. ix. 1215. See the double-tongued expressions with which he ac-
companied it, Erasmus ad Henricum Angl. Regem, dd. 6. Sept., 1524 (1. c. p. 816) Quid :
non audeam tuae felicissimae Majestatis fretus auspiciis ? Jacta est alea, exiit in lucem
libellus De Libero Arbitrio, audax, mihi crede, facinus, ut nunc res habent Germaniae.
Exspecto lapidationem, et jam nunc aliquot rabiosi libelll provolarunt in caput meum.
Sed consolabor meipsum exemplo Majestatis tuae, cui non parcit istorum immanitas.
Decretum erat et alioqui facere ad quod per literas hortaris, et religions Christianas ju-
vandae immori, sed tamen alacrior id faciam, posteaquam tua Majestas currenti, quod
ajunt, calcar addere dignata est. Ad Melanchthonem eod. die (1. c. p. 819) Miraberis, :
cur emiserim libellum De Libero Arbitrio. Sustinebam triplex agmen inimicorumi

Theologi et bonarum literarum osores nullum non movebant lapidem, ut perderent
Erasmum. Hi Monarchis omnibus persuaserant, me juratissimum esse Luthero. Ita-
que amici, videntes me periclitari, spem praebuere Pontifici et Principibus, fore ut ali-
quid ederem in Lutherum. Eam spem et ipse pro tempore alui. Et interim isti non
exspectato libello coeperant me libellis lacessere. Nihil igitur restabat, nisi ut ederem
quod scripseram alioqui et Monarchas haouissem infensos, quibus visus fuissem dedisse
:
verba. —
Postremo quoniam epistola Lutheri (Not. 12) jam est in manibus, qua poUicetur
se cohibiturum calamum in me si conquiescam viderer ex pacto non edere. Ad haec
;
qui Romae profitentur literas ethnicas, ipsi kdviKwnpoi, mire fremunt in me, invidentes,
ut apparet, Germanis. Itaque si nihil edidissem, praebuissem ansam et theologis, et Mo-
nachis, etillis Romanensibus figulis, —
utfacilius persuaderentPontificibusac Monarchis
quod persuadere conabuntur postremo hos furiosos Evangelicos habuissem iniquiores.
:
Nam ipse rem tractavi modestissime. Et tamen quod scribo, non scribo adversus animi
sententiam, quanquam ab hac quoque libenter discessurus, ubi persuadebitur quod rectius
est. Many persons took offense at Luther's strong Augustinianism. George, Duke of
Saxony, in a letter to the King of England, dd. 7. Id. Maj. 1523, designated as Luther's
fundamental error (SeckendcJrf, Comm. de Luther, i. 277), quod bonorum et malorum
necessitatem a Deo pendere statuat, errore ne Ethnicis quidem tolerando, quo omnis
humanae rationis vis, omne consilium, jus denique onine, quod vel praemium bonis, vel
poenam malis decernit, tollatur.
1^ T. Witenb. ii. 457 ; Jen. iii. ICO.
>6
0pp. ed Lugd. x. 1249.
" As to the effect of his controversial work he writes, ad Jac. Sadoletum, d. 25. Febr.,
1525 (0pp. iii. i. 854) : non paucos revocavi a factione damnata, et jam passim reddun-
tur literae, quibus declarant se persuasos libello De Libero Arbitrio ab hoc Lutheri dog-
mate descivisse. On (1. c. p. 1056) Quid mea
the other hand, ad Hier. Eraser, 1527 :
diatriba civilius ? tamen, nisi quod Lutheranos excitavit ad majorem in-

Quid profecit
saniam Id non ignarus futurum, tamen morem gessi Regi et Card. Angliae, Pontifici
!
et doctis aliquot amicis, non tacens interim quid esset sequuturum. Erasmus did not
bj' anj' means satisf}- Luther's violent enemies. Albertus Pius, Princeps Carpensis,
repeated in a letter to him, which had grown into a pamphlet (v. d. Hardt, Hist. Liter.
Reform, i. 114 ss.), in 1526, the old accusation, that he was in truth the original author
of the Reformation, and was bound to a continual warfare against Luther, p. 127 Quid :
in eum posses, modo velles, declarasti libello tuo De

Libero Arbitrio, quo Lutherum non
exagitas, non perturbas modo, sed prosternis, enecas. —
Quod si idem praestiteris dog-
matibus in caeteris, jam non erit, quod suspicari possint homines, ullo pacto convenire
tibi cum Luthero. Si autem praeterieris, hoc edito libello potius suspicionem adauxisti.
Putabunt enim multi, si aeque in caeteris dissensisses, pariter caetera te fuisse refutatu-
CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. LORD'S SUPPER. 107
of the Reformation, although he did not cease to recommend con-
ciUatory measures toward it.^^
The controversy about the Lord's Supper, and the division it

made between the Saxon and Swiss reformers, was a much more
orievous blow to the Reformation. Carlstadt, who had already,
from the year 1521, played a principal part in the disturbances at

Wittenberg, gave occasion for it. In the beginning of 1524 he
forced himself into Orlamund as pastor ;'^ and here, with a war-
fare against pictures and images which caused much commotion,
he began what he considered a thorough reformation, as Luther
seemed to him entangled in many errors, especially about the
Lord's Supper.^"^ Li Sept., 1524, he was obliged to leave Orla-
mund, and from Basle poured forth his indignation against Luther,
whom he considered his persecutor, in a series of works against

his doctrine of the Lord's Supper.^^
rum, quae silentio probare videaris, hoc uno tantum improbato. On the controversj-
of this prince with Erasmus, see Hess's Life of Erasmus, i. 843.— Following Erasmus,
his decided friends separated entirely from the Reformation, e. g., John of Botzheim,
Canon of Constance (see J. v. B. by K. Walchner. Schaffhausen, 1836, s. 65 ff.).
^ Compare Erasmi Consilium Senatui Basil, in Negotio Lutherano, datum a.d. 1525
(in Erasmus Leben by Hess, ii. 577, in German, in Wursteisen's Easier Chronik, B. vii.
cap. 13), e. g., Si —

Tigurinis persuaderi possit, ut imagines, formam ISIissae reponerent,
donee ex publico orbis consilio Statueretur super his, valde pertineret ad totius Helve-
tiae concordiam. Et tamen si id non possit persuaderi, nolim hac gratia moveri helium,
sed expectare potius occasionem. De sumptione Eucharistiae, si id pio affectu petatur
ex consensu regionis tribus verbis, impetrabitur a Poutifice, cujus auctoritas certe ad
hoc valebit hie, ut excludat seditionem civilem. De esu carnis idem sentio. Si rogetur
Pontifex publico vestrae regionis nomine, nihil erit difficultatis.
" Luther against the Hinnnlische Propheten, in Walch, xx. 227.
^^ He defended his boisterous principles of Reform in a letter addressed to the record-
er of Joachimsthal " Ob man gemach fahren, und des Ergerniissen der Schwachen ver-
:
schonen soil in Sachen, so Gottis Willen angehen, 1524. 4." (reprinted in Fiissli's Bey-
trage, i. 57). How Orlamund were led on by him is shown by
far the inhabitants of
their letter to Luther, in which they invite him to a personal conference (in Walch, xv.
2433), e. g., " You despise all persons who, at the command of God, destroy dumb idols
and heathenish images, to which j-ou oppose onlj- a powerless, worldly-wise, and incon^
sistent argument, drawn from your own brain, and not founded on Scripture. But the
fact that you so publicly censure and revile us, who are members of Christ grafted in
by the Father, unheard and unconvicted, proves that j-ou yourself are no member of this
true Christ, the Son of God," etc. Accordingly, in August, 1524, Luther traveled to Jena
and Orlamund b}- the desire of the Elector; compare the account "was sich D. Andr.
Bodenstein v. Carlstadt mit D. M. Luther beredt zu Jena, und wie sie wider einander
zu schreibeu sich entschlossen haben. Item die Handlung D. M. Luther's mit dem
Rath und der Gemeinde der Stadt Orlamunde, am Tage Bartholomai daselbst geschehen"
(by Mart. Reinhard, preacher in Jena), 1524. 4., in Walch, xv. 2422 and 2435.
21 Andreas Bodenstein's sonst Carlstadt genannt Lebensgeschichte v. J. C. Fiisslin,
Francf. u. Leipz. 1776, s. 82. A full list of Carlstadt's writings is in Riederer's Abhand-
lungen, s. 473. The works which relate to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper are printed
in Walch's edition of Luther's Works, xx. 138, 378, 2852.
;
Luther had, in former times, wavered with regard to this doc-

trine.^- But as he adopted, for his general guide and Hmit in his
reform of the Church, the plain word of Holy Scripture and the
practical demands of religion, so, on the other hand, he rejected
all intermixture of merely speculative reason. Accordingly, he
had on this subject to the rejection of the opus
restricted himself
operatum and of transubstantiation, because both of these dogmas
were injurious to religion but he had
; maintained the real pres-
ence of the Body and Blood of Christ, against which exception
could be taken only on grounds of reason.^^ When the view of
the Lord's Supper, as a memorial rite, was first maintained against
him, with an evident wresting of the words of institution,^* by
" Luther to the Christians at Strasburg, loth Dec, 1524 (de Wette, ii. 577) " I con- :
fess that if Dr. Carlstadt, or anj-one else, could have informed me five j-ears ago that
there was nothing in the Sacrament but bread and wine, he would have done me a great
service. I have here, indeed, suffered such hard attacks, and been so wrung and M'ound-
ed, that I would gladlj' have escaped from it, for I saw plainly that I could thus have
dealt tli3 Papacy the heaviest cuff. I have also had two men write to me on this sub-
ject more skillfully than Dr. Carlstadt, without torturing the Word so much after their
—
own notions. But I am bound I can not escape ; the text is too strong there, and will
not bear to be twisted out of its meaning with words." As early as his work on the
Adoration of the Sacrament, addressed to the Bohemian brethcen in 1523 (Walch, xix.
1593), Luther refuted all the different opinions which were afterward brought forward
in the Sacramentarian Controversy, viz. : 1. That bread signifies the body 2. That a
;
participation of the spiritual bodj^ takes place ; The doctrine of transubstantiation

3.
L That the Sacrament is a sacrifice and good work. " The third error is, that no bread
remains in the Sacrament, but only the figure of bread. But this error has not much
force, if it be only allowed that the body and blood of Christ are there with the Word.
Although the papists have fought stoutly, and still fight, for this new article of theirs,
though thcj- reproach every man as a heretic who does not hold with them as necessarj-
truth tliis monkish dream, upheld by Thomas Aquinas and sanctioned bj' Popes, that
no bread remains. But since thej' press this point so strongly, of their own wanton
will, without Scripture, we will onlj- maintain, in opposition to and defiance of them,
that actual bread and wino remain, together with the body and blood of Christ, and will
gladly be reproached as heretics before such dreamy Christians and undisguised soph-
ists, for the Gospel calls the Sacrament bread ; thus, the bread is the body of Christ. By
this we stand ;
truly it is enough for us against all sophistical dreams, that that should
be bread which Scripture calls bread."
23 According to Petrus de Alliaco Card. Cameracensis see De Captivitate Babyloni-
;
£a, § 1, Note 61, above.

=*'
According to Albr. Hardenberg (f 1574) in the Vita Wesseli (prefixed to Wessel
0pp. cd. Groning Job. Wessel, by Ullmann, s. 326), Carlstadt had drawn his doctrine
;
of the Lord's Supper from a work De Eucharistia, which Henry Rodius, president of the
House of Brethren at Utrecht, had received from Cornelius Honius (Hoen), a distin-
guished jurist in Holland, and brought to Wittenberg and then to Zurich this was aft-
;
erward sometimes considered a work of Wessel's, and sometimes was said to be about
two hundred years old. Lllmann's Job. Wessel, s. 326, must be corrected here by Ger-
des. Hist. Ev. Eenovati I. Monum. p. 228. It will be proved in Note 27, below, that
this work was Virought to Wittenberg in the year 1521. Hardenberg, in his account, er-
/oneouslv introduces at this time the events at Jena in 1524. But Carlstadt had not
—
CHAP. I.—REFORMATION. § 3. THE LORD'S SUPPER. IQQ
Carlstadt, who stood in close connection with the Anabaptists, at

that time rising again into notice, and who was also carried away
by many superstitious views, Luther was ready to see in •this doc-
trine, as well as in the rejection of infant baptism, only the pride

of reason going beyond Scripture f^ and he resisted both opinions
as belonging to the same order of fanaticism.
On the other hand, Carlstadt's conception of the Lord's Sup-
per corresponded well with the tendency of the theologians of
the school of Erasmus to understand and explain Scripture in
harmony with reason."^ Zwingle had long cherished this doc-
trine in secret.^^ Erasmus himself was clearly inclined toward
drawn from this work liis marvelous explanation of the words of institution, correspond-
ing so remarkabl}' with that of the Cathari QMoneta contra Catharos, lib. iv. c. 3) " Eat :
the bread, for this mj' bod}' is the body which shall be given for you." Moreover, in
1521, Carlstadt still maintained the real presence; see his work "Von Anbetung u.
Ehrerbietung der Zeichen des N. T. 1. Nov., 1521" (Unsch. Nachr. 1718, s. 177). Bucer
writes very truly to Boniface Wolfhardt, and the men of Augsburg, a.d. 1537 (from
Zanchii 0pp. in Gerdesii Scrinium v. 227) Hoc ego, fratres, ingenue dico, et coram
:
Domino sic sentio, optandum piis, ut nihil unquam contra Lutherum de Eucharistia
—
scriptum esset. Jam in spiritualem manducationem posuerat omnia, corporalem ultro
admodum extenuabat, iiduciam in externum opus submoverat ubi autem Carolostadi-
:
us virum commovit, sicut persuaserat sibi, Carolostadium velle externum verbum et

Sacramenta penitus e medio toUere, ita totus erat in evehendis istis, sicut nihil in eo
non vehemens indeque factum, ut nos ipsi, et nostri Oecolampadius et Zwinglius
:
putaremus, eum externis rursus justificandi vim tribuere, quod ille tamen nunquam
sensit.
"Luther to the Christians at Strasburg, 15th Dec, 1524 (de Wette, ii. 578) " Yea, :
if even at this du}- it might happen tliat a man prove with sound arguments, that mere
bread and wine were present, there^would be no need to assail me with so much wrath.
I am, alas, all too much inclined to this view, so much of the old Adam do I feel with-
in. But Carlstadt's fanaticism on this subject is so far from convincing me that mj'
opinion is onlj' strengthened thereb}-. And if I had not entertained it before, I should
have concluded at once, from such lame and foolish trickerj', without anj- Scripture,
founded only upon reason and reflection, that his view could not be true."
2^ Melanchthon ad Camerarium, dd. 26. Jul., 1529 (Mel. 0pp. ed. Bretschneider, i.
1083), writes of Erasmus, whom he calls Pothinus {Tloduvo's Desiderius) Vide quan- :
tum judicii sit nostris inimicis ilium amant, qui multorum dogmatum semina in suis
:
libris sparsit, quae fortasse longe graviores tumultus aliquando excitatura fuerant, nisi
Lutherus exortus esset, ac studia hominura alio traxisset. Tota ilia tragoedia irtpi
otLTTvov KvpLUKov ab ipso uata videri potest. Quam non iniquus esse videri alicubi pos-
sit Arlo et illius factioni, quam nos hie constantissirae improbavimus. Quae litera in
libris est magnopere digna viro Christiano de justificatione, de jure Magistratuum .9
Sed tollant eum, qui non norunt.

'' Capito and Pellicanus as earlj' as 1512 see § 2, Note 9. According to the later
;
Swiss historians (e. g., Hess in his Life of Zwingle, translated by Usteri, s. 21, and
Huldr. Zwingle, by Schuler, s. 24) Zwingle read, while at Glarus, Ratramn on the Lord's
Supper, and Wycliffe's works according to S. Hess (Sammlungen zur Beleuchtung der
;
Kirchen-u. Reformationsgesch. d. Schweiz. Heft 1. Zurich, 1811, s. 20), also the works
of Peter Waldo (?) however, I find no proof of this. This doctrine of the Lord's Sup-
:
per fii-st appears in his works, in the letter to Wyttenbach, loth June, 1523 (0pp. vii. i.
;
it r^ thus Carlstadt found much agreement with his doctrine in

southern Germany and Switzerland, though not with his marvel-
ous interpretation of the words of institution. Capito and Bucer,
at Strasburg, showed themselves unmistakably influenced by it.-^
297) but here Zwingle unfolds it as a secret Ex his omnibus, puto, sententiam nos-
; :
tram, doctissime praeceptor, capis, non quod etiamnunc ita doceam vereor enim, ne :
porci in nos conversi dirumperent turn doctrinam, turn doctorem non quod tanti faciam :
tumultuosam banc vitam, sed ne, quod recte sancteque doceri poterit, dum intempestive
doceretur, damni quiddam aut tumultus Christo daret. Before the public at large, at
that time, he only denied transubstantiation, in his explanation of the Articles (Jul}-,
1523), and taught that the bodj' and blood are received by faith only (Uslegung des
XVIII. Artikels, in Zw. Works, i. 251).— However, in 1521, the work issued by Corne-
lius Honius (see Note 24) had alreadj' fallen into his hands and won his assent see ;
Lud. Lavateri Hist, de Origine et Progressu Controversiae Sacramentariae de Coena

Domini. Tiguri, 1564, p. 1, b. Factum quoque est, ut Joannes Rhodius et Georgius
Saganus, pii et docti viri, Tigurura venirent, ut de Eucharistia cum Zwingli conferrent.
Qui cum ejus sententiam audivissent, dissimulantes suam ; gratias egerunt Deo, quod
a tanto errore liberati essent, atque Honii Batavi epistolam protulerunt, in qua est in
verbis institutionis Coenae Dominicae per signijicat explicatur, quae interpretatio Zwin-
glio commodissima videbatur. In the year 1525 Zwingle published this work Epistola :
Christiana admodum ab annis quatuor ad quendam, apud quem omne judicium sacrae
scripturae fuit (Luther), ex Batavis missa, sed spreta, longe aliter tractans coenam do-
minicam, quam hactenus tractata est, per Honnium Batavum; reprinted in Gerdesii
Hist. Ev. Ren. i. Monura. p. 231. Melanchthonis Epist. ad Aquilam, dd. 12. Oct., 1529
(Bretschneider, iv. 970), is also worthj- of notice; Cinglius mihi confessus est (in Mar-
burg), se ex Erasmi scriptis primum hausisse opinionem suam de Coena Domini.
29 Erasmus ad Mich. Budam Episc. Lingonensem, dd. 2. Oct., 1525 (0pp. iii. i. 892) :
Exortum est novum dogma, in Eucharistia nihil esse praeter panem et vinum. Id ut
sit difBcillimum refellere, fecit Jo. Oecolampadius, qui tot testimoniis, tot argumentis
earn opinionem communiit, ut seduci posse videantur etiam electi. Ad Bilib. Pirkhei-
mer, dd. 6. Jun., 1526 (p. 941) : Mihi non displiceret Oecolampadii sententia, nisi ob-
staret consensus Ecclesiae. Nee enim Andeo quid agat corpus insensibile, nee utilitatem
allaturum si sentiretur, modo adsit in symbolis gratia spiritualis. Et tamen ab Eccle-
siae consensu non possum discedere, nee unquam discessi. Ad eund., dd. 30. Jul., 1526,
p. 945 Pellican, who had come to Zurich earl}- in 1526 as professor of Hebrew, assured
:
his friends in this place of Erasmus's agreement with them in the doctrine of the Lord's
Supper and the three letters in which Erasmus reproaches him for so doing (p. 963 ss.)
:
were not calculated to refute this assurance compare Erasmus's Life bj- Hess, ii. 264.
;
In the same year Leo Judae, in a work published under a false name, sought to prove
the same fact from the earlier works of Erasmus; see Bullinger, i. 352; Hess, ii. 271.
The words which Hottinger contributes from his manuscript are characteristic of this
author's method of silencing himself and others with sophisms (continuation of Miiller's
Schweizergesch. vii. 131) Finge, in Eucharistia non esse substantiam corporis domini-
:
ci, tamen Deus Ulum errorem nulli poterit imputare. Quum eum adoramus in Eucha-
ristia, semper subest tacita exceptio, si illic vere est. Nobis enim non constat, an sa-
cerdos rite conseci'averit.
-' Thej' pronounced the controversy unimportant, as it only related to the spiritual
participation of Christ see Capito's Urtheil, was man halten u. antworten soil von der
;
Spaltung zwischen M. Luther u. A. Carlstadt, in Luther's Werke by Walch, xx. 445

and Bucer's Grund u. Ursach us gottl. Schrift, der Neuerungen wegen an dem Nacht-
male des Herrn zu Strasburg vorgenommen, Ibid. s. 458 both works belong to the :
5'ear 1524. At the same time, the preachers of Strasburg wrote to Luther to draw him
into an explanation upon the controversy, dated 23d Nov., 1524, in Kapp's Nachlese, ii.
CHAP. I.—REFORMATION. § 3. THE LORD'S SUPPER. m
Zwingle declared himself ia favor of it in a letter to Matthew Al-
berus, preacher at Reutlingen ; at first, indeed, only in confidence,^'^
but soon after also in public.^^ To refute Carlstadt, Luther wrote
against the Celestial Prophets in 1525 i^^ Bugenhagen's work. Con-
tra Novum Errorem de Sacramento Corporis et Sanguinis Chris-
ti,^^ was directed against Zwingle. Carlstadt, oppressed by want,
and the suspicion of being concerned in the Peasants' RebelUon,^'
soon yielded once more, and returned repentant to Saxony f^ but
the controversy awakened by him was continued by both parties
Zwingle defended his doctrine in sev-
in a violent series of works.
eral f but he met with oppo-
works f^ Oecolampadius joined him
nents in the Swabian preachers, led by John Brentz and Erhard
Schnepf.^^ Luther himself first appeared against the Swiss party
610. He answered by his letter to the Christians at Strasburg, 15th Dec, in de Wette,
ii. 574.
Dd. 16th Nov., 1524. Opp. iii. 589. He argues from John vi. for a manducatio
^^
spiritualis est, in the words of institution, means significat.

: The anxiet}' with which
he opposes the publication of liis opinion is unmistakable, p. 593 Nos enim nostra pro- :
ferimus, non ut censeamus. Res enim tarn est ardua, ut, nisi dominus dederit intellec-
tum, frustra dicturi simus, quicquid tandem adduxerimus. And in conclusion Adjuro :
te per Christum Jesum, qui judicaturus est vivos et mortuos, ut hanc epistolam null!
hominum communices, quam ei, quem constat sincerum esse in fide ejusdem domini
nostri. The letter was first printed at Zurich in March, 1525.
^' In theComm. de Vera et Falsa Religione, March, 1525 (Opp. iii. 145 ; the chap-
ter "Von dem Nachtmal Christi" was published at the same time in a German transla-
tion also), and the Subsidium s. Coronis de Eucharistia, Aug., 1525 (1. c. p. 326). Com-
pare Bullinger, i. 261.
" Walch, XX. 186.
^^ Itappeared at the same time in German also in Walch, xx. 641. ;
^* Probablj' without reason. An invitation from Miinzer to join in his rebellion, sent
from Altstadt to Orlamund, was refused from com-
this place in a letter undoubtedlj-
posed bj' Carlstadt ; Afterward Carlstadt's residence
see Miinzer's Life bj' Strobel, s. 77.
at Rothenburg, on the Tauber, furnished an occasion of accusing him of co-operation in
the Peasant War ; see Kapp's Nachlese, iv. 561. He defended himself in the " Entschul-
digung D. A. Carlstadt's des falschen Namens der Aufruhr, so ihm ist mit Unrecht auf-
gelegt," which Luther edited at his request in Wittenberg, 1525, with a preface (this
maj' be seen in Walch, xv. 2468). Compare Fussli, Leben Carlstadt's, s. 92 ; Leben
Munzer's von Strobel, s. 76.
35 Walch, XV. 2466.
3^ Especially "Eine klare Underrichtung vom Nachtmal Christi:" 1526. Werke, ii.
i. 426.
3' De genuina verborum Domini, hoc est corpus meum, juxta vetustissimos auc-
tores expositione, lib. 1525. 8 (also in Pfaflii Acta et Scripta publ. Eccl. Wirtember-
gicae, p. 41). He sought to prove a trope in the word corpus : Hoc est figura corporis
mei.
3*
Clarissimorum virorum, qui anno 1525 Halae Suevorum convenerunt, syngramma
et pium et eruditum super verbis coenae dominicae ad Jo. Oecolampadium, dd. 21. Oct.,
1525, commonlj' called S3'ngramma Suevicum (composed by Brenz see Walch, xx., ;
Hist. Einleit, s. 34), also in PfaflF, 1. c. p. 153.

:
in a Preface^^ in the year 1526, and thus a warfare was enkin-

dled which brought into the bitterest opposition the reformers of
both parties, who ought to have been united by the closest bonds
in their common aim and common danger. The Swiss doctrine
of the Lord's Supper also found support beyond the bounds of-
Switzerland,*" especially in southern Germany, Strasburg,*^ and

Ulra.*^ Nevertheless, as these Churches remained in connection
with the Church of Saxony, they were obliged to take an equivo-
cal position.
The Reformation, however, was most injured in public opinion
by the Anabaptist disturbances and the Peasant War, which also
broke out at the same time.
The first beginnings of these evils are to be sought in the dis-
turbances at Zwickau in 1521. Thomas Miinzer,*^ who, as pas-
tor at Zwickau, had a large share in these disturbances, and was
in consequence deposed, after a vain attempt to gain support
among the Bohemians,** had betaken himself to Altstadt, in Thu-
ringia, with a view to advance far beyond the beginning made at
"Wittenberg, and there establish the kingdom of G-od upon earth
in equality and community of goods, compelling, if necessary, the
princes to submission by force.*^ When these disturbances began
^' Prefixed to Agricola's Translation of the Swabian Sj-ngramma into German ; see
the Preface in Walch, xx. 721.
*° For instance, in East Friesland, where George Aportanus, the first evangelical
preacher at Emden, immediately adopted this doctrine see Sittermann, in Vater's Kirch-
;
enhist. Archiv, 1824, iii. 36, 43.

*i
See Note 29.
Where Conrad Sam (see § 1, Note 115) declared himself on Zwingle's side see
*^ ;
Weyermann, Die Burger in Ulm, der Zvvinglischen Confession zugethan, in Steudel's

Tubinger Zeitschrift fur Theologie, 1830, i. 142.
*^ Historic Thomae Miinzer's von Phil. Melanchthon (Luther's Werke von Walch,
xvi. 199). Leben, Schriften u. Lehren Thomae Miintzer's von G. Th. Strobel. Niirnb.
n. Altdorf, 1795. 8. Thomas Miinzer von L. v. Baczko, in Woltniann's Zeitschrift, Ge-
schichte u. Politik, 1840, ii. 1. Hast, Gesch. der Wiedertaufer Miinster, 1836, s. 58. Old
mj-stic writings, as for instance the prophecies of tlie Abbot Joachim and Tauler's works,
had produced a strong effect upon him, Strobel, s. 7 ff. A contemporarj* writes of him
(Tentzel's Hist. Bericht v. Cyprian, ii. 334): "Thomas Munzer and his followers were
carried away by a misunderstanding of Tauler's doctrine of the spirit and ground of the
soul, for he read him constantlj-."
**
See the Intimatio, published at Prague, in Strobel, s. 19.
*^ Disregard ot the written Word of God, the dead letter, is the characteristic of his
doctrine man must hear the everlasting Word of the Father speak from within him
:
God utters his hoi}' Word, that is, his onlj' begotten Son, into the inmost soul : bj- this
incarnation of Christ men are at once entirel}' deified by God, and even in this life, as
it were, translated into heaven. On the other hand, he inveighs against the mere faith
of the lips, and trust in outward baptism : faith is not given to those onlj' who have
8
CHAP. I.—REFORMATION. § 3. ANABAPTISTS. 113
to attract more attention, Miinzer was obliged to leave Altstadt

in 1524,^^ and withdrew beyond Nuremberg to Waldshut, on the
borders of Switzerland, where he had already formed connections
by letter.*^ In Switzerland there were also many persons who
longed for a speedier and more thorough reformation of the
Church,*^ and who particularly insisted upon the rejection of infant
baptism, about which Zwingle had for some time been in doubt.''^
been sprinkled with water, Strobel, s. 43, 154, 159. In his history of the Anabaptists,
Bullinger thus states MUnzer's doctrine (Fussli's Bej-trage, v. 136) "All preachers who
:
preached the Gospel at this time are not sent of God, neither do they preach the true
Word of God but they are only learned in Scripture, and preach the dead letter
;
of Scripture. Scripture and the external word of God are not the real true Word of
God, for this is internal and heavenly, and proceeds immediately from and out of the
mouth of God. A man must be taught by this Word from within, and not by Scripture
and preaching. He also held baptism with water in little esteem he even maintained
;
that infant baptism was not of God ; accordingly we must be baptized with a spiritual and
more real baptism nevertheless he did not, in the beginning of his anabaptism, have
:
himself rebaptized, something hindered this. His disciples began to rebaptize before
him. He was also baptized with his own blood, i. e., put to death. He also said it was
false that Christ had made satisfaction for us, as the weak learners of Scripture maintained.
The marriage and marriage-bed of the unbelieving and carnal was no undefiled bed, but
whoredom and a devilish brothel. He taught that God revealed His will in dreams he ;
himself attached great importance to dreams, and gave out that they were the sugges-
tions of the Holy Spirit. Accordingly, he and his followers were called the Heavenly
Prophets, and Spiritualists or Geistler." He set up at Altstadt a league for the estab-
lishment of the kingdom of God upon earth he destroj'ed a resort of pilgrims in the
;
neighborhood, and summoned the nobles to join his sid*, else the sword should be taken
away from them. Strobel, s. 45, 46, 51.
*5 Munzer published at Nuremberg, in reply, his libel upon Luther, " Hochverursachte
Schutzrede und Antwort wider das geistlose sanftlebende Fleisch zu Wittenberg, welches
mit erklarter Wej-sse durch den Diepstal der heil. Schrift die erbermdliche Christenheit
also ganz jamerlichen besudelt hat." 4. Strobel, s. 64, 162.
*' Especiallj' with Conrad Grebel. On his letter to Munzer at Altstadt, on the 5th
Sept., 1524, see Zwingle's Works, ii. i. 374. [On Grebel, see Heberle, Die Anfange des
Auabaptismus in der Schwelz, in Jahrbucher f. Deutsche Theologie, Bd. iii., 1858, s.
225-280.]
^ Grebel particularh' Zwingle's Works, ii. i. 373. At the second conference at Zu-
;
rich, 26th Oct., 1523, Conrad Grebel, Simon Stumpf, and Balthasar Hubmej-er came
forward with such like demands see the Acts in Zwingle's Works, i. 528, 530. Wirz,
;
ii. 163. All these, and also the fanatical iconoclasts, Niclas Hottinger, and others (§ 2,
Note 74), afterward became Anabaptists. The village of Zollikon, where, as early as
Whitsuntide, 1524, images and altars were destroyed in the church (Fiissli, ii. 58), aft-
erward became a principal residence of the Anabaptists.
*^ Hubme3'er reproached Zwingle with having denied infant baptism in 1523, in a
conference with him see Fussli's Be3'trage, i. 252, Anm. In his exposition of the arti-
;
cles, Art. XVIII. (Works, i. 239), Zwingle says, in fact: "Though I well know that
children were baptized from ancient times till now, this was not, however, so common
as in our own day but the}' were publicly instructed together in the word of salvation.
;
And if the}' had a firm faith in their heart and confessed it with their mouth, they were
baptized." Zwingle also confesses, in 1525, in the work " Vom Touf, vom Wiedertouf,
und vom Kindertouf " (Werke, ii. i. 245) " I was so far led away by error as to think
:
that it was much more becoming for children not to be baptized till they were come to
VOL. IV. —
Miinzer now connected his other fanatical doctrines with this

view, which they had in common Waldshut became the head-
;
quarters of fanatics.^" who soon spread from this place over the
whole of Switzerland. Unfortunately, at this very time the great
insurrection of the peasants^^ broke out in southern Germany, and
encouraged the Anabaptists to violent measures.
Even before the Reformation severe oppression had more than
once driven the peasantry to revolt.^" The refusal to instate evan-
gelical preachers now became in many places a new cause of dis-
content, and misunderstanding of evangelical liberty gave to it a

religious character. After some isolated outbreaks in the year
1524, the peasants of the Abbot of Kempten rose, upon the first of
January, 1525 ; and in a short time this insurrection of the peas-
antry spread throughout Swabia, Franconia, and Alsace. The
XII. Articles in which the peasants stated their demands, and
tried to prove them from the Gospel,^^ favored the inference of
a good age." William Roubli, pastor at Wj'tykon, was thrown into prison in August,
1524, for den3-ing infant baptism in his sermons (Fussli, ii. 64).
^^ At time the susceptibility to fanaticism was still further increased by external
this
oppression. This town had called Balthasar Hubmej-er to be its pastor, against the will
of the Austrian government ; and when it proposed to eject him bj* force, the citizens of
Waldshut called upon the reformed Swiss to render aid to the threatened Gospel, and
several inhabitants of Zurich went thither in defiance of the prohibition of the Council.
Bullinger, i. 223 ; Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 10. Thus a numerous and susceptible circle
of disciples to Milnzer's gospel of the free spirit was formed in this place. Anabaptism
was a secondar}' doctrine to Miinzer (see Bullinger, Note 45), and was first developed
as a part}' sign in this circle.
'•'
There is a list of works on the subject in Strobel's Bej'trage zur Literatur, ii. 43.
Especially Petri Gnodalii Seditio repentina vulgi, praecipue Rusticorum anno 1525 ex-
orta. Basil., 1580. 8., also in Schardii Scriptt. Rer. Germ. ii. 1031. G. Sartorius, Gesch.
des Deutschen Bauernkrieges. Berlin, 1795. 8. Materialien zur Gesch. des Bauern-
kriegs, 3 Lieferungen. Chemnits, 1791-94. F. F. Oechsle, Beitrage zur Gesch. des Bau-
ernkrieges in den Schwabisch-Frankischen Grenzlanden. Heilbronn, 1830. W. Wachs-
muth der Deutsche Bauernkrieg, in his Darstellungen aus der Gesch. des Reformations-
Zeitalters, Th. 1, Lief. 1. Das Breisgau im Bauernkriege, in Schrei-
Leipzig, 1834. 8.
ber's Taschenbuch f. Geschichte u. Alterthum in Suddeutschland. Freiburg, 1839, s.
233. Ranke's Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter der Ref. ii. 182.
^^ Oechsle, s. 74 ff. Wachsmuth's Aufstiinde und Kriege der Bauem im Mittelalter,
in Raumer's Hist. Taschenbuch, Jahrg. 5. 1834, s. 281. Ranke's Deutsche Gesch. im
Zeitalter der Reform, i. 214. In the year 147fi, in the district of Wurzburg in 1492, the ;
peasants of the Abbot of Kempten, and in the Netherlands; in 1493 in Alsace; after 1502,
the Bundschuh, in the diocese of Spires; in 1513, the Arme Konz in Wirtemberg; in 1514
in the diocese of Augsburg and in Carinthia; in 1517 in the Windische Mark.
^' "The Reasonable and Just Articles of the entire Peasantrj- and subjects of the
ecclesiastical and secular sovereignties, by whom they think themselves oppressed" (re-
printed in Strobel's Beytrage, ii. 7 ; Oechsle, s. 246) :I. " First, it is our humble petition
and desire, also our will and opinion, that for the future we should have power and au-
thority ; a whole communitj' should choose and appoint a pastor. Also, that we should
;
CHAP. I.— REFORMATION. § 3. ANABAPTISTS. II5
evil-disposed persons, who said that the whole insurrection was

the fruit of the Reformation ; although it had found the ferment-
have power to depose him if he conduct himself improperlj-. The pastor thus chosen
should preach us the Holy Gospel pure and plain, without anj' addition, or doctrine, or
ordinance of man. II. Secondly, as the right tithe is appointed in the Old Testament,
and fulfilled in the New, we are willing to pa}' a fair tithe of corn. Yet, as is fitting,
the Word of God says plainly that, with a view to giving it to God, and distributing it
to His people, required to be given to a pastor.

it is We
will that for the future our
Church-provost, whomsoever the community may appoint, shall gather and receive this
tithe from out of this he shall give to a pastor, provided he be elected by an entire
;
community, a decent and sufficient maintenance the residue shall be distributed to

;
the poor, resident in the same place. With regard to any further residue, it should be
kept in hand, in case any one should have to leave the country from povertj', so that
provision may be made from this superfluitj* that no land-tax maj' be laid upon the poor.
Also, in case one or more villages have sold out their tithes, and have thus put them-
selves in the position of one entire village, there should be no injustice in consequence
but we will that the sum should be repaid in due time with proper interest. But if a
tithe owner has not bought his right from the village itself, but his forefathers have
appropriated the tithe to themselves, the people will not, ought not, and are not to make
any further payment. Small tithe we will not pay at all, for God the Lord has made
cattle free for all men. III. Thirdly, hitherto it has been the custom for men to hold
us as their own people, which is a pitiable case, considering that Christ has delivered
and redeemed us with his precious blood shed for us, the peasant as much as the prince.
Accordinglj', it is consistent with Scripture that we should be free, and wish to be so.
Not that we wish to be absolutely free and under no authorit}' but we take it for grant- ;
ed that you will either willingly release us from serfage, as true and real Christians, or
prove to us from the Gospel that we are serfs. IV. In the fourth place, it has been the
custom hitherto that no poor man should have power, or be allowed to touch venison,
wild fowl, or fish in flowing water, which seems to us quite unseemly and unbrotherly,
but also selfish and not agreeable to the Word of God. In some places, also, the author-
ities will have us preserve the game to our own annoj-ance and great loss the unrea- ;
soning animals destroj- for no purpose our crops, which God suffers to grow for the us^
of man, and we must remain quiet this is neither godlj' nor neighborlj'.
; For when
God created man he gave him dominion over all animals, over the fowl of the air and
the fish in the water. Accordinglj-, it is our desire, if a man holds possession of waters,
that he should prove, from satisfactorj- documents, that his right has been unwittingly
acquired by purchase, we do not desire to take it from him by force but whosoever ;
can not produce such evidence should surrender his claim to the community with a good
grace. V. In the fifth place, we are aggrieved in the matter of wood-cutting. For our
nobles have appropriated woods to themselves alone and if the poor man re-
all the ;
quires wood, he must two pieces of money. It is our opinion with regard to a
buj' it for
wood which has fallen into the hands of lords spiritual or temporal not bj' purchase,
that it should be reassigned to an entire community, and should be free in seemlj- wise
to the whole communitj-, that every man should be allowed to take to his house what
he requires for fire-wood. Also, if a man require wood for carpenter's purposes, he should
have it, but with the consent of a person appointed by the communitj' for the purpose.
VI. In the sixth, a mitigation of feudal services. VII. In the seventh, of other services.
VIII. Lowering of rents was demanded. IX. " In the ninth place, we are annoj'ed with
a great evil in the constant making of new laws, so that we are nOt punished according
to the case, but sometimes from great ill-will, sometimes from good-will. It is our
opinion that we should be dealt with according to the old written law, with reference
to the case, and not by favor. X. In the tenth place, we are aggrieved bj' the appropri-
ation of meadows, and likewise of corn land, which at one time belonged to a commu-
nity ;
these we will take again into our own hands, except it be that the land has
:;:
IIQ fourth: period.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
ation already at work, and only influenced its external character.

Luther, to whom the peasants appealed, recognized, in his exhort-
ation to peace, the justice of many of their complaints, that he
might impress upon them more vividly the injustice of rebellion.^*
been rightfully purchased. XI. In the eleventh place, we will entirely abolish the cus-
tom called Toil/all (right of heriot), never again endure it, nor allow that widows and
orphans should be thus shamefully robbed, against God's will, justice, and right, as has
been done in many places, and bj- persons who should shield and protect them ; they
have disgraced and despoiled us, and if the)' have had but little authority to do so, they
have assumed it God will suifer this no more, but it shall be quite done awaj' with,
;
and for the future no man shall be bound to give either little or much. Conclusion
in the twelfth place, it is our conclusion and final resolution, that if one or more of the
articles here set forth is not in agreement with the Word of God, we will recede there-
from, if it be made plain to us on Scriptural grounds. Or if an article be now conceded
to us, and hereafter it be discovered to be unjust, from that hour it shall be dead and
null, and have no more force. likewise, if more articles of complaint be truly discover-
ed from Scripture, we will also reserve the right of resolving upon these." Christopher
Schappeller, pastor of Memmingen, was long considered the author of these articles
see, on the other hand, Schelhorn's Reformationsgesch. der Stadt Memmingen, s. 80
it was probabl)' John Heuglin, matin-priest in one of the villages dependent on the im-
perial town of Ueberlingen see Strobel's Beytrage, ii. 76.

; Besides these, particular
districts alleged their own grievances
; see Oechsle, s. 255, 258, 494. In Heilbronn the
very dregs of the peasantry concerted an outline of a new constitution for the German
empire (Oechsle, s. 163, 283), in which the so-called Reformation of Frederick III. (see
vol. iii. p. 349, § 139, Note 14) was taken for the ground-work.
** Luther's exhortation to peace on the Twelve Articles of the Peasants of Swabia.
May, 1525 (Walch, xv. 58). E. g., To the Princes and Lords: "In the first place, we
have no one on earth to thank for this unadvised rebellion but j-ou, ye nobles and gen-
tlemen, especially yoxi ye blind bishops, mad priests and monks, who harden yourselves
to this very day, and never cease raging and storming against the Holy Gospel, though
ye. know it is right, and can not gainsay it. Besides, in the exercise of your secular
power j-e do nothing else but tax and assess, to support j-our pomp and pride, till the
poor man neither can nor may anj' longer bear it. Well, then, as ye, are the cause of
such wrath from God, undoubtedly it will come upon j-ou also, unless ye mend j'our-
selves in time. For this ye should know, dear sirs, God hath so made things that man
neither can nor will long endure this madness of yours. Ye must change and yield to
God's Word. If j-e will not do this in a friendlj' and willing manner, ye will have to do
it in a compulsory and destructive manner. If these peasants don't cany this out, oth-
ers must. —
But to the end that ye may sin more, and be shipwrecked without mercy, cer-
tain persons go about to lay the blame on the Gospel, saying that this is the fruit of my
teaching. Well, well, revile as ye will, dear masters, ye wish not to know what I have
taught, and what is the Gospel. But there is One at the door who will teach you right
soon, unless ye mend your ways. Ye and all men must bear me witness that I have
taught with all quietness, striven with against rebellion, restrained and exhort-
all zeal
ed 3-our subjects with all diligence to render obedience and honor due, even to j-our
tyrannical and insane dominion ; so that this rebellion can not have issued from me.
But the prophets of murder, who are as much enemies to me as to you, are come upon
this people, and have* gone in and out among them for more than three years, and no
one has checked and resisted them so much as I alone. So God means now to punish
you, and lets the devil rouse this mad people against j-ou bj' his false prophets, perhaps
He wills that I should no more have power to withstand. What can I or my Gospel
do, which to this da)* has not onlj' borue your persecutions, murders, and ravings, but
has always prayed for you, and helped to protect and administer your dominion among
— — ;
CHAP. I.—REFORMATION. § 3. PEASANT WAR. II7
His appeal was in vain. The suppression, however, of the insur-
the common people .' One may j'et counsel you, dear masters, that for God's sake ye
will 3-ield a little to this indignation. — Consider well beforehand, for 3'e know not what
God will do, lest a spark go forth and kindle throughout Germanj' a fire which no man
can put out. —Thej' have set forth twelve articles, among which are some so remarkable
and just that, beforeGod and the world, they claim j'our concession, and verify Psalm
pour contempt upon princes. To the peasantry : Hitherto, dear friends,
cvii. ver. 40, tlic}'
3'e have stated nothing more than what I confess, alas! to be all too true and certain,
that the princes and gentr\', b3' forbidding to preach the Gospel, and b3'' oppressing the
people so intolerabh-, have right well deserved that God should cast them down from
their throne. —
Nevertheless, 3-e must consider well, that 3'e take 3'our cause in hand with
—
a good conscience and with justice. Firstl3', dear brethren, 3'e take the name of God in
3'our mouths, and call 3-ourselves a Christian league or association, and set forth that 3'e
will act and proceed according to divine right. —
But, in the second place, it is eas3' to
prove that 3'e are persons who take the name of God in vain and profane it. For here
stands God's word, spoken b3' the mouth of Christ, Matt. xxvi. 52 ' They that take the :
sword shall perish b3' the sword.' This means nothing else than that no one shall resist
authorit3' at his own will but as Paul sa3's, Rom. xiii. 1, ' Let ever3' soul be subject to
;
the higher powers' (with fear and reverence). —

In the third place, Yea, sa3' 3'e, the high-
er powers are too wicked and insufferable for the5' will not allow us the Gospel, and
;
oppress us with all bitterness in our temporal concerns, and so destro3' us bod3' and soul.
I answer, the fact that the government is wicked and unjust is no excuse for faction and
rebellion. For to punish wickedness belongs not to every man, but to the secular power,
which carries the sword, as Paul sa3's, Rom. xiii. 4, and Peter, 1st Epist. ii. 14, that it
is ordained of God for the punishment of evil-doers. So, too, the natural and universal
—
law la3's down that no man shall be his own judge. With this divine law agrees, and
Moses sa3's, Deut. xxxii. 35 (Rom. xii. 19), ' Vengeance is mine, I will repa3', saith the
Lord.' True, the government does wrong in thwarting the Gospel, and oppressing 3*ou
in 3'our earthl3' possessions. But 3'edo much more wrong, in that 3'e not onl3' hinder
the Word of God, but trample it under foot, and seize upon His authorit3' and rights,
and set up 3-ourselves above God. From Him the government derives
its power and
authorit3-, 3'ea, all that it has. — Hence there answer to all your articles. Al-
is an eas5'
though the3' might be all naturall3' just and equitable, still 3'e have forgotten Christian
justice, in that 3ê have not carried and won them before God in patience and prayer
but have undertaken, arbitrarily and impatientl3', to put force upon the government and
extort them by violence which is contrar3' to the laws of 3'Our country and to natural
;
justice. Also, it is not a true profession of 3'ours, that ye teach and live according to
the Gospel. No one of 3'our articles teaches an3' part of the Gospel all aim at the pres- ;
ervation of 3'Our persons and propert3'. Exhortation addressed to both the Government and
the Peasantry : Since, then, dear sirs, there is nothing of Cbristianit5'' on either side,
and no Christia'n question is at issue between 3'ou, but both sides, peers and peasants,
have to do with questions of heathenish or secular right and wrong, and with earthly
possessions, and moreover 3'e have sinned against God on both sides, and lie under His
wrath, as ye have heard so listen, for God's sake, to words of counsel, and decide the
;
question with right and not with might, nor with fighting, to the end that 3'e ma3' not
—
bring endless bloodshed upon German lands. Therefore, it is m3- faithful advice that
certain counts and gentlemen be chosen from among the nobles, and certain councilors
from the towns, that the question may be discussed and settled in friendl3' wise that ;
3'e nobles abate something of 3'our stubborn pride, which 3-6 will have to»concede at
length, whether 3'e will or no and relax a little of 3'our tyranny and oppression, that
;
the poor man also ma3' have air and space to breathe in. Again, 3'e peasants, be 3'e
also instructed, surrender and give up certain articles which ask too much and reach toq
high in order that this question, if it can not be proceeded with on Christian grounds,
;
ma3' thus, at an3' rate, be settled in accordance with human justice and polic3'."
:

•
which he himself now demanded," was in a short time

rection,
accomphshed, but for the most part with frightful cruelty. This
agitation extended into Switzerland also : in the dominions of Zu-
rich, Basle,and Schafhausen, peasants came before their rulers
with importunate demands, but they were soon reduced to sub-
mission by measures of forbearance.^*^
In this great insurrection of the peasants no traces of Anabap-
tistfanaticism were seen, although Miinzer had some part in its
commencement.^^ But the Anabaptists in several places were
thereby encouraged to adopt violent measures in order to carry
out their fanatical plans. Early in 1525 Thomas Miinzer made
his appearance again in Thuringia, where, supported by his for-
mer allies,^^ he usurped authority at Miihlhausen in the character
of a prophet, to bring about a complete reformation of Church and
State, and endeavored to spread his authority in the vicinity by
desolation and pillage.^^ But the revolt was once more subdued
^^ Luther's work against the Robbing and Murdering Peasantrj', in Walch, xvi. 91
" The peasants have incurred the guilt of dreadful sin, in three waj'S, against God and
man, for which they have deserved death in bodj'^ and soul many times over. First,
they have sworn truth and fealtj' to their government, but have wantonlj' broken their
allegiance. Second, they have commenced a rebellion, and rob and plunder religious
houses and castles which are not their own. Thirdly, they cloak such hideous and
dreadful sins as these with the Gospel. So now the government should press onward
courageouslj', and wage this war with a good conscience, while a pulse beats in their
veins. — Therefore, dear masters, come hither to deliver, hither to the rescue, have pity
on the poor folk, stab, smite, throttle who can. If j-ou perish in the work well is it —
for j-ou, a more blessed death you will never have hereafter." As this violent essa)' was
considered bj' many as unchristian and too severe, Luther defended it in an official let-
ter to Casp. Miiller, Chancellor of Mansfield, in Walch, xvi. 99.
*^ Anshelm, vi. 306. Bullinger, i. 265. Muller-Hottinger, vii. 14 ff.
*' Munzer's Confession, in Walch, xvi. 155 " In the Clegau and Hegau near Basle,
:
he had set forth from the Scriptures certain articles upon government, and afterward
deduced further articles from them thej' would gladly have had him on their side, but
:
he declined their offer. He had stirred up no insurrections, for they had been already
aroused. Oecolampadius and Hugefeldus had appointed a place to preach to the people,
so he had preached that where there were unbelieving governors, the people also were
;
unbelievers which might be pleaded in justification."

;
^' As early as the 14th Aug., 1524, Luther warned the council and community of
Miihlhausen against Miinzer (de Wette, ii. 536).

^' Melancthon's Historie Thomae Miinzers, b. Walch, xvi. 204 ff. Strobel's Leben
Miinzers, s. 74 ff. Miinzer said, on his trial by torture (see his Confession, in Walch,
xvi. 157) :
" He had stirred up this
rebellion in order that Christendom might be brought
to an equality, and that the princes and gentrj-, who would not stand bj' the Gospel,
and join their league, when invited to do so fraternallj', should be banished and put to
—
death. Their article was, omnia simul communia, i. e., all things should be common,
and distribution should be made to everj' man according to his need as opportunitj-
served. And whatsoever duke, count, or lord would not do this, after being summoned
to do so, his head should be cut off, or he should be hung." Compare Miiuzer's letter
—;;:
CHAP. I.—REFOKMATION. § 3. PEASANT WAR. HQ

at the battle of Frankenhausen, 15th May, 1525, and here also
was followed by a cruel revenge.
At the same time, Miinzer's residence at "Waldshut bore griev-
ous fruit for the Swiss nation. Anabaptism developed itself with
manifold evils first in the territory of Zurich,*^" afterward it espe-
to the miners of Mansfeld (in Walch, xvi. 150): E. g., "Let not j'our sword cool in
blood; forge Pinkepank on the anvil of Nimrod (i. e., the wicked nobles); cast his
tower to the ground it is not possible, so long as they live, that ye should be free from
:
the fear of man. The Word of God can not be spoken to j'ou while they rule over you.
On on on while ye have the daj-, God goes before you, follow," etc. He always
! ! !
signed his name Thomas Mi'mtzer with the sword of Gideon.

^° The hot-headed party first betook themselves secretlj- to Zwingle and Leo Judae
(see Zwingle's Aussage vor den Nachgiingern, d. i. Untersuchungsrichtern, in Fiissli, i.
228. And his account in the work Vom Touf, vom Wiedertouf u. vom Kindertouf,
Works, ii. i. 231, and in the Elenchus contra Catabaptistas, 0pp. iii. 3G2). It was Si-
mon Stumpf, Grebel, and Felix Manz who invited them " to constitute a peculiar Church,
in which should be a Christian people, living with all innocence, cleaving close to the
Gospel, burdened neither with taxes, nor usur}', nor any thing of the kind." On this
occasion these expressions were used "It were nothing unless the priests were put to
:
death Christians were neither bound to pay taxes nor tithes all things must be com-
; ;
mon there neither could nor should be anj' such persons in the Church except those
;
who knew that thej' were without sin." When they were foiled in this attempt, they
lirst began to impugn infant baptism Zwinglii Elenchus, p. 363. On this point the)'
;
had several conferences with Zwingle they appeared to yield, but soon after actually
;
commenced rebaptizing: Zwinglius, 1. c, states this fact with the remark, nihil per om-
nem de infantium baptismo pugnam de catabaptismo proposuisse videri hunc catabap- ;
tismum seditiosorum hominum esse veluti tesseram. At first, then, the question was
onl}- as to the fact whether infant baptism was agreeable to the command of Christ, not
whether it was valid when once performed. Bulthasar Hubmeyer's letter to Oecolam-
padius of Jan., 1525, designates this as tlie Jiosition of the question (Epistolae Oecolam-
padii et Zwinglii, at the beginning of lib. ii.). Ilubmeyer thus states his wa}' of pro-
ceeding at this time in Waldshut: Loco baptismatis ego euro convenire Ecclesiam, in-
ducens infantulum, ac lingua vernacula interpreter Evangelium Ohlati sunt parvidi :
}[atth. xi.x. Subinde imposito nomine orat tota Ecclesia flexis genibus pro parvulo.
Si vero sunt parentes adhuc infirmi, qui volunt omnibus nervis baptizari prolem banc ;
baptizo, in opere infirmus sum cum infirmiusculis ad tempus, dum erudiantur melius,
sed in verbo non cedo illis in minimo apiculo. Afterward those fanatics at Zurich, more
than ever exasperated bj- their conferences with Zwingli, proceeded to entire denial of
infant baptism, and so to rebaptizing, Zwingli Von d. Predigtamt, Works, ii. i. 306
" They first came from Zurich." The first man who allowed himself to be baptized by
Grebel in Zurich was George Blaurock (Fussli, ii. 338) afterward many persons were ;
baptized by Blaurock and Manz in Zollikon, where John Brodli was minister (ibid. s.
266), and now the fanaticism of the party broke out openl}-. Zwinglii Elenchus (Opp.
il. 364) Magnis examinibus in urbem advolant, posita zona, salice aut reste cincti, in
:
foro atque triviis, ut ipsi jactabant, prophetantes. De antiquo dracone, quem me vole-
bant, deque ejus capitibus, quibus reliquos verbi symm3-stas, omnia implebant. Justi-
tiam atque innocentiam omnibus commendabant, ab eis peregre nimirum profecturi
communia se habere jam omnia et gloriabantur, et aliis, ni idem fecerint, ultima com-
minabantur. Per plateas Vae, Vae, portentose, Vae Tiguro! clamabant. Quidam Jo-
nam imitati adhuc quadraginta dierum inducias urbi dabant. In Lent, 1525, Brodli
and William Eoubli being driven from Zollikon, betook themselves to Schafhausen
the latter afterward went to Waldshut (see Brodli's letter, in Fussli, i. 217 f.) here he :
began to rebaptize, and carried with him Hubmeyer, who was still wavering, so that he
cially attacked St. Grail j^' but it also affected other cantons. The
authorities proceeded at first with great leniency. An attempt
was made to reclaim the erring by writings,^^ and several relig-
ious conferences.^^ As, however, civil order continued to be threat-

ened,^* they passed from mild to severe measures, and at length
was baptized himself, and on Easter-daj' baptized about 300 men (Hubmej-er's Aussage,
in Fussli, iii. 241). At the end of March, 1525, Grebel came to St. Gall, and here soon
found numerous disciples (Alte Reformationsgesch. v. St. Gallen, in Simmler, i. 129).
*' See Alt. Ref. gesch. v. St. Gallen, in Simler, ibid. Their excesses (see s. 141 ff.,
BuUinger, i. 323) at length proceeded so far that Thomas Schugger struck off the head
of his brother Leonard, as by the command of God see J. F. Franz, Die schwarmer-
;
ischen Grauelscenen der St. Galler Wiedertaufer. Ebnat im Toggenburg, 1824. 8.

'* Zwingle work Vom Touf, vom Wiedertouf, und vom Kin-
especiallj' dedicated his
May, 1525, to the community of St. Gall (Works, ii. i. 230). Hub-
dertouf, of the 27th
meyer wrote in answer Von dem christl. Tauf der Glilubigen. Then followed Ueber :
Doctor Balthazar's Touf biichlin wahrhafte griindte Antwurt durch Huldr. Zwinglin, in
Nov., 1525 (Werke, ii. i. 337).
'^ At Vadianum, dd. 19. Jan. (0pp. vii. 385;
Zurich, on the 17th Jan., Zwingl. ad
Bullinger, i. on the 20th March (Bullinger, i. 239), on the 6th to the 8th Nov.,
238),
1525 (Bullinger, i. 294; MuUer-Hottinger, vii. 34; Zwingle's Works, ii. i. 340). At
Basle on WhiUMonday, 1525 (Simler, i. 492).
** On the doctrinal views of the Anabaptists, see Bullinger, in Fussli, v. 131. Zwin-
glii in Catabaptistarum Strophas Elenchus, 1527 (0pp. iii. 357). "The Anabaptists
maintain that they are the only true Church, well-pleasing to God and the community
of Christ, and teach that they who are received b}' rebaptism into their communitj'
should have no communion with the Evangelical or any other Church. In the so-called
Evangelical Church something of the Gospel is preached, but no one mends therein,
and all the people are impenitent, and held fast in sin and vice. So the deficiency is
not onl}' in the lay folk, but also in the Church officers, both as regards their person
and their office. As regards their persons, because they have not been rightly and
duly called to their office ; because thej' have not those qualities which Paul requires
in a bishop, 1 Tim. iii. ; further, because the}- do not teach others
lastlj', because they;
receive stipends and benefices and do no work them, and so are belly-preachers.
for
Also, there is a great deficiency as regards their office, in the matter of doctrine and ad-
ministration of the sacraments. In matter of doctrine, because it depends upon the
preaching of one : whereas Paul says, that if a revelation be made to one who is sitting
bj', the first speaker shall hold his peace, and suffer the other who sits bj- to speak.
The preachers do not stand by the Word of God alone, but fix a meaning on Scripture,
whereas Scripture may not be explained bj' anj"- private interpretation. The sermons
of the preachers are much too restricted for thej' teach Christ hath made satisfaction
;
for sin, and man is justified before God by faith and not bj' works, whereas in this wick-
ed world man should practice nothing more than good works. Thus, also, the preach-
ers teach, that it is not possible for man whole of Scripture
to keep the law, whereas the
commands us to keep the law. which all possessions should
The charity according to
be held in common is not rightly taught b^' the preachers, inasmuch as thej' maintain
that a Christian man maj* have property and be rich, whereas charity has all things in
common with the brethren. Also, the preachers intermingle the Old and New Testa-
ments, whereas the Old Testament is done away, and is no more binding on Christians.
— It is not true, as the preachers saj-, that souls, after the death of the body, go straight
to heaven, for they sleep till the last day (Zwinglius, 1. c. p. 433 Catabaptistae docent
:
mortuos dormire et corpore et animis usque in diem judicii, propterea quod dormiendi
verbo ignorant Hebraeos pro moriendi verbo uti). The preachers yield too much to the
governing powers, of which Christians have no need, as they only entail suffering. A
—;
CHAP. I.—REFORMATION. § 3. ANABAPTISM. 121
to capital punishment.^^ Thus the public disturbances were soon

Cliristian maj' not be a ruler. The government should not, and must not, interfere with
religion and matters of faith. Christians resist no power, accordingly they require no
tribunal. A Christian makes use of no court. Christians put no man to death. Their
punishment is not witli imprisonment and the sword, but only bj- exclusion. No one
should be compelled to believe bj' anj' force or constraint, nor any one put to death
for the faith. Christians defend not themselves, so they wage no wars, and do not obej-
the government in this point. The Christian's conversation is Yea, j'ea, and Naj-, nay
oaths are sinful and unjust. Moreover, the office of the preachers is deiicient in the
administration of the Sacraments for they baptize infants, whereas infant-baptism is
;
of the Pope and the devil. Anabaptism, on the contrary, is the onlj' true Christian
baptism, as being administered to persons who make confession, repent, and to such
as are instructed and capable of understanding. The preachers make no distinction,
and do not keep sinners away from the Lord's Supper, and emplo}' no excommunication"
(in Zwingl. 1. c. p. 390: Excommunicari debent omnes, qui, posteaquam in unum —
Christi corpus baptizati sunt, —
cadunt in peccatum. Debent ergo hujusmodi admoneri —
bis in occulto tertio publice pro ecclesia debent corrigi juxta praeceptum Domini. Hoc
;
—
autem fieri debet juxta ordinationem divini spiritus ante fractionem panis, ut omnes
—
unanimiter unum panem frangere atque edere possimus, et de uno calice bibere).
They naturallj' disowned the name of Anabaptists, as they declared infant-baptism in-
valid they rather called this Anti-baptism (Fussli, iii. 229).
; But they wished to re-
.store the sacraments in general to their original institution see the Confession of George ;
Blaurock (Fussli, i. 264) " I am the introducer of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, to-
:
gether with my elect brethren in Christ, Conrad Grebel and Felix Manz. Accordingly,
the Pope, with his faction, is a thief and murderer; in like manner Luther, with his fac-
tion, is a thief and murderer Zwingle, also, and Leo Judae, with their faction, are
;
thieves and murderers." With regard to the elements of the Lord's Supper, they held
the Zwinglian opinion (see Balthasar Hubmej-er ad Oecolampad. in Jo. Oecol. et Huld.
Zwinglii Epistoll. lib. ii. init. Jac Kautz, in Fussli, v. 150). But thej' often celebrated
;
it in their own houses, imitating more exactly the Supper as it was instituted (Fussli, i.
267, ii. 362 ff.). But their doctrine of the Spirit was of principal importance Zwingl. ;
1. c. p. 436: ubi ubi lubet, scripturam negant et spiritum suum jactant. Hans Denk
had collected some supposed contradictions in Holy Writ, which could onlj' be recon-
ciled by the Holy Ghost (in Fussli, v. 139) so much the more extraordinarj' was the
:
literal interpretation which thej- put upon some passages of Scripture those, for instance, ;
on oaths, the sleep of death, etc. The belief in a final restoration was also wideh' spread
among them Zwingl. 1. c. p. 435 tarn Daemonem quam impios omnes beari this
; : :
Hans Denk taught at St. Gall (Simler, i. 139). The insane doctrines of the Anabaptists
of St. Gall were censured even bj- Grebel and Manz ; see Franz, Schwiirmer. Grauelsce-
nen, s. 83. Many of their doctrines bring vividly to mind those of the
sect of the Free
Spirit, e. g., that God works all in the regenerate, that they have no occasion to pray
(Simler, i. 142 ; compare
vol. iii. p. 174, N. 8). Fussli (Kirchen u. Ketzerhistorie der
mittlern Zeit, 255) regards the Anabaptists in general as a continuation and revival
iii.
of the sects of the Middle Ages : he is hardly right in so general a conclusion. The first
impulse was probably received from Bohemia; the fanatics of Zwickau were a revival
of the Taborites. The manifold erroneous doctrines were the natural result of the doc-
trine of the inner light, behind which the lust of the flesh soon concealed itself. Some
few of the earlier sects may have become connected with them, but only such as would
coalesce with the new sj*stem.
'^ Immediately after the first conference (see Note 63), in January, 1525, a decree of
the Council was issued at Zurich, that all persons should have their children baptized
or leave the canton (Ftissli, i. 189). Soon afterward the principal authors of disturbance
were thrown into prison (ibid. s. 205 anm.) they succeeded in breaking out of their ;
prison, and now announced that, like the Apostles, they had been set free by an angel
(Fussli, i. 249, Anm., iii. 252). In March, 1526, an order was passed at Zurich that all
suppressed : nevertheless, the Anabaptists from this time forth

maintained themselves in concealment, spread in all directions,
and endeavored with great zeal to make secret proselytes. An-

ahaptism was every where punished with death f^ but its victims
bequeathed to the faithful an encouraging history of martyrdom,^''
rather than an intimidating example.
All these events were eagerly seized upon by the enemies of the
Reformation as so many proofs of the fact that it taught men to
reject all authority, and thus incited to disobedience and rebellion
against the temporal as well as the spiritual powers, while it de-
prived faith of all sure guidance, and led to endless dissensions
and all sorts of fanaticism.^^
persons who Anabaptism should be drovrned (Fiissli, i. 270, Anm.). The other
practiced
states also which were inclined to tlie Reformation followed this example. Abschied
der Stadte Zurich, Bern, u. St. Gallen, Sept., 1527, in Simler, i. 449. Felix Manz was
drowned at Ziirich in 1527 George Blaurock whipped out of the country' (Bullinger,
;
i. 381 Fussli, iv. 259, 265)

; Hubmeyer Avas burned to death at Vienna in 1529 (Schel-
;
horn Acta Historico-Ecclesiastica, Ulm, 1738, p. 150. H. Schreiber's Taschenbuch fur

Geschichte u. Alterthum in Siiddeutschland. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1839, s. 1).
^^ The ordinances of the German empire the first passed bj- the Diet of Spires, in
;
April, 1529, in Boehmer Jus Eccles. Protestantium, iv. 1109 ss.

" These were adorned with miracles, described and published, e. g., the account of
the execution of certain Anabaptists at Rothenburg, on the Neckar, in 1527 in Fiissli, ;
ii. 374. Compare Veesenmej-er, in Vater's Kirchenhist. Archiv. 1826, iv. 458.
^^ Erasmi Hj-peraspistes, lib. i.
(0pp. x. 1256) Habemus fructum tui spiritus, res
:
usque ad cruentam stragem progressa est, et metuimus atrociora, ni Deus propitiatus

averterit. —
Non agnoscis hosce seditiosos, opinor, sed illi te agnoscunt, et jam comper-
tum est, multos, qui se jactabant Evangelii nomine, fuisse seditionis crudelissimae in-
stigatores. Quorum conatus si successisset, fortassis extitissent qui probarent, quod
nunc re male gesta detestantur. Tu quidem libello in agricolas saevissimo suspicioneni
abs te depulisti, nee tamen quo minus credant homines, per tuos libellos, prae-
efficis,
sertim germanice scriptos, in oleatos et rasos, in Monachos, in Episcopos, pro libertate

evangelica contra tyrannidem humanam, hisce tumultibus fuisse datam occasionem.
Nondum tarn male de te sentio, Luthere, ut existimem, te hue destinasse tua concilia,
sed tamen jam pridem cum banc fabulam ordireris, e calami tui violentia cepi conjec-
turam, rem hue exituram. Cochlaeus ad ann. 1523, fol. 64 b. Nulla unquam factio
fuit ita seditiosa, pestilens, nefaria, quae sic religionem omnem tollere, leges omnes
obruere, mores omnes bonos corrumpere, respublicas omnes evertere machinata sit, ut
nunc ista conjuratio Lutherana, quae et sacra omnia profanat, et profana contaminat.
Quae ita Christum praedicat, ut ejus Sacramenta conculcet ita Dei buccinat gratiani,
;
ut arbitrii libertatem destruat ita fidem extollit, ut operibus bonis detrahat, et invehat
;
peccandi licentiam ita misericordiam sublevat, ut justitiam deprimat; et malorum

;
omnium causam inevitabilem non in Deum aliquem malum, quod Manichaei saltern
commenti sunt, sed in unicum ilium vere bonum rejiciat. Qui cum ad hunc modum
impie divina tractarit, velut a coelo dejectus serpens, virus effundit in terras, in Ecclesia
commovet dissensionem, leges omnes abrogat, Magistratus omnes enervat, laicos in sa-
cerdotes concitat, utrosque adversus Pontificem, populos adversus Principes nee aliud :
plane molitur, quam ut (quod omen avertant Superi) Germaniae primum populus tan-
quam pro libertate bellum indicat Proceribus, deinde ut Christiani contra Christianos,
spectantibus et irridentibus Christi hostibus, pro Christi fide ac religione depugnent.
M-
GERMAN REFORMATION TO 1530.
The opponents of the Reformation, stimulated by these disturb-

ances, of which we have given a narration, were disposed to threat-
en its violent suppression ; and the circumstances of the iimes
seemed to favor this intention. The Emperor, at the battle of
Pavia, Febr. 24, 1525, had made a prisoner of his violent oppo-
nent, Francis I. ; every thing indicated that he would now turn
his power against the Reformation.^ In the Peace of Madrid,
14th Jan., 1526, both princes expressly avowed this purpose.^
Several powerful German princes were also ready to act in con-
cert with them, and had already held consultations in Dessau,
July, 1525, with this object in view.^
Thus Duke George, in a letter to the Landgrave Philip, throws the whole blame of the
Peasants' Insurrection upon the preachers alone, "who have preached the Lutheran
Gospel so loud and clear, that no one could help perceiving it must bear such fruit as is
now before our ej-es" (see Rommel's Philip der Grossmiithige, ii. 83). Philip replied to
this charge in 1528 (ibid. s. 85): "Your highness writes that the rebellion has risen
from Lutheranism with this I can not agree there is no occasion to prove, as evei-y
; :
one iinows well, where the rebellion arose. Thus, I have punished no Lutheran with
the sword, but wicked, rebellious persons, who do not hold Luther's doctrine. This is
shown b3' his manifold works. The Gospel, which must now be called Luther's doc-
trine, teaches no rebellion to the peasants, but peace and obedience to all men. Ac-
cordingly, among those people and in those regions which adhere to the Gospel called
Lutheran, there is less rebellion, in some places none at all, than in those which perse-
cute the Gospel." This defense is valid even in relation to the perplexities of our own
times.
The Emperor commissioned the Bishop of Strasbixrg for southern German}-, Duke
'
Henry of Brunswick for northern Germany, to open the matter to the zealous Catholic
estates see the Instruction, dated Seville, 23d March, 1526, in Rommel's Philipp d.
;
Grossmuthige, iii. 13, in Neudecker's Urkunden, s. 10 cf. Seckendorf, ii. 44. He in-
;
tends to return from Spain, through Rome, to Germany, so that " we may root out and
extirpate such unchristian, evil, licentious doctrines and errors, and restore and estab-
lish the H0I3' Empire in unit}'." Compare his Letter to his brother Ferdinand, 2Gth
March, 1526, in Von Bucholtz's Gesch. der Regierung Ferdinand I., ii. 369.
* J. Dumont Corps Uniuersel Diplomatique du Droit des Gens, iv. i. 399. In the intro-
duction the object of the peace is given thus pour pouvoir convertir les amies com-
:
munes de tons Roj-s, Princes et Potentats Chrestiens a la repulsion et ruine desdits mes-
creants infideles, et extirpation des erreurs de la Secte Lutherienne, et des autres Sectes
reprouvees. Thej' agree, No. xxvi. p. 405, that they will entreat the Pope to call a
general congress of all princes, pour dresser tons les moj-ens convenables pour Icsdits
Turcs et Infideles que contre lesdits Heretiques alienez du greme de la saincte E^lise.
Raumer's Gesch. Europa's seit dem Ende des funfzehnten Jahrh. i. 310 ff.
= George of Saxonj-, Erich and Henrj- of Brunswick, Joachim of Brandenburg, Albert
of Mayence; Seckendorf, ii. 42; Luther to J. Brismann, 16th Aug., 1525 (in de Wette,
iii. 22) Rommel, i. 137

; ; ii. 98.
124 FOURTH PERIOD.—DrV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
The progress of the Reformation, however, was not restrained

by these dangers. In Saxony, Frederick the Wise, who had only
permitted, but not aided, the new order of things, died, the 5th
May, 1525 his brother and successor, John the Steadfast, came
;
forward at once as a zealous adherent and defender of the Refor-

mation.* Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, also declared for it ;^ and
Albert of Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Grerman Order, who
had for a long time been inclined to it, came out, as the secular
Duke of Prussia, openly in its favor, after the larger part of the
population of that land, and its two bishops also—the first exam-
ple of the kind —had confessed the new doctrine.^
Philip of Hesse, a young, energetic, and keen prince, at once
endeavored to form a league of the evangelical princes against the
imminent dangers ;' but the most perilous time was already passed
when the League of Torgau, 4th May, 1526, came into being for
defense and protection against their opponents.^
Luther ordained the first evangelical preacher on the 14th Maj', 1525 (Seckendorf,
*
ii. and married Catherine von Bora the 13th June, 1525. (On some contemporane-
29),
ous writings against this marriage, see Veesenmeyer, in Vater's Kirchenhist. Archiv,
1826, s. 1G7 against later calumnies, see Walch's Gesch. d. sel. Frau Cath. von Bora,
;
2te Aufl., Halle, 1752; 2ter Theil., 1754 ; and Gieseler's Essaj-, in the Zeitschrift f. ge-
bildete Christen, Heft i. s. 105.) The Elector, in 1525, enjoined upon persons holding
office,and 24th June, 152G, upon patrons among the nobilitj', to lay before their paro-
chial clerg3' Luther's German mass for observance, and in case they could not them-
selves preach, to recommend to them Luther's church postills Seckendorf, ii. 48. ;
' Philip was first made more fullj"^ acquainted with Luther's doctrine bj' Melancthon,
whom he met upon a journej' in May, 1524 (§ 1, Note 99). See Camerarius, De Vita
Melanchthonis, ed. Strobel, p. 94. For his further instruction Melancthon wrote "Ein
Kurzer Begriff d. erneuten Christl. Lehr, an den durchl. Fursten Landgr. zu Hessen,"
1524 in Latin, Epitome Renovatae Ecclesiasticae Doctrinae, in Melanch. Opera, ed.
;
Bretschneider, i. 703. In March, 1525, the Landgrave alread}' declared to the Elector
of Saxonj- " that he would rather lose bod}- and life, land and people, than 3'ield God's
Word." See Philipp d. Grossmiithige, Landgr. von Hessen, bj- Chr. von Rommel, vol.
1, Biography 2, Notes 3, Documents.
; Giessen, 1830. Cf. Bd. i, s. 130 ff.
;
Bd. ii. s. ;
90 ff.
See below, § 15, Note 3.

«
Rommel, i. 138 iii. 10.

">
;
8 Handlungen u. Ausschreiben von den Ursachen des Teutschen Kriegs Kaiser Carls
V. wider die Schmalkaldischen Bundes-Oberste Anno 1546 u. 1547, by F. Hortleder

(Frankf. 1617 2te Ausg., Gotha, 1645, 2 Theile, fol.), Th. 1, Buch viii. cap. 2 Luther's
; ;
Werke, by Walch, xvi. 526.' To this compact, concluded at Gotha the end of Febr.,
1526, and ratified at Torgau, 4th Ma}' (Ranke's Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Ref., ii.
350), only the Elector John and the Landgrave were parties. It reads, that it is " leider
ofFentlich am Tag, was viel und mancherley Praktiken eine Zeit hero, sonderlich von
den Geistlichen, und ihren Anliiingern im heil. Reich gesucht und fiirgenommen seynd
worden, dasselbig heil. gottlich Wort wiederumb zu verdrucken, zu vertilgen, und ganz-
lich aus der Menscheu Herzen und Gewissen, so es muglich gewest were, zu reiszen."
Hence tliey bind themselves " allein zu Schutz und Rettung der Unsern, dass wir —
— ;
For the steps taken by the Emperor against the Reformation

were now hindered by a new war with King Francis I. (who had
been too deeply humbled), in alliance with the ItaUan princes, the
Pope at their head, who were in peril from the imperial preponder-
ance La Saiiite Ligue of Cognac, 22d May, 1526.^ Not only
did the Emperor need all new war, but forbear-
his forces for this
ance toward the evangelical party would now appear to him to be
a matter of policy, in order to hold the Pope in check. ^° Besides
this, there was danger from the Turkish invasion of the borders
of Germany the King's brother-in-law, Louis, King of Hunga-
;
Leib und Gut, Land und Leute, imd alles Vermogen bey einander zu setzen, auch einer
dem anderen, der dariiber angegriffen, iiberzogen, oder beschwert wollte werden, auftj
starkste, so wirimmer vermogen, auf unser eigen Kosten und Schaden zuziehen, und
zu Hulf und Rettung kommen woUen." To this Torgau league were added, in Magde-
burg, 12th June, 1526, Philip, Otho, Ernst, and Francis, Dukes of Brunswick-Liineburg,
Henry, Duke of Mecklenburg, Wolf, Prince of Anhalt, Gebhard and Albert, Counts of
Mansfeld (Hortleder, in the work referred to above, cap. 3, Walch, xvi. 532), and, on
the 14th June, the cit}' of Magdeburg (Hortleder, cap. 4 and 5, Walch, xvi. 533). Al-
bert, Duke of Prussia, joined the league by a special compact with the Elector, dated
Konigsberg, 29th Sept., 1526; Hortleder, cap. 6, Walch, xvi. 538.
' Raumer's Gesch. Europas seit dem Ende des 15ten Jahrh. i. 313. The original doc-
—
ument (in Dumont, iv. i. 451) gives as the object of this league, that a vera et stabilis
pax inter Christianos principes may be attained the adhesion of the Emperor, too, is
;
to be demanded, though on condition that he give up the fruits of his victories other- ;
wise he is and besides to lose Naples.

to be forced to this,
'" On the relation of the Emperor with the Pope, compare their correspondence
Ranke's Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Ref. ii. 324 the letter of the Pope to the Em-
;
peror, 23d June, delivered 20th Aug. (in Raynald. 1526, No. 11, in full in Jud. le Plat
;
Monumenta ad Hist. Cone. Trid. spectantia, ii. 240), and the answer of the latter, 18th
Sept., 1526 (Brown App. ad Fasciculum Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, p. 684,
in le Plat 1. c. p. 247), boast respectivelj- of their own services, and reproach each the
other. The Emperor, among other things, accuses the Pope thus Galliae Rex profite-
:
tur palam, quod abs te solicitatus, antequam ex Hispaniis domum rediret, novum foe-
dus inierit, et indicio cognovi te solvisse ilium a jurisjurandi vinculo quo mihi tenetur.
Delude bellum intulisti prius quam literae, quibus illud denuncias, mihi essent redditae,
et 60 spectasti, quomodo non solum Italia tota me depelleres, verum etiam ab Imperii
dignitate dejiceres. —
Sed vide, quanta sit rei indignitas. Meis a regnis atque provinciis
plus emolument! atque annuae pecuniae Romam defertur, quam ex reliquis populis om-
nibus. Id demonstrari potest ex illis Germaniae principum postulatis, quando de curia
Romana graviter conquesti, remedium adhiberi volebant ego autem pro mea in Eccle-
:
siam Romanam observantia querimoniam illorum tunc posthabui, etc. A prolix apolo-
gj- of the Emperor to the Pope, 17th Sept., in Raynald. 1526, No. 22-43, in which he at
last demands a general council to decide their disputes. He also wrote for this purpose
to the cardinals, Gth Oct. (Raj-nald. 1526, No. 45 ss. Brown, p. 687) hortamur, ut
; : —
quae de indictione concilii a Pontifice petimus, eo negante, aut plus aequo differente,
vos debito ordine procedentes praestare non differatis. All the documents relating to
this matter were published together: Pro divo Carolo. — —
Imp. Apologetici Libri duo ex
Hispaniis allati cum aliis nonnullis. Mogunt., 1527. 4. (cf. Schelhorn Amoenitates
Hist. Eccl. et Liter., ii. 378), reprinted in Goldasti Politicis imperialibus. Part xx. sec.
viii. f. 863, and Part xxii. sec. i. f. 984. Cf. Ranke, Fursten u. Volker von Sudeuropa,
ii. 100 ff.
ry and Bohemia, was already pressed to extremity, and the em-

pire could render him aid only
as it was at peace within itself.
Under these circumstances the Diet of Spires'^ lost the threat-
ening aspect which it at first wore, in proportion as the time for it
drew on. The Emperor himself could not be present his brother, ;
the Archduke Ferdinand, opened it on the 25th June, 1526 and ;
the evangelical princes were so full of good courage, that they here,
for the first time at a diet, came forward openly as adherents of
the new Church.^^ Though some sharp controversy ensued be-

tween the two parties, yet the imperial interests so forcibly de-
manded the maintenance of peace, that the Recess of the diet, 27th
Aug., 1526, put off the decision to a general council, and in the
mean time each estate was instructed as to its observance of the
Edict of Worms. ^^
The entanglement of the opponents of the Reformation in other
quarters now procured for the Reformers some years of quiet prog-
ress. After Louis, King of Hungary and Bohemia, had fallen at
Mohacz, 29th Aug., 1526, the Archduke Ferdinand was forced to
defend his claim to the succession in Hungary against the Count
Von Zips and the Turks; and his election in Oct., 1526, as King
'
The Acts in Walch, xvi. 243. Veesenmeyer, Die Verhandlungen auf d. Reichstag
'
zu Spej-er im Jahre 1526, die Religion betreftend, in Vater's Archiv, 1825, i. 22; cf.
Ranke's Deutsche Gesch., ii. 354.
'- See Spalatini Annales, in Myconii Scriptt. Rerum Germ., ii. 658.
'^ In Walch, xvi. 266: " Und erstlich, nachdem Kayserlicher Majestat Instruction
vornehmlich ausdriickt und inhiilt, dass auf diesem Reichstag in Sachen, den heil.
Christl. Glauben, — —
auch die Ceremonien belangend, keine Neuerung oder Determina-
tion be?c'aehen —
sollen und dann ermessen und erwogen, dass der Zwiespalt nicht die
:
geringste Ursach sey der vorgegangenen Emporung des geraeinen Mannes, darzu alles
Unfriedens, so sich jetzunder in Deutscher Nation erhalt :
—
demnach, und damit in sol-
chem ein einhelliger gleichmassiger Verstand in dem Christlichen Glauben gemacht,
auch Fried und Einigkeit in Deutscher Nation zwischen alien Standen gepflanzt imd
— — —
erhalten werde so haben wir solches nicht besser zu beschehen befinden mcigen,
: —
dann durch Nationalversammlung, welche
ein frej' Generalconciliuni, oder aufs wenigste
in einem Jahr oder anderthalben aufs langst in Deutschen Landen vorgenommen wer-
den soil. Damit dann solches also zum forderlichsten Fortgang erlange, so haben wir
—eine trefFentliche Botschaft — zu Kais. Majestat abgefertiget, — dass Hire Kais. Majes-
tiit die schwere Last Deutscher Nation, solches Zwiespalts und Misshellung halben,
gnadiglichen beherzigen und bedenken, sich zum forderlichsten in eigener Person he-
raus in Deutsche Nation verfiigen, Einsehens haben und verschaffen wollte, damit angc-
zeigt Generalconcilium, oder zum wenigsten eine Nationalversammlung in bestimmter
Zeit — vorgenommen werden mochte. — Demnach haben wir — uns jetzo — einmiithiglich
verglichen und vereiniget, mittlerzeit des Concilii, oder aber Nationalversammlung,
nichtsdestoweniger mit unsern Unterthanen, ein jeglicher in Sachen, so das Edict, durch
Kaiserl. Majestat, auf dem Reichstag zu Worms gehalten, ausgangen, belangen moch-
ten, fiir sich also zu leben, zu regieren, und zu lialten, wie ein jeder solches gegen Gott
und Kaiserl. Maj. hoffet und vertraut zu verantworten."
of Bohemia, by putting him at variance with the Dukes of Bava-

ria, separated the most violent enemies of the Grospel.^* The Em-
peror was at work in Italy, and his conflict with the Pope reach-
ed its highest pitch, when the latter had no sooner made than he
faithlessly broke his promise, forced upon him by the Colonnas,
to abandon the league, Sept., 1526.^^ An imperial army took Rome
by storm,^*^ May 6, 1526, and for several months the Pope was a
prisoner.
Thus, in these years, the struggle against the Reformation was
continued only in some Catholic states by the persecution of in-
making the new Church illustrious and strong

dividual confessors,
through martyrdom.^'' The evangelical princes remained undis-
turbed, and were able to unfold and develop in a fitting order the
new ecclesiastical institutions of their countries.
The bold Philip of Hesse led the way, in the Synod of Homberg,
Oct. 21, 1526, in justifying the Reformation and appointing a
Church order ;'^ also by announcing that an evangelical university
These highly important relations between Austria and Bavaria were first fully
'*
illustrated from the archives in A. S. Stumpf's Baiern's politisclic Gesch., Bd. i. Ahthei-
lung i. (Milnchen, 1816. 8.) s. 31 Eanke's Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Reform.,
ft". ;
ii. 414.
'^
Raumer's Gesch. Europas seit d. Ende des 15ten Jahrh., i. 318; Ranke, ii. 372.
'^
Myconii Hist. Reform., s. 81; Raumer, i. 322; Ranke, ii. 392.
" King Ferdinand's mandate against the Lutherans, dated Ofen, Aug. 20, 1527 (in
—
Walch, xvi. 433). At Munich, a minister, George Wagner (Carpentarius), was burned,
Feb. 8, 1527. Special attention was aroused bj- the execution of Leonhard Kiiser (Lu-
ther calls him Kaiser), Aug. 18, 1527, by order of the Bishop of Passau see Munch's ;
Verm. hist. Schriften, ii. 1 cf. Luther's Letter of Consolation to the prisoner. May 20 (de
;
Wette, iii. 179). The articles for which he was condemned are in Spalatini Annales, p.
97 cf. AVinter's Gesch. d. Evang. Lehre, in Baiern, i. 235. Even the famous Bavarian
;
historian, Aventinus, was forced to pass some time in prison in 1529 ibid. s. 259.
; Adolph —
Clarenbach and Peter Flj'steden were executed in Cologne, Sept. 28, 1529. The historj-
of their martj^rdom was also published in 1529 see J. A. Kanne, Zwei Beitrage zur
;
Gesch. d. Finsterniss in d. Reformationszeit. Frankf. a. M., 1822,' s. 89; Mohnike, in

Illgen's Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theologie, Bd. v. St. i. s. 248. —
In Kapp's Nachlese, i. 30,
may be seen how the lords of Einsiedel were persecuted by Duke George. Elizabeth, —
spouse of the Elector Joachim I. of Brandenburg, was obliged to flee to Saxonj' (Seck-
endorf, ii. 122), being severelj' treated on account of the confession of the Gospel. Lu-
ther's public Letter to the Elector, Oct. 5, 1528 (de Wette, iii. 382), to permit the ex-
pelled Wolf Hornung —
and possessions. George Winkler, preacher
to recover his familj'
in Halle, for distributing the Lord's Supper under both forms, was cited to AschafFen-
burg by the Elector of Mayence, and murdered on his journey back, in May, 1527. Lu-
ther published an epistle Trostunge an die Christen zu Halle iiber Herr Georgen ihres
:
Predigers Tod, 1527. 4., in Walch, x. 2260. Later he spoke to them words of comfort
on account of their being denied the receiving of the Lord's Supper in both forms, April
26, 1528 (de Wette, iii. 305).
'®
Rathschlag Melanchthons uber Einrichtungdes Gottesdienstes an den Landgrafen,
Sept., 1526 (0pp. ed. Bretschneider, i. 818). Francis Lambert, formerlj- a Franciscan
128 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648. •
would be founded in Marburg, which was actually opened July 1,

1527.^^ Immediately afterward the government of the electorate
of Saxony undertook the organization of its ecclesiastical affairs,
which had until then been left to the congregations alone, and con-
sequently been in a state of entire confusion ;"° a general Church
Visitation was appointed, 1527 to 1529, and a suitable order of
worship established.^^ The same thing was done by the Margrave,
George of Anspach and Bayreuth, in concert with the imperial
city of Nuremberg, in accordance with the Articles of Visitation
in Avignon, defended before the Synod, Paradoxa ad ecclesiarum reformationem in Sj'-

nodo Hessiaca ab eo proposita et asserta (republished in Sculteti Annal. Evan, ad ann.
1526, in V. d. Hardt, v. 68) his doctrine upon the eucharist, Tit. viii., is clearly inclined
;
to the Zwinglian view. Conf. Franc. Lamberti Epist. ad Colonienses, CoUoquii ann.
1526, Honibergi in Hassia habiti Historiam exponens. Erphord., 1527 (reprinted in the
Unschuld. Nachrichten, 1714, s. 30, and cum Adnot. G. C. Draudii. Giessae, 1730. 4.).
The Church order here agreed upon appeared under the title Reformatio Ecclesiarum
Hassiae juxta certissimam sermonum Dei regulam ordinata in ven. Synodo Honibergi —
celebrata (in F. C. Schmincke Monum. Hass., ii. 588). Eommel's Philipp d. Gross-
muthige, i. 143, ii. 103.
'' L. Wachler De Originibus, Progressu, Incrementis et Mutationibus, quas Acad.
Marburg, experta est, spec. i. Marburgi, 1809. 4. W. Justi, Grundzuge einer Gesch.
der Univ. zu Marburg, in the periodical. Die Vorzeit, 1826, s. 1 (also reprinted separate-
ly, Marburg, 1827. 8.). D. a Coelln Progr. Eecolitur Memoria Professorum theologiae
Marburgensium Philippo Magnanimo regnante. Vratislav., 1827. 4.
=° Luther to Spalatin, Febr., 1529 (de Wette, iii. 424) Miserrima est ubique facies :
Ecclesiarum, rusticis nihil discentibus, nihil scientibus, nihil orantibus, nihil agentibus,
nisi quod libertate abutuntur, non confitentes, nou comnnmicantes, ac si religione in
totum liberi facti sint sic enim papistica neglexerunt, nostra contemnunt, ut horren-
:
dum sit Episcoporum papisticorum administrationem considerare. In his Preface to the

Shorter Catechism (Walch, x. 1): "This Catechism, or sum of Christian doctrine in
such a short and simple form, I have been forced and pressed to make hy the lamenta-
ble need I found when I was of late a visitor. Help, God for how many sad things !
have I seen the common people, especially in the villages, knowing nothing at all
!
about Christian doctrine, and many a pastor wholly unfit to teach them and yet they ;
are all called Christians, have been baptized, and received the holy sacraments they can :
neither repeat the Lord's Prayer, nor the Creed, nor the Ten Commandments they live ;
on like the dear cattle, and unthinking swine and j-et, now that the Gospel has come
;
to them, they have learned right skillfully how to misuse all their freedom. ye bish-
ops how will ye ever answer for it to Christ, for having let the people wander away so
!
shamelesslj", and for having never one moment made proof of j-our office?" Secken-
dorf, ii. 102, cites from the records of the Visitation in the district of Altenburg, where
there were aljout one hundred pastors Inter illarum pastorcs non nisi quatuor invent!
:
sunt a Visitatoribus, qui missas adhuc veteri ritu celebrarent. Viginti fere rudes et in-
epti, multique concubinarii et potatores deprehensi sunt. Erhardus Matthiae Hainae
in aede parochiali evangelico more docebat, in filiali, quam vocant, missificabat. Lu-
ther accordingly, from an early date, appealed to the Elector John to regulate the eccle-
siastical order, 31st Oct., 1525, in de Wette, iii. 39, 30th Nov., 1525, s. 51, 22d Nov.,
1526, s. the two last epistles enforce the need of a visitation of the Churches.
135 ;
^' Several documents about this visitation are in Kapp's Nachlese, i. 171 ; cf. Seck-
endorf, ii. 100 A. G. Rosenberg's hist. Abhandlung von der ersten Kircheuvisitation in
;
der Evangelischen Kirche. Breslau, 1754. 4.

;
CHAP. L—GERMAN EEFORMATION. § L 1527. 129
agreed upon in the convention at Schwabach, June 14, 1528.^^

In the cities of Brunswick^^ and Hamburg"* the ecclesiastical
affairs were set in order by John Bugenhagen, 1528, called from
"Wittenberg for this purpose. Of the Saxon Visitation we have
the imperishable fruits in Melancthon's Instructions to the Vis-
itors, addressed to the pastors in the electorate of Saxony ,^^ and
containing a summary of doctrine, an order of Church govern-
ment, and principles of education, published before the Visitation,
1527; and in Luther's two Catechisms, '^^ occasioned by the re-
sults of these investigations, 1529.
In other countries the Reformation pressed forward without
cessation. Among its most important victories was its introduc-
tion into Sweden by Gustavus Wasa, at the Diet of Westeras,
1527, and the concession to it by Frederick I. of Denmark of equal
rights with the old Church, at the Diet of Odense, in 1527.
The evangelical Church, having thus become more fully devel-
oped within, and more widely extended without, was in a condi-
tion to encounter the perils by which it was still menaced. The
account given to the Landgrave, by Otto von Pach, of a Catholic
'^ J.W. V. d. Lith, Erliiuterung der Reformationshistorie v. 1524-28 aus dem hoch-
Brandenburg-Onolzbachischen Archiv.
fiirstl. Schwobach, 1733, s. 244 ff. Lebens-
beschreibung Lazari Spenglers v. U. G. Haussdorf. Nurnberg, 1741, s. 48 ff. The
twentj'-three Visitation-Articles of Schwabach, probablj- written by A. Osiander, ap-
peared under the title " Visitacio der Pfarrher auf dem Land, 1528," and are reprinted
s. 247 ff.
in V. d. Lith,
*^Ph. J. Rehtmej-er's der beriihmten Stadt Braunschweig Kirchenhistorie, iii. 53.
C. G. H. Lentz Braunschweig's Kirchenreformation im 16ten Jahrh. Wolfenbuttel u.
Leipzig, 1828, s.Johannes Bugenhagen, von J. H. Zietz. Leipzig, 1829, s. 95 ff.
97 ff.
The Church-order Brunswick, drawn up by Bugenhagen, appeared in low German

for
at AV'ittenberg in 1528, and in high German at Brunswick in 1531.
f 1540) wahrhafter Bericht die Kirchensachen in Ham-

^* Stephan Kempe's (preacher,
burg vom Anf. des Evangelii betr. herausgeg. von Strauch. Hamburg, 1828. 8. Stap-
horst's Hamburg. Kirchengeschichte, Th. 2. F. Mimter's Kirchengesch. von Danemark
u. Norwegen, iii. 656. Zietz, s. 109 ff. Ueber die Hamburgische Kirchenordnung,
Zietz, s. 114.
*' First published in Latin : Articuli, de quibus egerunt per Visitatores in regione
Saxoniae, Wittenb., 1527. 8. Then
German, revised by Luther, and with a preface
in
bj' him, under the title "Unterricht der Visitatorn an die Pfarherrn im Kurflirsten-
thums zu Sachsen." AVittenburg, 1528. 4., in Walch, x. 1902. Cf. Chursachsische Visi-
tations-Artikel vom Jahre 1527 und 1528, in both Latin and German, published, with
a historical Introduction, by G. Th. Strobel. Altdorf, 1777. 8.
'^ In Walch, x. 1. That the Larger Catechism was composed before the Shorter ap-
pears from the sixth sermon of Mathesius (s. 148), as also from the fact that the Larger
is referred to in the Preface to the latter. Both were written bj' Luther in German
—
but they were translated into Latin in 1529 the Shorter by Joh. Lonicer, the Larger by
Vine. Opsopoeus. Chr. F. Illgen, Comm. iv. Recolitur memoria utriusque Catechismi
;
Lutheri. Leipz., 1829-30. 4.
VOL. IV. 9
league secretly framed at Breslau,^'' May 12, 1527, had at least
the effect of preserving the vigilance of the evangelical princes,

and making their Catholic opponents cautious.^^ But the real dan-
ger began after the Emperor had decisively gained'the upper hand
in Italy. The imperial propositions for the diet that sat at Spires,^^
March, 1529, and the hostile attitude of the Catholic estates at
this diet, proclaimed the renewâl of the former struggle. The
direct attack was, however, postponed until the Emperor could
bring to an end his foreign war. In the mean time, the plan of
the Catholics was to shut up their foe in fixed bounds ; this they
did by the majority of Catholic votes in the final decree of the

diet, forbidding all further internal development, as well as external
propagation of the new doctrine.^" Against this decree the evan-
-^ As is alleged, by King Ferdinand, the Electors of Mayence and Brandenburg, the
Archbishop of Salzburg, the Bishops of Bamberg and Wurzburg, George, Duke of Sax-
onj-, and the dukes of Bavaria. The document is in Spalatin's Annals, s. 102 b. ; Hort-
Isder, Th. i. Buch 2, cap. i. Walch, xvi. 444. But all these princes denied, in the most
;
unequivocal terms, the existence of this league see their public Declaration in Hort-
:
Icder, cap. 3 ff. Walch, xvi. 464 cf. Neudecker's Urkunden, s. 25, 60, and his Acten-
;
;
stiicke, i. 29. On the contemporaneous literature, see the Altdorfische liter. Museum,
Bd. i. St. i. s. 43. The original document of the league could hardly have been invent-
ed b}' Pack ; it was probablj' a project drawn up bj' a counselor of Ferdinand. Luther
to Joh. Hess (de Wette, iii. 351) Ducis Georgii Proceres plane fatentur, fuisse foedus
:
hoc non omnino chimaeram, sed literas ct exemplum prae manibus haberi, quod nunc
vellent falso Principum nomine et sigillo fictum videri. Rommel's Philipp der Gross-
mUthige, i. 210 ; ii. 202.
-8 The Landgrave, at the head of an army, forced the Bishops of Bamberg and WUrz-
lurg and the Elector of Mayence, June, 1528, to pledges of peace and indemnitj- for the
costs of the war. At the same time, the Elector of Ma3-ence, in the camp at Hitzkirch-
(!n, June 11, 1528, was forced to renounce ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Saxonj' and Hesse
to the time of peace in religious affairs. See the agreement in C. Ph. Kopp, hessische
Gerichtsverfassung, Th. 1, s. 107 ; No. 46 in the Beylage.
^' Historic von der evangel. Stiinde Protestation u. Appellation wider u. von dera
Reichsabschied zu Speyer 1529, dann der darauf erfolgten Legation in Spanien an Ka3's.
Maj. Karln V., wie auch ferner dem zu Augspurg iibergebenen Glaubensbekenntniss,
aus Fiirstl. Sachs. Archiv-Actis u. bewahrten Historicis verfasset, und mit denen darzu
gehorigen Documentis illustriret von J. J. Miiller. Jena, 1705. 4. A. Jung's Gesch.
des Reichstags zu Speyer, i. d. J. 1529 (the firstdivision of his Bej-trage zu der Gescli.
der Reformation), Strassburg u. Leipzig, 1830, mit einem Anhange meist ungedruckter
Actenstucke. The most important documents are also in Walch, xvi. 315 ff.
^° In Walch, xvi. 328. It was first determined to praj- the Emperor to call a general
council, or at least a national assemblj-, within the space of a j'ear; then it proceeds
upon the final decree of the Diet of Spires (see Note 18), as follows "Nachdem der- : —
Kclbige Artikel bej' vielen in grcissern Missverstand und zu Entschuldigung allerley
erschrecklichen neuen Lehren und Secten seithero gezogen und ausgelegt hat werden
wollen, damit dann solches abgeschnitten, und weiterm Abfall, Unfried, Zwietracht und
—
Unrath vorkommen werde so haben wir ims entschlossen, dass diejenige, so bej- oh-
:
gedachtem Kais. Edict (von Worms) bis anhero blieben, nun hinfiiro auch bej- demscl-
ben Edict bis zu dem kunftigen Concilio verharren, und ihre Unterthanen darzu halten
—
gelical estates presented a Protest, April 19, 1529, and in addition,

on the 22d of April, an Appeal f^ in this way they for the first
time came forward as Protestants against their opponents.

sollen und wollen. Und aber bey den andera Standen, bej' denen die andere Lehre
eutstanden, und zum Theil ohne merklichen Aufruhr, Beschwerd iind Gefiihrde nicht
abgewendt werden mogen so soil hinfiiro alle Neuerung bis zu kiinftigem Concilio, so
:
viel moglich und meuschlich, verhiitet werden. Und sonderlich soil etlicher Lehre und
Secten, so viel die dem hochwiirdigen Sacrament des wahren Fronleichnams und Bluts
unsers Herrn Jesu Christi entgegeu, he,j den Standen des heil. Eeichs Deutscher Nation
nicht angenommen, noch hinfiiro zu predigen gestattet oder zugelassen desgleichen
:
sollen die Aemter der Mess nicht abgethan, auch niemand an den Orten, da die
heil.
andere Lehre entstanden und gehalten wird, die Mess zu horen verboten, verhindert,
noch dazu oder da von gedrungen werden." Anabaptism is then forbidden on penalty
of death.
^' The great Instnimentmn Appellatlonls, in which are also comprised the earlier re-
monstrances of the evangelical estates and their Appeal in Miiller, s. 52 Walch, xvi.
; ;
364 Jung, Actenstiicke, s. Ixxix. Thej' demand that the earlier decision of the em-
;
pire, in 1526, remain in force, since otherwise peace could hardly be maintained : they
can not justify' the observance of the Edict of Worms and the maintenance of the mass,
for if they did they would condemn their own doctrines ; though thej' are ready to ren-
der obedience to the Emperor in all obligatorj' matters, "so sejmd doch dieses solche
—
Sachen, die Gottes Ehre und unser jedes Seelen Heil iind Seligkeit angehen und be-
treffen, darin wir aus Gottes Befehl, .unser Gewissen halben, denselben unsem Herrn
—
und Gott vor allem anzusehen verpfiicht und schuldig sej'en, der unzweifentlichen
Zuversicht, Ew. Konigl. Durchlauchtigkeit, Liebden, und ihr die andern werdet uns
— — —
darin freundlich entschuldiget halten, dass wir mit euch in dem nicht einig sej-n,
noch in solchem dem mehrern, wie etlichemalen auf diesem Reichstag hat vorgewandt
werden wollen, gehorchen, in Bedacht und Ansehen, dass wir solches vermog des vori-
gen Speyrischen Reichsabschied, der sonderlich in dem angezogenen Artikel lauter
darthut, dass solcher Artikel durcb eine einmuthige Vereinigung (und nicht allein den
mehreren Theil) also beschlosseu worden ; darum auch ein solcher einmuthiger Be-
schluss von Ehrbarkeit, Billigkeit und Rechtswegen anders nichts, dann wiederum
durch eine eiuhellige Bewilligung geiindert werden soil, kann und mag, zusamt dem,
dass auch ohne das in den Sachen, Gottes Ehre und unserer Seelen Heil und Seligkeit
belangend, ein jeglicher fiir sich selbst vor Gott stehen und Rechenschaft geben muss ;
also dass sich des Orts keiner auf des andern minders oder mehrers machen oder be-
schliessen entschuldigen kann und aus andern redlichen, gegrundeten, guten Ursachen
;
zu thun nicht schuldig seyn." Against the repudiation of the Zwinglian doctrine of the
Eucharist, bj' the final decree of the diet, Luther and Melancthon had nothing to object
(see their Judgment, in Walch, xvi. 364) : however, the Landgrave, with Melancthon's
concurrence (see Rommel, i. 234 Melanch. ad Camerarium, d. 17. Maj., ed. Bretsclmei-
;
der, i. 1067 sq.), brought about also a protest against the issuing of anj- such decision
bj- the diet ;especially because those " so dieselbe Sache berilhren, nicht erfordert noch
verhort worden sind ; und ist wahrlich wohl zu bewegen und zu betrachten, wann sol-
che schwere und wichtige Artikel ausserhalb des kiinftigen Concilii vorgenomfhen, oder
darin ohne nothdurftig und gebiihrlich Verhiire aller der, so die Sach beriihrt, ein Er-
kenntniss oder Ordnung zu machen imterstandcn, zu was Glimpf und Unrichtigkeit
—
solches Kais. Maj. uns und andern Standen des Reichs gekehrtund verstanden werden
mochte." The appeal is made "zu und vor die Romische Kais. und christi. Maj. un-
serm allergnadigsten Herrn, und dazu an und fiir das nachst kiinftig frey christlich
—
gemein Concilium, vor unser Nationalzusammenkommen, und darzu einen jeden die-
ser Sachen bequemen unpartheyischen und christlichen Richter." The Protest and
Appeal were made bj' the Elector, John of Saxony, George, Margrave of Brandenburg,
Ernest, DukeofBrunswick-Limeburg, Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfgang, Prince
132 FOURTH PERIOD,—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
Soon after this the Emperor concluded a treaty with the Pope
at Barcelona, June 29, 1529, and with France the Peace of Cam-
bray, Aug. 5, 1529. The Protestants could now discern the ap-
proach of misfortune in the conditions made and at Barcelona,^^
in the way in which their embassadors were received at Piacen-
za,^^ in September, 1529.
The Landgrave Philip now addressed himself earnestly to the
work of forming a league of defense among all the states adhering
to the Reformation —
a measure urgently demanded by the circum-
stances of the times.^* His efforts, however, were wrecked by the
hesitation of the Lutheran theologians, to whom a league with
the Sacramentarians appeared altogether objectionable.^^ All in
of Anhalt. Fourteen cities of the empire acceded to it Strasburg, Nuremberg, Ulm,:
Constance, Lindau, Menimingen, Kempten, Nordlingen, Heilbronn, Keutlingen, Issna,

St. Gall, Weissenburg, and Windsheim.
^- Dumont Corps Universel Diplomatique, iv. 1, 5 Quum sanctissimo Domino nos-
:
tro cura etiam major rerum spiritualium et pastoralis officii, quam temporalium esse
debeat ;
—
multi autem exorti sint, qui et de fide catholica male sentiant, et a religione
doctrinaque Christiana omnino deviaverint, aliosque in eundem errorem deducere co-
nentur ; nee minus Caesareae Majestati cordi sit, ut huic pestifero morbo congrnum
antidotum praepararl possit ideo actum extitit, et conventum, quod Caesar, ac sere-
:
nissimus Hungariae Rex, ejus frater, his melioribus ac congruentioribus modis etformis
quibus fieri poterit, ac cum ea qua decet dexteritate et industria omnem operam possi-
bilera adhibebunt in hujusmodi erroribus, si fas sit, sedandis, errantiumque animis alli-
ciendis, ut ad rectos Christianae religionis tramites redeant, ipsamque religionem, et
fidem, apostolicamque sedem verbo aut facto laedere seu perturbare non praesumant.
In qua re ipse etiam sanctissimus Dominus noster salubribus illis spiritualibus antidotis
coinmisso gregi, ovibusque errantibus, tanquam communis pastor et pater consulens,
omnem possibilem medelam pariter adhibere conabitur. Quod si pastoris vocem non
audiverint, Caesarisque mandata neglexerint, et in hisce erroribus obstinati et pertinaces
permanserint ; tarn Caesar, quam Ser. Hungariae et Boemiae Rex contra illos eorura
potestatis vim distringent, illatamque Christo injuriam pro viribus ulciscentur ; cura-
bitque sua Sanctitas, ut caeteri Christiani Principes, et potissime qui id foedus iugredi
volent, tam sancto operi etiam pro viribus assistant. But in the Introduction to the
treatise it is were to be invited to take part in the same. In the
said, that all princes
Peace of Cambray the Treaty of Madrid was confirmed, so far as it was not thereby dis-
tinctly annulled, and consequently the positions cited above in Note 2.
" Muller, s. 143 ff. Walch, xvi. 542 ff.
=* Diets at Rothach (1st June), Salfeld, and Schleiz see Muller, s. 228. ;
^' Compare Luther's Epistle

to the Elector John, 22d Maj-, 1529 (de Wette, iii. 454),
and his opinion in favor of the Convention of Rothach (Miiller, s. 230, with the conclu-
sion, there wanting, in de Wette, iii. 465). In the last he saj-s " Zum andern ists :
fiihrlich des Landgrafen halben, well es ein unruhiger Mann ist. Mocht er abermal,
wie er jenes Mai that, etwas anfahen, Stift, Kloster sturmen ohn unsern Willen so :
mussten wir hinnach, und mitthun oder mitgethan [haben] alles, was er that. Zum —
vierten ists unchristlich der Ketzerey halben wider das Sacrament denn M'ir sie nicht :
konnen im Bund haben, wir mussten solche Ketzere}' mit helfen stiirken und verthei-
dingen, und wenn sie vertheidingt wurden, sollten sie wohl iirger werden, denn vorhin."
To the objection that they were still one in all matters, excepting that single point:
—
"Es ist allzu viel an dem einigen. Er ist nicht weniger ein Unchrist, wer einen Arti-
— :
vain were the urgent representations^^ of the Landgrave in like ;
manner, the Conference of Marburg, which he brought about be-

tween the Swiss and Saxon theologians, Oct. 1, 1529,^^ failed in
kel laugnet, denn Arius oder der einer. — Spricht man abermal : dieser Bund betreffe
nicht die Lehre, sondern soil wider ausserlich Gewalt, die man wider Recht furnimmt,
dieweil jene sich auf Erkenntniss erbieten Antwort Das halt nicht denn man weiss, : : ;
dass uns der Widertheil um keiner Ursache willen angreifen will, denn um der Lehre
willen. Drum lasst sichs nicht glauben, dass wir wider unrecht Gewalt solchen Bund
machen. Und dass sie sich auf Erkenntniss erbieten, hilft uns nichts denn wir wissen ;
und und mugen solchs nicht mit ihnen in Zweifel oder

halten, dass sie Unrecht haben,
Erkenntniss setzen, darum wir nicht mit gutem Gewissen konnen mit ihn handeln, wir
mussten solch ihr Erbieten auf Erkenntniss auch bewilligen und bestiltigen, und also
gleich mit ihn von unserm gewissen Erkenntniss auf ihren Zweifel oder ungewissen
Wahn fallen. Das wiire denn mehr, denn halb wo nicht gar unsern Glauben verlaug-
net." In a Letter to the Landgrave, in August (in Neudecker's Urkunden, s. 114), Lu-
ther counsels against a war with the Emperor, as unjust, precipitous, and perilous.
2^ Compare his Epistle to the Elector, Julj', 1529, in Muller, s. 258 Walch, xvi. 645 ;
" Es ist auch vonnothen, dass wir uns nicht so liederlich von einander trennen lassen,
ob schon unsere Gelehrten um leichter oder sonst disputirlicher Sachen willen, daran
doch unser Glaube oder Seligkeit nicht gelegen, zweihellig sej'nd. Denn so das, wiirde
es alle Jahre neue Zwiespalt gebiiren denn je von Tagen zu Tagen und Jahren zu
;
Jahren viel unnothiger und disputirlicher Zweyunge in der Schrift hin und wieder sich
zwischen den Gelehrten begeben. Uud darzu seyn unsere Gelehrten der Sachen, die
Hauptartikel, den Glauben imd unsere Seligkeit belangende, einig. Wenn nun hier-
iiber wir uns von einander trennen lassen, so unsere Gelehrten zweihellig wiirden wie :
oft hiltten denn euer Liebe und wir uns von einander thun milssen," etc. The Land-
grave personally was undeniably inclined to the doctrine of Zwingle, as was also his
admirable theologian, Francis Lambert see Note 18. ;
^' The Epistle of Invitation to this conference is in Monum. Hassiaca, t. iii. Ana- ;
lecta Hass. Coll. x. Neudecker's Urkunden, s. 95. Luther replied to the Landgrave,
;
the 23d of June, that he would come, but had no hope of success (de Wette, iii. 473, aft-
er the original in Neudecker, s. 92). So, too, Melancthon (who, even on the 14th Maj-,
advised the electoral prince to refuse them permission to go ed. Bretschneider, i. 1064), ;
of. his Epistle to the Landgrave, 1. c. p. 1077 (after the original in Neudecker, s. 90).
The Opinion on the conference, usually ascribed to Luther, is bj' Melancthon see de ;
Wette, iii. 475 Bretschneider, i. 1055 sq. Reports about the Marburg Conference from
;
the Lutheran side ; Melancthon, in German, to the reigning Elector (or rather to the
electoral prince ; ii. 109), ed. Bretschneider, i. 1098 ; and
see Riederer's Nachrichten,
to Duke Henrj' Justus Jonas to Reiffenstein, Latin., 1. c. p.
of Saxonj-, 1. c. p. 1102 ;
1095 Jo. Brentius to Schradinus, Latin., in Pfaffii Acta et Scripta publ. Ecclesiae Wir-
;
tembergicae, p. 203 ; Andreas Osiander to the Council of Nuremberg, in German, in

Riederer's Nachrichten, ii. 110 ; bj' an unknown person, who, however, was present at
the conference, in Wigandus de Sacramentariismo, p. 424 from the Reformed side by
:
Rudolphus Collinus, professor in Zurich, in Hospiniani Hist. Sacramentaria, ii. 74;

Zwingle's kiirzerer Bericht, ibid. 77; Oecolampadii Epist. ad Hallerum, ibid. 83. The
fullest account is in Heinr. Bullinger's Reformationsgesch., ii. 223 (also in Fiissli's Bej--
trige, iii. 150). Cf. Hospinianus, 1. c. Rommel, Philipp d. Grossm. i. 247 ; ii. 218. On
the result of the conference, see Luther's Letters to Nic. Gerbellius, his wife, and Agric-
ola, Oct. 4 and 12 (de Wette, iii. 511), and to J. Probst, June 1, 1530 (de Wette, iv. 26).
In the last he says Multis vero verbis (Sacramentarii) promiserunt, se velle nobiscum
:
eatenus dicere, Christi corpus veraciter esse in coena praesens, at spiritualiter tantum,
ut eos fratres dignaremur appellare, et simulare ita concordiam hoc quod Zwinglius :
palam lachrymans coram Landgravio et ordinibus rogabat, dicens in haec verba Es :
sind keine Leut auf Erden, mit denen ich lieber wollt eins seyn, denn mit den Witten-
;:
134 FOURTH PERIOD.-DFV'. I.-A.D. 1517-1648.
effecting the desired result ; the fifteen articles there compared^

seemed so very unsatisfactory to the adherents of Luther, that, on
the requisition of the Elector, Luther and the theologians who
adopted his views felt themselves obliged to offset them by other
articles containing the pure doctrine in full.^^ Subscription to
bergern. Summo studio et contentione egcrunt, ut viderentur nobiscum Concordes, ita

ut banc vocem nunquam ex me possent ferre : vos kabetis alium, spirUum quam nos.
Ardebant toti, quoties haec audiebant. Tandem id concessimus, ut articulo ultimo po-
nitur, ut fratres quidem non tamen charitate nostra, quae etiam hosti debe-
essent, sed
tur, non spoliarentur. Ita indignissirae affecti sunt, quod fratris nomen non potuerunt
obtinere, sed pro haereticis discedere cogerentur, tamen sic, ut pacem interim habere-
mus mutuis scriptis, si forte Deus illis aperuerit cor. Melanchthon ad Agricolam, dd.
12. Oct., 1529 (ed. Bretschneider, i. 1108) Magnopere contenderunt, ut a nobis fratres
:
appellarentur. Vide eorum stultitiam Cum damnent nos, cupiunt tamen a nobis fra-
!
tres haberi Nos noluimus eis hac in re assentiri. The characteristics of the theologi-
!
ans who were present, as given hy Justus Jonas, are interesting (1. c. p. 1097) In Zwin- :
glio agreste quiddani est et arrogantulum ; in Oecolampadio mira bonitas naturae et

de-
mentia ; non minor humanitas et liberalitas ingenii in Bucero calliditas
in Iledione ;
vulpina, perverse imitata prudentiam et acumen. Docti sunt omnes, nihil dubium est,
prae quibus Papistae non sunt adversarii habendi. Sed Zwinglius iratis Musis et invita
Minerva videtur versatus in Uteris.
^' Thej-- were drawn up by Luther; see Osiander, in Riederer, ii. 120. They were
subscribed, Oct. 3, by the theologians there present, and immediatelj' published in sev-
eral places by Zwiugle (Fiissli's Beytrage, iii. 179), hy Osiander (Weber's Gesch. d.
Augsb. Confession, i. 9) on another old edition, see Fortgesetzte Sammlung v. alteu
;
u. neuen theol. Sachen., 1743, s. 165. It is remarkable that the reprints of these Mar-
burg Articles in the editions of Luther's Works (Walch, xvii. 2357), and those afterward
issued by the Lutherans (Chytriius, Seckendorf, etc.), contain only fourteen articles
the 14th, upon infant baptism, being omitted. The last article reads: "Wir gliiuben
und halten alle von dem Abendmahl unsers lieben Herrn Jesu Christi, dass man beyde
Gestalt nach der Einsetzung brauchen soil dass auch die Messe nicht ein Werk ist,
;
damit einer dem andern, todt und lebendig, Gnade erlange dass auch das Sacrament ;
des Altars se}' ein Sacrament des wahren Leibes und Blutes Jesu Christi, und die geist-
liche Niessung desselbigen Leibes und Blutes einem jeglichen Christen vornehmlich
vonnothen. Desgleichen den Branch des Sacraments, wie das Wort von Gott dem AU-
miichtigen gegeben und geordnet sey, damit die schwachen Gewissen zum Glauben und
Liebe zu bewegen durch den heiligen Geist. Und wiewol aber wir uns, ob der wahre
Leib und Blut Christi leiblich im Brot und Wein scy, diese Zeit nicht verglichen haben,
so soil doch ein Theil gegen den andern christliche Liebe, soferne jedes Gewissen im-
mermehr leiden kann, erzeigen, und bej'de Theil Gott den Allmachtigen fleissig bitten,
dass er uns durch seinen Geist in dem rechten Verstand bestiltigen wolle. Amen."
'' That such articles were laid before them is presupposed in the Saxon-Brandenburg
instructions for the Schwabach Convention, see in Miiller, s. 282. That the Schwabach
Articles were drawn up in Marburg b}' the theologians, see in Riederer's Nachrichten,
i. 48. At the Convention in Marburg they were only presented in writing in 1530 they ;
appeared in print, but without Luther's knowledge, under the title, " Die Bekentnus
M. Luther's auf den itzigen angestelllen Reichstag zu Augsburg einzulegen, in 17 Arti-
kel verfasset. Coburg, 4;" they were violently attacked bj' the Catholics, and then
published by Luther himself with a preface. In this preface (Walch, xvi. 778) he saj-s
"Wahr ists, dass ich solche Artikel habe stellen helfen (denn sie sind nicht von mir
allein gestellet), nicht um der Papisten willen, noch auf diesem Reichstag einzulegen.
Die wissen aber wohl drum, um welcher willen sie gestellet sind. Hatte mich auch
nicht versehen, dass sie soUten an Tag kommen, vielweniger dass sie mit solchem Titel
;
the latter was demanded at the Schwahach Convention, Oct. 16,

1529, as a necessary condition of participation in the league (the
Schivabach Articles). And then, although the cities of the Ober-
land, attached to the views of Zwingle, at once receded from the
negotiations,*" yet those parties who remained could not come to
any agreement among themselves.*^
The summons issued by the Emperor at Bologna, January 21,
1530, for the assembling of a diet at Augsburg, referred, indeed,
to the religious dissensions in a mild and conciliatory tone.*- But
as the Emperor, at his coronation in Bologna,*^ Febr. 24, 1530,
unter meinem Namen ioUten ausgehen." These Schwabach articles were afterward
sometimes confounded with the Schwabach Visitation-articles of 1528 (Note 22), until
Von der Lith published the latter. That those Seventeen Articles, published in 15S0,
are the Schwabach, was discovered bj- Frick (Seckendorf's Ausfilhrl. Historie der Lu-
therthums, s. 968) ; cf. Weber's Gesch. der Augsb. Confession, i. 10 ff., where there is an
exact reprint of these articles in the appendix. These Seventeen Schwabach Articles
(also in Walch, xvi. 681) are a recasting of the Fifteen Marburg Articles, marked by the
addition of the peculiarities of Lutheranism hence the two series of articles often agree
;
verball}-. The doctrine of the Lord's Supper (Art. X.) is thus given: "That the true
body and blood of Christ are truly present in the bread and wine, according to the word
of Christ, this is my body, this is my blood, and is not bread and wine onlj-, as the op-
posite part}' now alleges."
*"
See the final decree at Schwabacli, in the Appendix to Weber's Gesch. d. Augsli.
Confession, Th. 1.
*' The theologians of Wittenberg now advised against all resistance to the Emperor
see Luther's Bedenhen to the Elector John, Nov. 18, 1529 (de Wette, iii. 526), and March
G, 1530 (ibid. s. 560) the protocol of the Convention at Smalcald, in Strobel's Miscel-
;
laueen, iv. iii. the decree of Dec. 3, in Miiller, s. 333, Walch, xvi. 690
; the proceed- ;
ings at the Diet of Nuremberg, Jan. G, 1530, in Muller, s. 336, Walch, xvi. G95. Stras-
hurg, however, Jan. 5, concluded a defensive league with Zurich, Bern, and Basle ;
Sleidanus, lib. vii. ed. Am Ende, p. 392.

*^ From Ferdinand's Emperor just before (in Bucholz's Gesch.
Epistle, addressed to the
d. Regierung Ferdinand evident that both of the brothers were well in-
I., iii. 432), it is
clined to strictness, and were restrained only by circumstances. Ferdinand, in fact,

was afraid that if Ciiarles did not soon come the princes would elect a new king of
Rome. The imperial summons is in Muller, s. 412; Walch, xvi. 747; Forstermann's
Urkundenbuch zu der Gesch. des Reichstags zu Augsburg, i. 1. The diet was convened
to counsel about resistance to the Turks : " furter wie der Irrung und Zwiespalt halben
in dem heil. Glauben und der christl. und beschlossen werden mug
Religion gehandelt
und solle : und damit und heilsamlicher geschehen muge, die Zwie-
solchs dester besser
trachten hinzulegen, Widerwillen zu lassen, vergangne Irrsal unserm Seligmacher zu
ergeben, und Fleiss anzukehren, alle eins jeglichen Gutbedunken, Opinion und Meinung
zwischen uns selbs in Liebe und Gutlichkeit zu horen, zu verstehen, und zu erwegen,
die zu einer einigen christlichen Warheit zu brengen und zu vergleichen, alles so zu
beiden Theilen nit recht ist ausgelegt oder gehandelt abzuthun, durch uns alle ein eini-
ge und wahre Religion anzunehmen und zu halten und wie wir alle unter einem Chris-
:
to sej^nund streiten, also alle in einer Gemeinschaft, Kirchen und Einigkeit zu leben."
*3 This was preceded,
on the 22d of Februaiy, by the crowning with the iron crown.
There is an exact description of all the solemnities of the coronation, by the papal Mas-
ter of Ceremonies, in Raynald. 1530, No. 7 sq. Cf. H. C. Agrippa De duplici Corona-
tione Caroli V., in Schardil Scriptt. Rerum Germ., ii. 2fC6.
:
had negotiated very earnestly with the Pope on this matter, and
as the wishes of the latter were not unknown, the Protestants had
sufficient reason to fear the issue.'** In order, however, in accord-
** Cf. dementis Pont, in Ph. Me-

Oratio de Congressu Bononiensi Caroli Imp. et
lanchthonis Orationum The Orations of the Pope and of the Emperor there
t. v., p. 87.
given are not authentic in form. The narrator saj-s nee vero existimetis banc narra-
:
—
tionem fingi, sed vere institutam esse hanc deliberationem, adhuc multi norunt, qui
interfuerunt, qui et sententiae summam et verba quaedam nostris amicis narrarunt.
Qua de re sententiae summam fideliter recitabo, etiamsi verba omnia referre non pos-
sum. — Coelestinus (Hist. Comit. 1530 Augnstae celebrat., i. 10) has incorporated both
of these orations, preceded by that of the imperial chancellor, Mercurinus Gattinara,
referred to in the Oratio of the Emperor as having been previously delivered but he adds ;
to it the remark quamvis orationis ejus exemplum desideratur, non est tamen nobis
:
obscurum et ignotum, haec ipsius praecipua capita fuisse, et clarissimum virum in hanc
fere, sententiam verba fecisse. Accordingly, all three of the orations are rhetorical am-
plifications of the materials and it is therefore remarkable that Miiller, s. 402, and
;
Walch, xvi. 734, give them as the ones actually delivered at Bologna. According to
other testimonies, a formal league was concluded at Bologna, of the following purport
(Franc. Guicciardinus lib. xix. p. 908) Caesar et Ferdinandus, ut haeretici in viam re-
:
ducantur omnem operam danto, et Pontifex sacra remedia adhibeto quod si pertinaces :
perstiterint, Caesar Ferdinandus eos armis cogunto, et Pontifex, ut caeteri christian!

et
Principes ipsos pro viribus juvent, operam dato. On the circumstances, see Andr. Mau-
roceni Hist. Venetae lib. iv. (in Raj-nald. 1530, No. 49) Concilium novatores petebant
:
— is erat perversorum hominum —

livor, illud in Pontificem odium, ut non ad confir-
mandam, sed potius ad convellendam religionem concilium postulare viderentur. Quae

res Clementem permovebat, ne tam facile Caesari Germanorum nomine concilium pe-
tenti assentiretur, veritus ne illo ad labefactandam et penitus convellendam pontificiae
majestatis auctoritatem abuterentur. Quocirca nonnunquam moras nectebat. Verum —
quo minus probare concilium Pontifex videbatur, eo magis Germani, qui se Protestantes
vocabant, instare ac flagitare, ne Clemens majora in dies incrementa suscipienti malo
armis occurrendum esse sibi in animum induceret. Qua de re non modo graviter cum
Imperatore egit, pecuniaeque vim obtulit, verum ea se mente esse, Eeipublicae (Vene-
tae) Oratori significavit, cunctosque Christianos Principes ad pium pro avita religione
bellum suscipiendum impellendos censere quae gravissima in re Senatus sit sententia,
:
exquirere, consilium ab illius prudentia petere. Senatus, qui a bello atque armis ab-
stinendum arbitrabatur, ne jactata diu Christiana republica hac tempestate in majores
procellas ac turbines incideret, Pontificis egregiam mentem extoUebat caeterum ad :
—
aleam belli nisi necessitate adactos descendere minime probare. Tanta in re vel Sena- —
tus auctoritate vel ralionibus permotus Pontifex belli consilia abjecit; cum praesertim
ea temporum conditio esset, ut potius in communem hostem arma vertenda, quam in
propria viscera saeviendum esset, cum
Solimannum ingentibus copiis in Panno-
indies
niam reversurum, Viennam oppugnaturum rumor afferret neque Caesar ab iisdem con- :
siliis abhorrebat, potiusque concordiae rationes inveniri, quam armis decerni cupiebat,
in id summopere Ferdinandum fratrem procerum sufFragiis Komanorum Re-
intentus, ut
gem crearet quocirca religionis causam in futurum concilium distulit. No wonder that
:
suspicious reports of these negotiations came into Germany. Thus, May 17, 1530, in a
letter of George Curio, there came from Venice to the Elector of Saxony the tidings
(Coelestini Hist. Comitiorum ann. 1530 Augustae celebratorum i, fol. 42, verso ff.),
Italos in eo totos esse, omnesque suas actiones et conatus tantum eo dirigere, ut Ger-
mania vi et armis opprimatur, funditus deleatur et eradicetur. Rumorem illic quoque
surrexisse, Romanum Imperatorem conjunctis cum Pontifice viribus et foedere facto
Lutheranos ilico oppressurum, ac nisi paruerint, vi et armis coacturum esse. That the
Roman Curia did, in fact, not cease advising the Emperor to violent measures is proved
bj' the Instructions which the papal legate, Campeggio, handed to him at the Diet of
;
:
ance with the summons, to be prepared with an exhibition and

defense of the new doctrines, the Elector not only asked from his
theologians their opinions in writing (The Torgau Articles),*^ but
also took with him to the diet the theologians, Spalatin, Melanc-
thon, Justus Jonas, and Agricola, while Luther, being outlawed,
was obliged to remain behind in Coburg, the nearest Saxon city.
Thus the Elector, on the 2d of May, entered into the city of Augs-
burg, where an unusually large number of persons were present
at the diet, in which, as it appeared, a final decision was to be
made upon the religious matters so long kept in suspense.
§5.
CONTINUATION TO THE RELIGIOUS PEACE OF NUREMBERG, 23d JULY,
1532.
I. On the History ofilie Diet of Augsburg. Documents collected in Miiller's Historic v.

der Evangel. Sts^nde Protestation (see § 4, Note 29), in Walch, xvi. 841 ff. Dr. K. E.
Forstemanu's Urkundenbuch zu der Gesch. des Reichstages zu Augsburg im J. 15D0,
2 Bde. Halle, 1833-35. 8. On a codex in the former university librarj^ of Hclmstadt
Acta in Comitiis Augustanis anno 1530, see Henke et Bruns Annales Literarii, ann.
1784, vol. ii. p. 97.
II. Contemporaneous Reports. Reports of the embassadors of Nuremberg present at the
diet, published in part in Strobel's Miscellaneen literarischen Inhalts, ii. 1, iii. 193
Augsburg (Ranke, Fiirsten u. Volker von Siid-Europa im 16ten u. 17ten Jahr., ii. iii. and
iv. 266). The Emperor was exhorted to unite with the Catholic estates, to work against
the Protestants, at first with promises and threats, and then by violence, and, after their
suppression, to establish an Inquisition. — B3' confiscations monej' enough might be
gained for the war with the Turks.
*5 Letter of the Elector to Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Melancthon, Mar. 14, 1530 (in
Forstemann's Urkundenbuch zu d. Gesch. des Reichstags zu Augsburg im J. 1530, i. 40) :
A high necessity demands "dass wir aller der Artikel halben, darum sich angezeigter
Zwiespalt, beide im Glauben, und audi in andern iiusserlichcn Kirchenbriiuchen und
Ceremonien erheldet, zum furderlichsten dcrniassen gefasst werden, damit wir vor An-
fang seiches Reichstags bestiindiglich und grundlich entschlossen sej'n, ob oder welcher
Gestalt, audi wie weit wir und andere Stiinde, so die reine Lehre bey ihnen angenoni-
nien und zugelassen, mit Gott, Gewissen und gutem Fug, auch ohn beswerlich Erger-
niss Handlung leiden mugeu und konnen." The theologians were to hand in their opin-
ions at Torgau to the Elector on tlie Sunda}' Oculi. — Formerh^ it was generallj- taken
for granted that, in consequence of this demand, the Schwabach Articles were again pre-
sented, and that on this account thej' were also called Torgau Articles. Only Bertram
(Hall. Anzeige, 1786, s. 447) and Weber (Gesch. d. Augsb. Confess., i. 16) opposed this
view, and rightl}- for the injunctions of the Elector would not have been satisfied bj-
;
the Schwabach Articles, which gave a representation of the Christian faith in opposition
to the Zwinglians. Forstemann (in the work cited before, i. 6G) has published several
\vritten summaries of doctrine (reprinted in Melancth. Epistol. ed. Bretschneider, iv.
973) bj' theologians of this period, which he holds to be the Articuli Torgavienses. Ac-
cording to Bretschneider, p. 981, the articuli non concedendi were the first of these (s.
93), and the last eight are lost.
complete in different parts of Melanchth. Epistt. ed. Bretschneider, ii. 50 ss., nsed in
D. C. Fikenscher's Gesch. des Reichstags zu Augsburg, 1530. Nurnberg, 1830. 8.
Reports of the embassadors of Heilbronn, Ulm, and Esslingpn, are used in Dr. C.
Pfaffs Gesch. des Reichstags zu Augsburg, 1530. Stuttgart, 1830. 8. Immediately
after the diet appeared, with the imperial privilege, the Catholic representation Pro :
Religione Christiana Res Gestae in Comitiis Augustae Vindelicorum habitis. 1530. 4.

(reprinted in Cj'prian's Hist, der Augsburg. Confession, Appendix, s. 85). To refute
it, the Saxon chancellor. Dr. Gregorius Briick, wrote a Historj- of the Diet, which
has onlj' recently been published in Forstemann's Archiv f. d. Gesch. der kirchl. Re-
formation, Bd. i. Heft 1. Halle, 1831. 8. Spalatin's Annalen, edited hy Cyprian, s.
131-289.
III. Later Works. Historia der Augsb. Confession durch Dav. Chj-traeum (Prof, in
Rostock). Rostock, 1576. 4. Newlich vermehrt. Rostock, 1576. 4 (Latin, b)' Matth.
Ritter, preacher in Frankfurt a. M., 1578). Hist. Comitiorum anno 1530 Augustae
celebratorum, in quatuor Tonios distributa, per Georg. Coelestinum (provost in Coin,
on the Spree). Francof. cis Viadrum, 1577 fol. Both works contain many documents.
Chr. Aug. Salig's Hist, der Augsburg. Confession, Th. i. s. 153-381. Planck's Gesch.
des Protest. Lehrbegriffs, iii. i. 1-178. [Wiber, Gesch. d. Augsb. Conf. Frankf.,
1783-84. 8. Forstemann, Urkundenbuch, 2. 8. Halle, 1835. A. G. Rudelbach, Die
Augsb. Conf. 1830 and 1841. Other histories for the jubilee of 1830, bj- Hammer-
schmidt, Schott, Fikenscher, Facius, etc. Cf. Sartorius, Die Augsb. Conf. Editions
by Twesten, 1816 Winer, 1825 Tittmann, 1830 Francke. 1846 Miiller, 1848. An
; ; ; ;
English translation, with Introduction and Notes, by Rev. W. H. Teale. Leeds, 1842.
8. Compare, also, Heppe, Bekenntnissschriften d. Altprot. Kirche Deutschland, 8.
1855.]
As the Emperor was slowly journeying from Italy to Augsburg,

where the princes were awaiting his coming, the most violent op-
ponents of the Protestants, Duke George of Saxony and Elector
Joachim of Brandenburg, went to meet him, that they might en-
list him more fully against the Reformation.^ His hostility was
made manifest, even before his arrival, in the reproaches he ad-
dressed to the Elector of Saxony ;" and, on the very day of his ar-
rival, in his exhortation to the Protestant princes to take part in
the procession of Corpus Christi on the next day.^ Their determ-
ined bearing, however, soon convinced him that nothing was to
be gained by fear and threats.

Melancthon had made use of his six weeks of leisure, after his
arrival in Augsburg, in completing a Confession, on the basis of
1 Spalatin's Annals, s. 132 ;
Seckendorf, ii. 155, s.
- Comp. Briick's Geschichte, in Forstemann's Archiv, i. i. 23 ff. The Instructions of

the Emperor, Maj- 25, to the Counts of Nassau and Nuenar, sent to the Elector, in Forste-
mann's Urkundenbuch, i. 220 they contain reproaches about his (the Elector's) non-
;
observance of the Edict of Worms, a summons to Munich, and a demand that the Prot-
estant sermons in Augsburg be suspended. —
The answer of the Elector, ibid. s. 224.
—Immediately after his arrival in Augsburg, the Emperor commanded that no preacli-
ers should speak in public but those appointed bj^ himself; see the Report on this point,
ibid. s. 267. The report of the Nuremberg embassadors, in Melanchth. Opera, ed. Bret-
schneider, ii. 113 that of Brenz, ibid, s, 114; Spalatin, s. 133; Bruck, s. 38 ff.
;
3 Briick, s. 26. Coelestinus, i. fol. 80, verso ss.

—
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 5. 1530. I39
the Schwabach and Torgau Articles, in which the doctrines and

principles of the new Church were so exhibited as to be intelligi-
ble to all, and yet in a conciliatory spirit.* Rehgious matters
* The Schwabach Articles are the basis of the first part of the Confession, containing
the articles on the faith the Torgau, of the second part, on abuses. The Confession,
;
completed as early as Ma)- 11 (see the Elector's Letter to Luther of this

in its first draft,
date, in Forstemann's Urkundenbuch, i. 190): "Nachdem ihr und andere unser Ge-
lehrten zu Wittenberg auf unser genadigs Gesinnen und Begehr die Artigkel, so der
Religion halben streitig seind, in Verzeichnus bracht, als wollen wir euch nicht bergen,
dass itzt allhie Mag. Ph. Melanchthon dieselben weiter ubersehen und in einen Form
gezogen hat, die wir euch hiebej' ubersenden. Und ist unser genadigs Begehren, ihr
wollet dieselben Artigkel weiter zu ubersehen und zu bewegen unbeschwert sej'n, und
wo es euch derniassen gefiiUig oder ichtwas darvon oder darzuzusetzen bedachtet, das
wollet also darneben vorzeichen." Luther answered, 15th Maj- (de Wette, iv. 17) " Ich :
hab M. Phillppsen Apologia uberlesen die gefiilletmir fastwohl, und weiss nichts dran
:
zu bessern, noch iindern, wurde sich audi nicht schicken denn ich so sanft und leise
;
nicht treten kan." The Emperor's arrival being delaj-ed, Melancthon used the time in
making a more careful revision of the different articles. Mel. ad Lutherum, dd. 22.
Maj. (ed. Bretschneider, ii. 60) In Apologia quotidie multa mutamus locum de votis,
: :
quia erat exilior iusto, exemi, supposita alia disputatione eadem de re paulo uberiore.
Nunc de potestate clavium disputo. The Confession was first presented in Latin, and
only in the name of the Elector. It was thus communicated to the delegates of the cities
on the 31st of Maj'; the Nuremberg embassadors sent to the Council of Nuremberg on
the 3d of June (Mel. 0pp. ed. Bretschneider, ii. 83), " Abschrift des sichsischen Rath-
schlags (that is, of the Saxon proposals about the Confession to be handed in) Latein-
isch, und ist die Vorrede oder Eingang darbei. Aber es mangelt hinten an einem Arti-
kel oder zweien, samt dem Beschluss, daran die siiehsischen Theologi noch machen.
So dann soldier Rathschlag ins Teutsche gebracht, wird der E. W. auch unverlialtcn
bleibftn." The Confession was then, by the desire of the Protestant princes and cities,
made in the name of all of them, translated into German, and in this form communi-
cated, June 14, to the delegates of the cities {Exdiario, in Cyprian's Hist, der Augsburg.
Confession, s. 249). This German Confession was the one sent bj- the Nuremberg em-
bassadors, June 15 (Bretschneider, ii. 105) it had not the preface nor the conclusion ;
:
but the articles on Faith and Works were added, which are not in the above Latin copj-.
These embassadors reported, 19th June (1. c. p. 112): "Der Beschluss ist noch nicht —
gemacht. Denn wie sich Philippus Melanchthon vernehmen liisst, wird vielleicht die
Sach zu keiner so weitlauftigen Handlung gelangen, sondern noch enger eingezogen und
kiirzer gefasst und gehandelt werden." The secretarj' of the Emperor, Alphonsus Val-
desius, had begun negotiations with Melancthon (Mel. ad Camerarium, Juno 19, in
Bretschneider, ii. 119 the Nuremberg Report, June 21, ibid., p. 122 Spalatin's Report,
; ;
in Walch, xvi. 912), in order to ascertain more exactly what the Lutherans wished and ;
had demanded of him to write down for the Emperor "the articles which the Lutherans
desired to have, in the shortest manner." Whether Melancthon handed in any thing
in reply, and what it was, is uncertain. At any rate, it is not the essay given bj- Codes-
tinus, fol. 93, b., wth the conjecture, even then disputed bj- Chj'traeus, that it was com-
posed for that occasion. (This essay is reprinted and commented on in the work Ph. :
Melancthon's Unterschied der Evangel, und Papistischen Lehre, edited by Strobel.

Nurnberg, 1783. 8.) These negotiations undoubtedly delayed the completion of the
Augsburg Confession. So that when, on Wednesdaj-, June 22, the Protestant princes
were called upon to hand in their Confession on the 24th, no clean copy of it was on
hand, and thej' at first asked for delay (Briick, s. 50 f.). The German Confession, after
Melancthon had made changes in it up to the verj- last moment (Nuremberg Report,
25th June, in Bretschneider, ii. 129 " Gemeldte Unterricht, so viel die Glaubensartikel
:
belanget, ist in der Substanz fast dem gemiiss, wie wir es E. W. vor zugeschickt, alleiu
V
;
;
were the first subject brought before the diet; and the work of
Melancthon, the Augsburg Confession, was read in German in
the session of the diet on the 25th of June, 1530, and handed to
the Emperor in both G-erman and Latin.^ By this Confession
(lass es noch in etlichen Stiicken gebessert, und allenthalb aufs glimpflichste gemacht
— was engrossed and laid before the Protestant estates (1. c. p. 127 ex diario, in
ist"), ;
C3'prian, s. 250). The Latin Confession appears to have been handed in in Melancthon's
writing (Weber's Gesch. d. Augsb. Confess., i. 51). Of the German Confession, the
proper original one, there appears to have been, on the 25th of June, only the draft pre-
sented to the Emperor the copy made for Nuremberg was not j-et finished (the Nurem-
;
berg Report, June 25, in Bretschneider, ii. 129). Since these copies, now, and the others
intended for the Protestant estates, were made from Melancthon's draft, in itself hardly
legible, and made more illegible bj' many alterations, it is not surprising that the copies
still extant, which the estates took with them on their return home, deviate here and
—
there from one another.- The Confession was subscribed by the Elector, John of Sax-
onj', George, Margrave of Brandenburg, Ernst, Duke of Liineburg, Philip, Landgrave
of Hesse, Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt, and the two cities, Nuremberg and Reutlingen.
Cf. Kollner's Hamburg, 1837, s. 153.
Sj'mbolik der Luther. Kirche.
* On Saxon chancellor, Dr. Baj'er, see Spalatin's Annalen,
the reading of this bj' the
s. 134 ff. Briick, s. 55.
; The Emperor gave the German copy, as the authentic one, to
the Elector of Maj-ence for the imperial archives the Latin he retained. The latter,
;
with all the original acts of the diet, came afterward to the Council of Trent, and was
not returned (Weber's Gesch. d. Augsb. Confess, i. 233) if it is still extant, it is proba-
;
blj' to bo found onlj' in Rome. The Latin copy was kept by the Emperor, and deposited
in his archives at Brussels, where, according to the testimony of several witnesses, it
was still (Weber, i. 76 ff.). The Emperor requested that the evan-
to be found, 1560-68
gelical estates should not have the Confession printed without his knowledge (Briick, s.
55). Editions of it were, however, at once issued in several places (six German and one
Latin are known see Weber, i. 353) and as these were made from copies of earlier
; ;
drafts, and were incorrect, Melancthon published an edition in 1530, during the session
of the diet, in both German and Latin, in Wittenberg {Praef. Nunc emittimus probe
et diligenter descriptam confessionem ex exemplari bonae fidei) it was issued in 1531, ;
in 4to, with the Apology annexed. The subsequent editions by Melancthon are altered
but the first one has been often since reprinted as the authentic copj- (Weber, ii. 23).
But the stricter Lutherans mistrusted even this first edition of Melancthon. The Elect-
or Joachim II., of Brandenburg, therefore caused a comparison to be made hy Coelesti-
nus, 15G6, with the alleged original in the imperial archives in Maj-ence (Weber, i. 109)
and the Elector August, of Saxony, had an attested copy of it made in 1576. This is
the source of the German text in the Corpus Brandenhurgicum, and in the Concordia
but the alleged original was only a poor copy, put in the place of the original, which
did not come back from Trent j-et it was considered to be the original work (Weber,
;
i. 137, 162, 187). Afterward even this copy was lost, and the German edition of Me-
lancthon of 1540, also found in the Acts of the Empire, has been held to be the original.
The Duchess of Weimar, in 1767, received a copy of this, and Weber published an edi-
tion, Weimar, 1781, which he erroneously thought to be the Augsburg Confession after
the original copy in the imperial archives. He found many opponents, especially Pan-
zer and Bertram was convinced of his mistake, and made it good by his Kritische Ge-
;
schichte der Augsb. Confession aus archivalischen Nachrichten, 2 Theile. Frankf. a.

M., 1783-84. 8.— As to the Latin text, Coelestine's allegation, in his Hist. Com., ii. 169,
that his edition was after the original in the imperial archives, is incorrect (Weber, i.
65, 70) ; the text of the first edition of Melancthon adopted in the Concordia. Thus
is —
a German most nearly conformed to
text, the original, is to be got from the first edition
by Melancthon, and such copies of it as are still extant, made at the diet for the Prot-
several of the estates of the diet may have received a more correct
conception of the Reformation f the ecclesiastical abuses, which

it censures, were acknowledged by many but, as a matter of ;
course, it did not do away with the objection taken by the oppo-
nents of the Reformation to the separation of the hierarchy from the
Church, and to the Augustinian theology of the reformers.^ The
Emperor, who expected more advantage from rapid and decisive
action than from debates, had a Confutation^ prepared by the
Catholic theologians, the chief of whom were John Eck, Conrad
Wimpina, and John Cochlaeus. After this had been read, on the
estant estates. For the Latin text, the first edition by Melancthon is the only sure basis.
Forstemann, in his Urkundenbuch, has published the German Confession after the sec-
ond Ansbach MS. (i. 369) the Latin, after Melancthon's first edition (i. 442), with va-
;
rious readings from the best MSS. Kollner's Sj-mbolik d. Luth. Kirche, s. 226.
* Spalatin's Annalen, s. 140: Duke William of Bavaria afterward said, "Thej' had
told him nothing beforehand about this matter and doctrine." Briick, s. 59 Man}' of :
the nobles declared that thej' "had heard very different representations of the afl'airs
of the Elector, the princes, and the cities, from those gathered from the public reading
of the Confession."
' Melanchthon ad Lutherum, dd. 27. Jun. (ed. Bretschneider, ii. 145) Sublevamur :
sententiis Moguntini, Augustani et Brunsvigii, neque hi valde pugnant. Bavari etsi

dicebantur facti audita confessione placabiliores, tamen a Georgio et Joachimo non dis-
sentiunt. Hi sunt duces, et quidem acerrimi, alterius partis. Justus Jonas ad Luthe-
rum fere 29. Jun. (1. c. p. 154) Dicitur Episcopus Augustanus (Christoph v. Stadion.
:
Cf. on him, Altdorfisches Literar. Museum, i. 103, 310 Zapf, Chr. v. Stadion, Zurich,
;
1799) in privatis colloquiis hujusmodi edidisse vocem ilia quae recitata sunt, vera sunt,
:
sunt pura Veritas, non possumus inficiari. — Saltzburgensis (Matthiius Lang, cardinal)
dicitur in privato colloquio banc vocem edidisse :vellem utramque speciem, conjugium
libera esse ; vellem niissam reformatam esse ; vellem libertaiem in cibis et aliis traditionibus
esse, et totum ordinem sic stare ; sed quod unus Monachus debeat nos reformare omnes, hoc
est turbare pacem, hoc non est ferendum. "When Melancthon spoke about his conscience,
he said to him: "Was Conscienz, der Kaiser wird conturbationem reijmblicae nicht lei-
den." According to Luther's Warning to his dear Germans (Walch, xvi. 1988), the
same cardinal also said to Melancthon " Ach was wollt ihr doch an uns Pfaffen refor-
:
miren wir Pfaffen sind nie gut gewcst." In the further deliberations of the committee
;
of the Catholic princes, they were warned by tlie Bishop of Augsburg, Aug. G (see Spa-
latin's Nachricht in Walch, xvi. 1655), " dass sie darauf sehen sollten, und wider Recht
nichts handeln, denn es sey ja wahr, dass die Lutherischen wider keinen Artikel des
Glaubens halten darum soil man auf Mittel uîd Wege trachten zum Frieden der Kirch-
;
en." He was violently opposed bj' the Archbishop of Salzburg and the Elector of Bran-
denburg, so that the Elector of Maj-ence had to reconcile them.
® The first draft of it was handed in to the Emperor June 13, who, however, demanded
a shorter and milder form (Cochlaeus de actis Lutheri, fol. 227, b. Spalatin, s. 148).
;
Of this first draft, which had 280 pages (according to Spalatin), John Cochlaeus has
given the sections on the first four articles of the Augsburg Confession in his Philippi-
cae quatuor in Apologiam Melanchthonis, Lips. 1534. 4 (republished in Strobel's Bej--
triige, i. 413). A later revision is in Formula Confutationis Aug. Conf. cum Latina turn
Germanica, ed. Chr. G. Miiller. Lips. 1808. 8. In the form in which it was read it may
be found in Andreae Fabricii Harmonia Aug. Confess. Colon. 1573. fol. in Coelestini ;
Hist. Comit. Aug. celebrat., iii. 1 ; and in Chj'traei Hist. A. C, p. 173. KoUner, s.
397.
3d' of August, he wanted to look upon the whole affair as con-
cluded.^ In the mean time, however, the sudden departure of the

Landgrave Philip,^" Aug. 6, gave him additional evidence that the
new faith was already too deeply rooted to he set aside hy state-
craft. No less unadvisable did it seem to make use of force ; for^
in contrast with the fresh enthusiasm of the Protestants, the Cath-

olic party was lame : partly because the Protestant complaints
about ecclesiastical abuses were quite generally confessed to be
justified by the doubt whether they could be sure of the
;
partly
war and in part from their
support of their subjects in a religious ;
mistrust of the Emperor,^^ and the fear that his power would, in
the end, be enlarged by a domestic war. Accordingly, upon the
demand of the Catholic part of the diet, a smaller commission
was appointed to seek a reconciliation.^^ The negotiations were
begun with the best will on the 16th August, the Protestant Con-
fession being the point of departure. The Catholic divines, Eck,
Wimpina, and Cochlaeus, as well as the Protestants, Melancthon,
Brenz, and Schnepf, showed themselves very ready to accommo-
date their dogmatic formulas in the discussions upon the twenty-
one doctrinal articles —the first part of the Confession ; so that at
last there were only three questions on which they could not unite. '^
' On the negotiations, see Briick, s. 71, and from him in Miiller's Hist. v. d. evangel.
Stiinde Protestation, s. G98. "Walch, xvi. 1281. — Handlungeu des weitern Ausschusses
der Catbol. Fursten mit den Protestanten, um dieselben zur Nachgiebigkeit zu bewe-
gen seit dera Cten Aug. Bruck, s. 77 MuUer, s. 706 Walch, xvi. 1630. The Elector
: ; ;
Joachim of Brandenburg, who was the most active in this committee, is reported to
have said (Spalatin, s. 151) "Wo dieser Churfurst zu Sachsen der neuen Lutherischen
: —
Lehre nicht wtirde absteheu, so wiirden Kays. Maj. ihm und ihren Anhiingern nach Lan-
den und Leuten, Leib u. Leben, Ehre u. Gut, auch Weibern u. Kindern zutrachten."
The same is told bj- Coelestinus, iii. 26, who does not give the name of the speaker.
'" Briick, s. 79 ff. Miiller, s. 709. Walch, xvi. 1652. Rommel's Philipp d. Gross-
miithige, 269; ii. 246.
i.
" The height to which this opposition had risen on the part of the dukes of Bavaria,
who supported John von Zapolia, and were opposed to the Election of Ferdinand as King
of Rome, is shown bj- a scene in the diet, in which the Emperor and Duke William of
Bavaria were the actors, as related hy Stmnpf in his Baierns politische Geschichte, i. i.
57. On their doubts about their subjects, see the declaration of the Bavarian dukes to
the Emperor, 1523, in Stumpf, i. 102.
*' The report of these transactions is in Briick, s. 89 ff., Miiller, s. 741. The acts are
given most fullj' in Walch, xvi. 1656, Forstemann's Urkundenbuch, ii. 219.
" See Spalatin's account in Walch, xvi. 16G8 the minute of the evangelical part}-,;
as to the articles inwhich they agreed, ibid., s. 1673 the report of the Catholics, ibid.,;
s. 1714; remarks of the Protestants on the latter, s. 1730. On the articles IV., V., and
VI., on Justification bj' Faith, the Catholics repeated the positions alreadj' advanced in
their Confutation opera nostra ex se nullius sunt meriti, sed gratia Dei facit ilia digna
:
esse vita aeterna :

—
fides parit bonos fructus, fides sine operibus mortua est quod vero ;
CHAP. I.— GERIMAN REFORMATION. § 5. 1530. 143
In the negotiations upon the second part of the Confession the

Protestants made advances on several points: much of the old
order in government and usages, the power of the bishops,^* cere-
monies, fasts, and festivals, as human ordinances, they declared

themselves ready to restore,^^ and they also promised to spare the
cloisters on the other hand, they could not consent to a restriction
;
of the permission to celebrate the Lord's Supper under both forms,^^
justificationem soli fidei tribuunt, ex diametro pugnat cum Evangelica veritate, opera
non excludente. Hence they were read}-, according to their report (s. 1715), to teach
" that we become just through faith. But not alone through faith for such a doctrine ;
is not found any where in the Holy Scriptures, but rather the opposite. On this account
it was at length agreed that the word sola should not be used ; but it should be taught
that justification, or the forgiveness of sins, comes through grace (per gratiam gratum
facientem), and through faith in us, and through the Word and sacraments, as instru-
ments." This was, in fact, but the Protestants, in their Remarks
the formula of union ;
(s. 1730), contradict the ground here given for not using the word sola ; they maintain
that their opponents had also conceded that the forgiveness of sins was not through
works or merit, but through faith and grace, to which thej' would have the sacraments
added thereupon the Protestants had let the word sola drop, because they did not wish
;
by it to exclude grace and sacraments, but only works. The difference came out again
distinctlj' in the twentieth article. They agreed " that good works must be done that ;
they are necessary and that when they proceed from faith they are well pleasing to
;
God, and that God, according to his promise, will reward them. But whether our good
works are meritorious, and how far we maj- relj- upon them, they were not able to agree.''
So, too, thej- did not full}- come together on the twelfth article the Protestants, indeed, :
conceded the three parts of repentance, viz., contritio, confessio, satisfactio "yet in ;
the matter [of confession] we must look to the absolution, and believe that sin is for-
given us on account of Christ's merits ;" as to satisfaction, they agreed " that sin is not
forgiven on account of it, so far as concerns its guilt. But they were not united on the
point, whether the satisfaction was necessary to the forgiveness of sins, so far as the
punishment is concerned." In fine, upon the twentj'-first article thej- agreed, " that all
saints and angels in heaven pray to God for us and again, that we should celebrate the
;
memor}' and festivals of the saints, in which we praj- to God that the intercession of the
saints maj- be of service to us." Thej' disagreed about the invocation of the saints the :
Protestants held it to be "a doubtful and dangerous thing," and would not consent to
it; "first, because the H0I3' Scripture did not command it; secondly, because great and
perilous abuses spring from it."

'* The Protestants, however, made this addition, s. 1683, 1729: " Doch damit unge-
billigt der ofFentlichen Missbriiuche, dass die Bischofe nicht Fleiss haben, dass man
recht predige, dass die Sacramento ernstlich u. christlich gehandelt werden, dass tlich-
tige Leute ordinirt werden, dass die Priester ein ziichtig Lebeu fiihren, dass man den
Bann in vielen Sachen missbraucht," u. s. w.
'° Briick, s. 96. The opinion was " wenn allein die Lehre
of the evangelical part :
von dem babstischen Theil gelitten, auch nit nottig gemacht woUt werden, das Gott
nit zwinglich oder nottig zu Vorstrickung u. Fahung der Gewissen haben wollt was ;
sie alsdann in ausserlichen Dingen thun sollten u. konnten, das ane Vorlegung der
Lehre u. des Glaubens zu Ainigkeit dienstlich, des an ihnen kein Mangel sein sollt,
alles zu tragen u. zu dulden, op es wol nit nottig, noch sie dasselb schuldig waren,
allain um Lieb u. Eintracht willen."
'* The Catholics would onlj' concede (s. 1719) that the pastors, with the papal per-
mission, "allein ihren Pfarrkindern, und allein an denen Orten, da es bis hieher etliche
Jahr in Branch gewest, das Sacrament —unter beyder Gestalt denen, so es begehreu,
:
144 FOURTH PERIOD.—Diy. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
nor to the restricted marriage of priests ;^' nor would they re-estab-
Ush the canon for masses and the private masses, with which was
connected the doctrine of purgatory. ^^ The restoration of the
episcopal authority had also, for the Protestants, a very suspicious
side. It was to be anticipated that the episcopate, dependent on
Rome, which was not at all bound by these negotiations,'^ would

austheilen ;" under conditions that confession precede, and that in the celebration it be
taught, " dass die Empfahung des Sacraments unter beyder Gestalt von Gott nicht aus-
—
drucklich geboten se}', dass der ganze Christus gleich sowol unter einer Gestalt, als
unter bej-den, gegenwiirtig sey und enipfangen werde —
und dass sie ihren Untertha-
;
nen, so es unter einer Gestalt allein begehren, unwegerlich reichen, oder reichen lassen"
(as in the Compactata of Prague* see Vol. iii. p. 441, Note 31). The Protestants, on
the other hand, declared (s. 1685) that, while they held to confession, yet that they did
not consider the particular enumeration of sins (s. 1731) to be necessarj' and that while ;
thej- could excuse the Church for the reception of the Eucharist under one form, in view
of past usage, yet they could not teach that it was not wrong to receive it in one form.
^' The Catholics said (s. 1721) that, although the priests, on account of their vows
and consecration, could not lawfully be married, yet thej' would bear with priests now
married until a council should convene, but only in places where the marriage of priests
was the custom. And further, before the meeting of this council no more should be
married and whoever wished to give up his estate of marriage should be allowed to do
;
so and, in place of the married priests, unmarried ones should be instated as soon as
;
possible. It should also be proposed to the council to decide " whether it were not well
henceforth to concede that married men might be admitted to the priesthood and or-
dained, in the wa}' in which it was long since a usage in the first Church for some hun-
dred j-ears." The Protestants rejected these limitations, because the marriage of priests
was to be held to be Christian and right. S. 1732 " God has appointed this means and
:
medicine, for them to use who can not refrain. Hence he tempts God who has not the
gift of chastity and 3-et does not avail himself of God's ordinance."
'^ S. 1722: " Damit nicht ein Wortgezank von den Worten hostia, oblatio, sacrifici-
um, oder Opfer sich erhebe," the Catholics made the distinction, "dass Christus in dem
Osterlanimlein im A. T. figiirlich geopfert und dass nachraals derselbe Christus am
;
Stamme des Creuzes gelitten, sich selbst Gott dem Vater ein wahrhaftig Opfer fiir die
SiJnde der Menschen aufgeopfert ; aber jetzund im Opfer der Messe werde er mysteri-
aliter et repraesentative, d. i. sacramentlich u. wiedergediichtlicher Weise, in der Kirch-
en taglich geopfert, zur Erinnerung und Gediichtniss des Leideus mid Sterbens Christi,
einmal am Creuz vollzogen." The Protestants declared themselves readj- to make use
of the customarv ceremonies and ecclesiastical apparel but thej- would onlj- allow of
;
the public masses, "darinnen etlichen aus dem Volke, so zuvor verhoret, das Sacra-
ment christlich gereicht wird. Die Privatmesse aber, welche sie dieser Meynung ge-
halten, dass sie andern Vergebung der Siinden ex opere operate damit verdieneten, ver-
werfen wir, denn es ist ofFenbar, dass solche Application wider die Gerechtigkeit des
Glaubens streitet. Denn so die Messe, auf diese Mejmung applicirt, Vergebung der
Sunden ex opere operato verdienet, folget, dass die Gerechtigkeit nicht aus dem Glau-
ben, sondern aus den Werken komme. Item, so jetzt erst in der Messe das Opfer fiir
die Sunde geschiehet, wozu hat denn der Tod Christi gedient, oder ist das Leiden u.
Sterben Christi nicht genugsam zu Bezahlung unserer Siinde ? Item Christus spricht —
das thut zu meinem Gediichtniss.^- Wie kann aber den Todten solch Sacrament niitzlich
sej'n, dieweil in ihnen das Gedachtniss Christi durch die Priester nicht kann em-eckt
werden?"
" Pallavicini Hist. Cone. Trid., iii. 4, 3: The Cardinal Campeggio, in a report to
Rome, gave five chief demands of the Protestants the Lord's Supper under both forms
:
;
the marriage of priests ; the omission of the canon in the mass ; the retaining of the con-
soon endeavor to effect a complete return to the old state of things.

Those controversial points in which the Catholic party appeared to
have yielded were rather evaded than settled the general ex- ;
pressions of union were such as to allow afterward of a Catholic

interpretation, which could easily be enforced as their true sense
by the ecclesiastical authority. Hence the Protestant statesmen
took the ground, that there should either be no concession, or at
least that the restoration of the papal and episcopal power was in-
admissible.^" Melancthon, whose anxious fears^^ undoubtedly had
fiscated church propert}' and the calling of a council. In a Consistorj', July 6, it was
;
determined to j'ield nothing.

*" Philip of Hesse to his embassadors in Augsburg, 29th Aug. (in Melanchth. 0pp.
ed. Bretschneider, ii. 326): "Ich kann bei mir nit befinden, dass solche Mittel, sie sev-
en auch von Papisten oder Evangelischen vorgeschlagen, anzunehmen seyn. Denn es
seyn Mittel eines Betrugs zu befahren, und sej-n allein Mittel fiir die Papisten, denn sie
wissens nit mit Gewalt zu dilmpfen, nehmen sie nun List dazu. Und darum Summa
Summarum ist meine Meinung, bleibt bei meiner Verzeichniss, die ich euch mit meiner
Hand geben hab. So aber die Papisten in ihren Landen wollten die Prediger des lan-
tern reinen Evangelii zulassen, und der Pfaffen Ehe u. Klosterpersonen Ehe nit verbie-
ten, auch die Todtenbitt u. Heiligen Anrufen samt dem Canon fallen lassen so wiire ;
ihnen in andern Dingen viel um Liebe willen nachzulassen. Die Predig des Evangelii
wiirde wohl mit der Zeit ausreuten. —
Denn was ist sich Gutes zu vermuthen, dieweil
sie des Teufels Regiment nit verlassen, und doch die Wahrheit erkennen, und uns gem
nnsre Freiheit und Lehre in Christo binden wollten. Da ist nit Zeit Weichens, sondern
stehen bis in den Tod bei der Wahrheit. Viel weniger ist der Bischiife Jurisdiction zu-
zulassen, dieweil sie das Evangelium in ihren Landen nit zu predigen noch zu treiben
gestatten woUen. Denn da wiirde ein fein Narrenspiel aus werden, so die soUten Ex-
aminatores iiber christliche Prediger seyn, die selbs in der Lehre und Leben Caiphas,
—
Annas, u. Pilatus wiiren. Kanns nit gut werden, muss mans Gott befehlen. Willigt
aber der Churfiirst in etwas, so mogt ihrs an mich bringen. Zeigt den Stiidten diese
meine Handschrift, und sagt ihnen, dass sie nicht Weiber se3'en, sondern Manner. Es
hat keine Noth, Gott ist auf unsrer Seiten. Wer sich gern fiirchten will, der fiirchte
sich. In keinem Wege verwilligt, dass man die Zwinglischen mit Gewalt dumpfe, noch
verjage und iiberziehe. Denn Christus hat uns nicht berufen zu vertreiben, sondern zu
heilen. Greift dem vemiinftigen, weltweisen, verzagten, ich darf nit wohl mehr sagen,
Philippo in die Wiirfel." Briick, s. 116, saj-s, the evangelical party often declared to
the Catholics, "dass manwol vorstunde, was mit solchen Fursliigen gemeint wurde.
Nemlich dass man diesem Theil ezlicher Geduldung halben das Maul schmieren woUte,
damit ihnen der Same des Unkrauts wiederum be3-bracht und unter den Waizen ge-
streuet wurde, doch mit dem Schein, bis auf ein Concilium, welchs darnach, wie die
Bilbstc, Cardinal, und Bischove zu Concilien Lust u. Willen hiitten, mit Furwendung —
grosser furgefallener Sachen u. Geschiiften, darnach also von einer Zeit zur andern er-
strecken, dass endlichen nichts daraus wurde." Melanchthon ad Lutherum, dd. 29.
Aug. (ed. Bretschneider, ii. 328) Valde reprehendimur a nostris, quod jurisdictionem
:
reddimus Episcopis. Nam vulgus assuefactum libertati, et seniel excusso jugo Episco-
porum, aegre patitur sibi rursus imponi ilia Vetera onera et maxime oderunt illam do-
;
minationera civitates imperii. De doctrina religionis nihil laborant tantum de regno ;
et libertate sunt solliciti.

^' Melanchthon ad Lutherum,
dd. 25. Jun. (ed. Bretschneider, ii. 125) acerbissimas :
—
ac miserrimas curas, in quibus hie versamur. Brentius assidebat haec scribenti, una
lacrj-mans. Ad Vitum Theodorum, eod. die (1. c. p. 126) Hie consumitur omne mihi
:
VOL. IV. 10
:
146 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648.
a great effect upon the negotiations,"" was blamed by many for his
tempus ia lacrj-mis ac luctu. Ad Camerarium, dd. 26. Jun. (p. 140) : Animus est oc-
fupatus multo miserrimis curis, noii propter causam nostram, sed propter nostrorum
hominiim incuriam. De me volo te bono animo esse, quia commendo me Deo, aWd
Vav/iacTToi/ TL exercet nos, de quo non possum nisi coram loqui. The letters to Luther
;md Veit Dietrich, 2Gth and 27th June. Jonas ad Lutherum fere 29. Jun., p. 157 Ad :
Philippum vellem dares quam creberrimas literas mirabili enim tristitia est, qua non-
:
nunquam ob publicam causam afficitur. Osiander ad Linckium, dd. 4. Jul. p. 163

Philippus multis laboribus, vigiliis, curis maceratus et exhaustus nonuunquam melan-
cholica quadam tristitia et quasi desperatione vexatur, nulla extante causa, quae nos-
tros plerosque valde dejecit.
-^ How far Melancthon went for the sake of peace is shown bj- his negotiations with
the papal legate, Campeggio. He wrote to him, July G (Bretschneider, ii. p. 170) Dog- :
ma nullum habemus —
diversum ab Ecclesia Romana. Parati sumus obedire Ecclesiae
Romanae, modo ut ilia pro sua dementia, qua semper erga omnes gentes usa est, pauca
quaedam vel dissimulet, vel relaxet, quae jam niutare ne quidem si velimus queamus.
— NuUam ob rem aliam plus odii sustinemus in Germania, quam quia Ecclesiae Roma-
nae dogmata summa constantia defendimus. The 7th Jul., p. 173: Paucis rebus vel
condonatis, vel dissimulatis posset constitui concordia, videlicet si nostris utraque spe-
cies Coenae Domini permitteretur, si conjugia sacerdotum et monachorum tolerarentur.
Hoc si non videretur utile, tamen praetextu aliquo dissimulari possent,
aperte concedi
videlicet quo res extrahatur, donee Sj-nodus convocetur. In the same spirit were com-
posed the propositions which he sent to the legate, Aug. 4 (1. c. p. 246). When he here
uniformly asserts that the Protestant doctrine is the old and genuine doctrine of the Ro-
man Church, he can not intend to mislead any one about the nature of this doctrine, so
far as it was contained in the Confession which was just about to be presented. Up to
the time of the Council of Trent a great vai'ietj' of opinion was tolerated in the Catholic
Church, especially in the doctrines on anthropology and soteriology now and
contested ;
that strict Augustinianism which the Protestants insisted upon had bj- no means been
formally rejected. Even the Cardinal Campeggio is reported to have said that the di-
vision in respect to doctrine was, for the most part, onlj- a dispute about words (Salig,
i. 227). In order, now, to make the Protestant estates inclined to union, the theolo-
gians who acted in the sense of Melancthon declared to them (see their Opinion, Aug.
25, in Bretschneider, ii. 281) that the doctrine should remain free, the Lord's Supper be
under both forms, that private masses should be rejected, and the marriage of priests
retained but that in all other ecclesiastical ordinances concessions could be made.
;
Especially did they use all means to make the princes inclined to the restoration of the
episcopal jurisdiction. S. 283: "Die Ordnung dass die BischofFe iiber die Priester als
Superattendenten gefatzt sind, hat ohn Zweifel viel redlicher Ursach gehabt. Denn die
Priester miissen Superattendenten haben. So M'ei'den die weltlichen Fiirsten des Kirch-
enregiments in der Lange nicht warten ist ihnen auch nicht moglich dazu kostet es
; ;
sie viel, so dagegen die Bischoffe ihre Giiter darum haben, dass sie solch Amt ausrich-
ten. Auch gebiihrt uns nicht, diese Ordnung, dass BischofFe iiber Priester sind, welchc
von Anfang in der Kirche gewesen, ohne grosse und dringende Ursache zerreissen.
Denn es ist auch vor Gott fahrlich, Politien ilndern und zerreissen. Dann wiewohl der
Papst ein Antichrist ist, so mogen wir doch unter ihm seyn, wie die Juden unter Pha-
rao in Egj-pten, und hernach unter Caipha, so ims dennoch rechte Lehre fre}- gelassen
wird." Melanchthon ad Camerar., dd. 31. Aug. (1. c. p. 334) Aegre patiuntur civitates:
reduci in urbes illam Episcoporum dominationem. Et sapiunt, sed quo ore eripiemus
nobis permiserint doctrinam ?
c'is, si Quid ? Quod omnia quae largiti sumus, habent
ejusmodi exceptiones, ut hoc metuam, ne Episcopi existiment offerri pv/xaTa avrl a\<pi-
Tuiv sed quid potuimus aliud ?
: Quanquam, ut ego quod sentio dicam, utinam, utinam
possim non quidem dominationem coufirmare, sed administrationem restituere Episco-
porum ? Video enim, qualem simus habituri Ecclesiam, dissoluta iroKiTsia ecclesiastica.
Video postea multo intolerabiliorem futuram tyrannidem, quam antea unquam fuit.
concessions ;some even viewed him as a traitor to the common

cause.^^ But Luther, who from Coburg was constantly sending
=3 Such like reports were disseminated verj- early. Rosellius writes to him from
Venice as soon as Jul}- 6 (ed. Bretschneider, ii. 227), that he had heard, te iKtTjjv fac-
—
tum Cardinali Cainpegio, teque tuaque omnia judicio et sapientiae Pontificis maximi
subjecisse in the same way, Aug. 1, p. 243, and exhorts him to steadfastness.
;
The ne-
gotiations for union afterward gave occasion for mistrust ; see Landgrave Philip to Lu-
ther, Aug. 24 (in Neudecker's Urkunden, s. 153): "wir sehen es darvor an, dass sich
die Sach so seltsam zugetragen haben, seie Philippi Melanchthonis Kleinmuthigkeit
Schuld. Sie haben sich auch in ihren iibergeben Articula zu viel begeben." The Nu-
rembergers were particularly displeased with Melancthon see the letter of the Nurem-
;
berg embassador, Hieronymus Baumgiirtner, to Lazarus Spengler, 13th Sept. (Lebens-

beschr. Lazari Spenglers v. Hausdorff, s. 72): "Philippus ist kindischer, denn ein Kind
worden.— Die andern siichsischen Theologi dorfen wider den Philippum nit ofFentlich
reden, denn er den Kopf dermassen gestrecket, dass er neulich gegen den Liineburgi-
schen Canzler gesagt: " Wer sagen darf, dass die nachst ubergebne Mittel nit christ-
lich, der lugs, als ein Boswicht." On Sept. 15 (s. 75) new complaints about "the the-
ologians running about and unchristian doings." Thej' treated secretly with the oppo-
nents, made unchristian proposals, which could not be fulfilled, in order, as it seemed,
to maintain peace, and afterward to do what they pleased.
" Uff diesem Reichstag kein
Mensch bis uff heutigen Tag dem Evangelio mehr Schadens gethan, dann Philippus.
Er ist auch in solche Vermessenheit gerathen, dass er nit allein niemand will horen
anderst davon reden und rathen, sender auch mit ungeschickten Fluchen u. Schelten
herausfiihrt, damit er jedermann erschreck, und mit seiner Estimation und Auctoritet
diimpfe." Spengler is therefore asked to write to Luther. That he had done this before
appears from Luther's answer, Aug. 28 (de Wette, iv. 158) he also wrote about it to
;
George Vogler, Chancellor of the Margrave of Brandenburg (Veesenmeyer's kleine Bej--

trage zur Gesch. des Reichstags zu Augsburg, 1530. Nurnberg, 1830. 16. s. 32 ff.).
Wenc. Linii now wrote on account again to Luther see his repl}', 20th Sept., in
this ;
de Wette, iv. 167. Melanchthon ad Lutherum, dd. 1. Sept. (ed. Bretschneider, ii. 336):
Non credas, quanto in odio sim Noricis, et nescio quibus aliis, propter restitutam Epis-
copis jurisdictionem. Ita de suo regno, non de Evangelio dimicant socii nostri. Bom-
gai'tnerus scripsit, me, si quanta maxima pecunia voluissem a Romano Pontifice con-
ductus essem, non potuisse meliorem rationem suscipere restituendae dominationis Pon-
tificiae, quam hanc quam instituimus. Ego nullum adhuc arti-
esse judicent homines,
culum deserui, aut abjeci, qui addoctrinam pertineat tantum stomachantur de politicis
;
rebus, quas non est nostrum eripere Episcopis.— On the other hand, Melancthon was also
accused afterward of false dealing by the opponents see Cochlaei Philipp. i. (see above.
;
Note 8) p. 10 (in Raynald. 1530, No. 84) Plane intelligit Tua Majestas, hominem is-
:
tum blandiloquentia h3'pocrisique sua vulpina improbius egisse Augustae in comitiis,

quam apertis conviciis et amarulentiis egit procul delitescens et absens Lutherus. Hie
enim consueto more convitiabatur, plebisque odium in clerum excitabat instar leonis
rugientis ferociens ille vero instar draconis insidiantis fraudes intendens, non plebem,
;
sed magnates hypocrisi sua circumvenire satagebat. —

Cumque nos aliquando querere-
miir Augustae super violentis et seditiosis libris Lutheri, quos unum post alium mittebat
illuc eo quoque tempore, quo nobis non parva erat spes tollendae discordiae, Philippus
blandius respondebat, non attendendum esse quid Lutherus scriberet, sed quid Princi-
pes Lutherani Caesari proponerent, quid facere, quid agnoscere vellent. Quam subdole
vero egerit cum Legato nemo melius novit quam Legatus ipse. Qui lachrymis primum
precibusque illius non satis fidens, jussit ilium petitionem suam in scriptis tradere nee:
tamen omnem per hoc vulpeculae fraudem praecavere potuit. Didicit enim paulo post,
illi nihil fidendum esse, posteaquam audivit, ilium— in odium theologorum, quibus re-
—
spondendi negotium commiserat Majestas Tua, ^jactitasse, Legatum ea admisisse, in
quibus maligne adversarentur theologi.—Tanta est utriusque impudentia, ut et Philip-
148 FOUKTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
his advice and judgment, did not misunderstand his true compan-
ion. Although he had from the beginning seen with a clear eye
the danger of these negotiations, and had demanded an uncondi-
tional peace instead of any attempts at union,^* he still acknowl-
edged that what Melancthon yielded was in itself allowahle,^^
pus Luthero suo dixerit privatim, et Lutherus publice scripserit, Legatum ilium dixisse,
admitti quidem posse Lutheri doctrinam, sed non oportere, ne forte ab aliis quoque na-
tionibus approbetur. Quam impudens vero sit mendacium istud, Majestas Tua probe
novit, caet. >
'* Luther's Epistle to the Cardinal Archbishop of Menz, 6th Julj', with the second
Psalm once printed and sent to Augsburg), in de Wette, iv. 72 " Hie bitte ich nu
(at :
aufs unterthiinigst, weil keine Hoifnung daist, dass wir der Lehre eins werden, E. K.
F. G. wollten samt andern dahin arbeiten, dass jenes Theil Friede halte, und glaube
was es wolle, und lasse uns auch glauben diese Wahrheit, die itzt fur ihren Augen be-
kannt, und untadelig erfunden ist. Man weiss ja wohl, dass noch man Niemand soil
kann zum Glauben zwingen, stehet auch weder ins Kaisers noch Papst Gewalt denn ;
auch Gott selbs, der uber alle Gewalt ist, hat noch nie keinen Menschen mit Gewalt
zum Glauben wollen dringen was unterstehen sich denn solchs seine elenden armen
:
Creaturen, nicht alleia zum Glauben, sondern auch zu dem, was sie selbs fizr falsche
—
Liigen halten miissen, zu zwingen.' Will aber weder Friede noch Einigkeit folgen,
weder Gamalielis Rath noch der Apostel und der Juden Exempel helfen so lass fahren, :
was nicht bleiben will, und ziirne, wers nicht lassen will er wird Zorns u. Unfriedes,;
darnach er ringet, ubrig gnug finden." Arid now he expounds the 2d Psalm, " Why-
do the heathen rage," in its bearings on present events a noble monument of his cour-
;
—
age above all earthly fears. How much Luther was opposed to the negotiations for
union, see in his Letter to Melancthon, 26th Aug. (ibid., s. 145) Quid ego minus un- :
quam speravi, et quid adhuc minus opto, quam ut de doctrinae concordia tractetur ?
Quasi vero nos Papam dejicere possimus, aut quasi salvo Papatu nostra doctriiia salva
esse possit !
—
Scio vos Evangelium semper excipere in istis pactis sed metuo, ne postea :
perfidos aut inconstantes insimulent, si non servemus, quae voluerint. Ipsi enini nostras
concessiones large, largius, largissime accipient ; suas vere stricte, strictius, strictissinie
dabunt. Summa, mihi in totum displicet tractatus de doctrinae concordia, ut quae
plane sit impossibilis, nisi Papa velit Papatum suum aboleri. Satis erat, nos reddidisse
rationem fidei, et petere pacem.
^^ Excepting that for a short time he seems, through the complaints of the Nurem-
bergers (above. Note 23), to have feared that Melancthon might be misled by the craftrj'
much but he was convinced that what was against
arts of the opposite party to j-ield too ;
the Gospel would at once be him anew. See his Letters, Aug. 28, to Spala-
rejielled bj'
tin (de Wette, iv. 155) Jam in insidiis versari causam nostram, ipsi videtis.
: Ipsi quae- —
runt, ut dominentur fidei et conscieutiis, et arte ista vos avocare volunt a verbo, quod
satis video, verum nihil metuo, quia si insidiis pergent, impingent ipsi in nostras insi-
dias. Nam ubi hoc uuum tenueritis, vos nihil contra Evangelium concessuros esse, aut
—
concessisse, quid tum sunt illorum insidiae ? Et esto, aliquid manifeste (quod non faci-
etis Christo favente) contra Evangelium concesseritis, et ita in saccum aliquem aquilam
istam concluserint veniet, ne dubita, veniet Lutherus, hanc aquilam liberaturus mag-
:
nifice. Ita vivit Christus, verum hoc erit. To Melancthon (s. 156) Ego in tam crassis :
nimis securus sum, sciens, vos nihil posse Ibi committere, nisi forte pecca-
insidiis forte
tum in personas nostras, ut perfidi et inconstantes arguamur. Sed quid postea ? Causae
constantia et veritate facile corrigatur. Quamquam nolim hoc contingere, tamen sic
loquor, ut si qua contingeret, non esset desperandum. Nam si vim evaserimus, pace
obtenta, dolos ac lapsus nostros facile emendabimus, quoniam regnat super nos miseri-
cordia ejus. (This last sentence has often been perverted by the Catholic polemics of
the ruder sort, as though Luther here confessed that he had made use of doli ; while he
GHAP. I.—GERMAN REFORMATION. § 5. 1530. 149
and defended him against unjust accusations,^^ and souglit to in-

spire the timid with his own cheerful courage.^^ However, those
articles, which we have spoken of ahove as those in which they
could not agree, were so important to both parties that the pro-
jected union failed on account of them and even the negotiations ;
of a still smaller committee, from Aug. 24 to 29, led to no result.-**
On July 11 the four cities excluded from the Protestant league,

Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindau, also handed in a
Confession of their own —the Confessio Tetraipolitana^^ which
manifestly speaks only of the dolis et lapsibus into which Melancthon might be brought
bj- the imidiae of the opponents see Gieseler's Essaj' Etwas iiber den Reichstag zu
; :
Augsburg, im Jahre 1530. Hamburg, 1821. 8.) Compare the letters of the same date
to Justus Jonas
—
and Lazarus Spengler, s. 157 ff. ^Yet here throughout we find only gen-
eral caution and anxiety, but not disapprobation of what had been already done. Where
Luther had occasion to speak upon the debated points he whoU}' agrees in theorj- with
Melancthon, but holds that union could not be effected. Thus he wrote upon an Opin-
ion of Melancthon's about the Pope (Melanchth. Opera, ed. Bretschneider, ii. 318):
" Wenn der Papst solchs wollt eingehen, so acht ich, wir Lutherischen woUten seine
Ehr u. Oberkeit besser helfen schiitzen und handhaben, denn der Kaiser seibst u. alle
Welt. Denn wir konntens thun ohne Schwerd, mit Gottes Wort und Kraft, welchs der
Kaiser mit der Faust, ohne Gottes Kraft, endlich nicht erhalten kann." Compare Lu-
ther's Bedenken von den Compositionsmitteln (Spalatin's Annalen, s. 270 Walch, xvi. ;
1700). It is there said about the jurisdiction: "Es ist ein vergeblich Ding, dass man
von der Jurisdiction handelt denn wo sie uns nicht leiden, und nichts nachlassen, son-
:
dern stracks immerhin verdammen wollen so konnen wir keiner Jurisdiction von ihnen
;
gewarten, ohn des Meisters Hansen (the executioner). Wol ists wahr, wo sie unsere
Lehre woUten leiden, u. nicht mehr verfolgen, so woUten wir ihnen keinen Abbruch
thun an ihrer Jurisdiction, Dignitat, oder wie sie es nennen. Denn wir begehren frey-
lich nicht Bischof, noch Cardinal zu seyn, sondern allein gute Christen, die sollen arm
seyn."
Luther to Melancthon, 11th Sept. (de Wette, iv. 163) Obsecro te, mi Philippe, ne
2* :
te maceres ex illorum indiciis, qui vel dicunt vel scribunt, vos nimium cessisse Papistis.
Oportet enim ex nostris esse infirmos, quorum mores et infirmitates feras, nisi velis
Rom. 15 Paulum contemnere. Jurisdictionem Episcopis redditam ipsi non satis intelli-
gunt, nee attendunt circumstantias adjectas. Atque utinam Episcopi earn accepissent
sub istis conditionibus sed ipsi habent nares in suam rem. Ad Wencesl. Link, dd. 20.
:
Sept., 1. c. p. 166.
" As to the Elector and other companions in the faith who were active at Augsburg,
cf. his letters written from Coburg to Augsburg. Especiallj- did he inspire the hearts
of his followers with his own
boldness by the heroic song: Eine feste Burg ist unser
Gott, which was composed at this time at
Coburg, according to the testimon}' of his
contemporaries, Hieronj'mus Weller, Sleidanus (liber xvi., sub fine), Chytraeus (Sax-
onia, ad annum 1530) ; see Riederer's Treatise on the Introduction of the German Song
into the Evangelical Lutheran Church, published at Nuremberg, 1759, s. 305 ff.
'^ Briick, s. 105. Muller, s. 800. Walch, xvi. 1733. Forstemann, ii. 290.
=' In German and Latin by Mart. Bucer, with the aid of Wolfg. Fabricius Capito and
Caspar Hedio, written in Augsburg during the diet ; see Gottl. WernsdorflF Hist. Con-
fess. Tetrap. Witeb., 1694 ; ed. iv. 1721. 4. J. H.
de Varia Confessionis
Fel's Diss,
Tetrapolitanae Fortuna praesertim in civitate Lindaviensi. Getting., 1755. 4. J. G.
Schelhorn Amoenitatt. liter, vi. 305. Dan. Gerdes Scrinium Antiquarium, v. 193. The
Confession in Latin in the Corpus et Syntagma Confessionem fidei, Genevae, 1612. 4.,
in like manner was responded to, Oct, 17, by a Confutation.^"

The Confession sent in by Zwingle made the most unfavorable
irapression,^^ and was answered by Eck in the most reckless
style.^^
The Protestants demanded a council ; the Emperor acceded to

the demand, but wished that, provisionally, the old ecclesiastical
ordinances should be re-established.^^ After threats and negotia-
tions^^ had been tried in vain, the final decree of the diet was
drawn up in the sense of the Catholic majority, without allowing
the Protestant rejoinders to be heard, or the Apology for the Con-
fession,^^ drawn up by Melancthon, to be received.
ii. 215 in Augusti Corpus Libronim S3'mbolic. qui in Ecclesiae Reformatorum auctori-
;
tatem pubiicam obtinuerunt, Elberfeld, 1827, p. 327 ss. ; and in Niemej-er Collectio
Confessionum in Ecclesiis Reformatis publicatarum, Lips., 1810, p. 740 ss. The article
on tlie Lord's Supper, wliich alone occasioned the separation, is here presented ambigu-
ously in Cap. 18 (Christus) non minus hodie, quam in novissima ilia coena, omnibus,
:
qui inter illius discipulos ex animo nomeu dederunt, cum hanc coenam, ut ipse instituit,
repetunt, verum suum corpus veraimque suum sanguinem vere edendum et bibendum
in cibum potumque animarum, quo illae in aeternam vitam alantur, dare per sacra-
—
menta dignatur. Praecipua vero diligentia populi animos nostri Ecclesiastae ab omni
tum contentione, turn supervacanea et curiosa disquisitions ad illud revocant, quod so-
lum prodest. solumque a Christo servatore nostro spectatum est, nempe ut ipso pasti,
in ipso et per ipsum vivamus vitam Deo placitam, —
simusque inter nos omnes unus pa-
nis, unum corpus, qui de uno pane in sacra coena participamus.
'" The Confutation written by Faber, Eck, and Cochliius, was first published by
Miiller, Formula Confutationis August. Confessionis, Lips., 1808, p. 191. On the dis-
cussions at and after the reading, see Sleidanus, lib. vii., ed. Ende, p. 429. The Am
Strasburg divines prepared a '' Vindication and Defense in writing" against the Confu-
tation, which was published with the Confessio Tetrapolitana in 1531.
^' Ad Carolum Rom. Imp. Germaniae Comitia Augustae celebrantem fidei Huldrj-chi
Zwinglii Ratio, Tiguri, 1530. 4., in Niemeyer, p. 16. It was dated July 4, and was
immediately sent in print to Augsburg (Hess's Life of Zwingle, in Usteri's translation,
s. 631). Bucer and Capito wrote about it to Zwingle Tua confessio quosdam offendit, :
et potissimum duobus locis altero cum dicis, quosdam respectare ad ollas Aegj-ptiacas
:
(the Lutherans in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper), quod urit Lutheranos, altero cum
scribis, pedatum et mitratum genus Episcoporum id esse in Ecclesia, quod gibbi et stru-
mata in corpore (Miiller's Schweizergesch. continued by Hottinger, vii. 316). Melanc-
thon to Luther, 14th July (ed. Bretschneider, il. 193) Zwinglius misit hue confessionem
:
impressam tj'-pis. Dicas simpliciter mente captum esse. Cf. Salig's Gesch. der Augsb.
Conf., i. 381.
^- Repulsio Articulorum Zwinglii Caes. Majestati oblatorum. Aug., Vind., 1530. 4.,
written in three daj-s, and dated Jul}' 17 (Hess-Usteri, s. 634). In reph- : Ad illustris-
simos Germaniae Principes Augustae congregatos, de Convitiis Eccii, Epist. Huld. Zwin-
glii, Tiguri, 1530. 4. ; published 27th Aug. (Hess-Usteri, s. 638).
^^ See these negotiations from Sept. 7, in Briick, s. 135; Muller, s. 842; Walch, xvi.
1794.
^* Negotiations for peace between Georg v. Truchsess and the Baden chancellor, Hi-
eron. Vehus, Bruck, s. 155 ; Muller, s. 866 ; Walch, xvi. 1815 ; Forstemann's Urkun-
denbuch, ii. 415.
25 When, on Sept. 22, the first decree of the diet, concerning the faith (in Walch, xvi.
The final decree of the diet, published Nov. 19, allowed to the
Protestants time for consideration until April 15, 1531 ; and inti-
mated forcible measures if this period should pass without their
yielding.^^ Although, from the bearing of the strongest Catholic

1848 Forstemann, ii. 474), was read in public (see the account in Bruck, s. 183 and
; ;
in Forstemann, from the Acts of the Margravate of Brandenburg, ii. 473), Dr. Briick,
in the name of the Protestants, contradicted the assertion that their doctrine had been
sufficiently refuted, and handed in the Ajwlogy. The Emperor, just on the point of re-
ceiving it, was led to refuse its reception bj- a sign from his brother (Briick, s. 184 ;
Spalatin's Annals, s. 197). The Apolog)', in its shorter form, as it was to have been
presented at Augsburg, is extant in two Latin recensions the one is in Chj-traeus, p. :
337 the other in Forstemann, ii. 483 in German, b}- the latter, s. 530. Melancthon
; ;
thereupon revised it, and published it with the Confession in Wittenberg, 1531. 4. (above,
Note 5) this revision was afterward received in the SA-mbolical books KoUner's Sj-m-
: ;
bolik, s. 419.
^5 The decree is in Muller, s. 997 ; Walch, xvi. 1925. After an introduction on tlie
object of the diet, the first topics introduced are the religious dissensions and the read-
ing of the Augsburg Confession. "Und wiewol wir nacli gehabtem bestandigen Ratli
trefflicherTheologen u. Schriftgelehrten aus vielen Nationen soldi ihr Bekenntniss mit
dem Evangelic u. heiliger Schrift mit gutem Grund widerlegen u. ableinen lassen so :
hat doch solches so viel nicht verfangen, dass sie sich mit uns, Churfiirsten, Fiirsten,
u. andern gemeinen Stiinden in alien Artikeln verglichen hiitten." Hence it was de-
creed " dass sie sich zwischen hie u. dem niichstkiinftigen 15ten Tag dcs Monats Apri-
:
lis bedenken sollten, ob sie sich der unverglichenen Artikel halben mit der christlichen
Kirchen, p;ipstlicher Heiligkeit, uns u. den andern Churfiirsten, Fiirsten u. gemeinen

Stiinden des heil. Reichs, auch andern christlichen Hiiuptern u. Gliedern der gemeinen
Christeuheit, mitlerzeit der Erorterung eines nachstkiinftigen Concilii nachmals beken-
nen imd vereinigen wollen, oder nicht. Und dass sie uns ihrer Gemiiths imter ihren
Insiegeln vor Ausgang obgemeldts funfzehnten Tagcs verstiindigen mittlerweil woll- :
ten wir uns darauf auch bedenken, Avas uns zu thun gebiihren wolle, u. alsdann ihnen
unsere Me)-nung gleichfalls erOffuen." In the mean time, the Protestant princes were
not to allow any thing new on matters of faith to be printed in their lands, to entice
none to join their sect, to allow the free use of their churches and worship to those of
their subjects that adhered to the old faith, and to work, in common with the Catholic
princes, against the Sacramentarians and the Anabaptists. Since no council had for a
long time been held, and "j-et verj' many abuses and causes of complaipt may for a
long time have been penetrating into our common Christianitj-," therefore the Emperor
promises, " bej- pjipstl. Heiligkeit, u. alien christl. Konigen u. Potentaten so viel zu
verfiigen, dass zu christl. Reformation ein gemein christlich Concilium innerhalb 6 Mo-
naten, den niichsten nach Endung dieses unsers Reichstags, an gelegene Malstadt aus-
geschrieben, u. das zum forderlichsten u. aufs liingste in einem Jahre nach solchem
Ausschreiben gehalten soil werden." In fine, the Protestant princes were to restore the
despoiled cloisters and other spiritualities "ohne alle Mittel u. zum forderlichsten."
" Es haben aber der Churf. v. Sachsen u. seine Mitverwandten obgemeldt solchen un-
sern gnadigen Abschied nicht annehmen wollen, sondern abgeschlagen, und darauf zum
Theil von hinnen verriickt." Next about the Confessio Tetrapolitana. Since the four
cities of the empire "im Glauben sich von —
der gemeinen Christeuheit abgesondert,
und die schwere Irrsal wider das hochwiirdige Sacrament, dergleichen der Bildstiirmung
u. anderer Sachen unterzogen, so haben wir — —
darauf ein Gegenbericht in dem Evan-
gelio u. heil. Schrift gegriindet, thun verfassen, den wir ihnen offentlich haben fiirle- —
sen, sie darauf gniidiglich erinnern —
lassen, dieweil sie ob solcher unser Confutation
—
ihren Irrsal kliirlich vermerkten, dass sie von demselben grausamlichen Irrthum ab-
stiinden." The copj' of the Confutation asked for by the cities had indeed been refused ;
but yet the repetition of the public reading of it had been enjoined, and the demand re-
powers, it might have been inferred that these threats could hard-
ly he carried into execution,^'' yet the Protestants saw the neces-
sity of putting themselves into a condition for defense. The
doubts previously entertained as to the lawfulness of a league of
defense against the Emperor were set aside.^^ At a congress in
newed, "dass solchem unsern Begehren nachmals Statt thun wollten: dann wo
sie
solche christenliche Ermahnung u. Erinneruiig bey ihnen nicht statthaben woUte, so —
kiinnten dieselbe vier Stiidt gedenken, dass Wir verursacht werden, uns in den Sachen
zu erzeigen und zu verhalten, wie Uns als romischem christl. Kaiser, obersten Voigt u.
Schirmhern der h. christl. Kirclien von Amts wegen unserm Gewissen nach gebuhrt, wie
vormals in der Confutation gemelt ist. Aber auf soldi und dergleichen unser gnadigst
Erinnern u. Begehren seind die Gesandten der beriihrten vier Stiidte auf ihrer Mej-nung
bestanden." On the other hand, the Emperor and the other estates had united in re-
maining bj- the old faith, and rejecting all the errors and novelties that had pressed in.
As examples of such were alleged the doctrines, that in the sacrament of the altar the
bod}' and blood of Christ were not essentially, but in figure, present ; that every one is
bound to receive it under both forms ; that the mass is blasphemy toward God further ;
changes in the mass, and abolition of feasts and fast-days rejection of infant baptism, ;
which others also allow to be performed by laymen despising confirmation and extreme
;
unction ; destruction of images the doctrine that there is no free-will, but that all is
;
by necessitj' ; that there should be no magistrates among Christians that mere faith ;
saves, without love and good works ; demolition of cloisters, churches, and altars ; ab-
olition of ceremonies doing aAvay of preaching in the Mendicants' cloisters persons
;
;
compelled bj' magistrates and lords to hear, not the old, but the new preachers confis- ;
cation of ecclesiastical possessions arbitrary' procedures about the cloisters ; dismission

;
and institution of preachers, and abolition of the jurisdiction of bishops. It is plain that
this confused mixture, in which the proper views of the Protestants are placed along-
side of errors which thej' vehementlj-- opposed, would naturallj' arouse their indig,
nation.
^' In the last general assembly of the princes, Sept. 23, the Elector Joachim, in the
name of the Emperor and the Catholic estates, did, in fact, deliver a menacing address
(Brilck, s. 190 ; compare Fiirstemann's Archiv, ii. 607), in which the Protestant doctrine
is declared outright to be heretical and fully refuted ; and then followed the menace,
that if the Protestant estates would not accept the decree, the Catholic "sich zu Kais.
Maj. als gehprsame Fursten des Reichs vorpflicht, ihre Leib u. Gut u. alles Vormugen
darzusetzen, damit dieser Sachen geholfen mocht werden, wie dann audi Kais. Maj. ihn-
en hinwieder trostliche Zusagung getlian, all ihr Vormugen darzusetzen, Kcinigreich u.
Lande, auch aus dem heil. Reich nit zu ziehen, bis dieser Handel zum Ende bracht
wurde," etc. and there is no manner of doubt that this threat, avowed in the presence
:
of-all the Catholic princes, as Joachim afterward declared (Briick, s. 205), was determ-
ined upon bj' all the Catholic estates and yet Mayence, Treves, the Palatinate, Duko
;
George of Brunswick, and Louis of Bavaria, hastened at once to assure the Elector that
this by no means expressed their sentiments, and that they were verj- far from intending
a war of aggression (Briick, s. 208 ff. Spalatin, s. 198).
;
^^ Opinion of the jurists of Wittenberg, Walch, x. 656 When a judge goes on with
:
a process, after an appeal has been taken, he maj-^ be resisted by force. So, too, with
one who decides beyond the bounds of his jurisdiction, and bej'ond his judicial powers.
Hence, in such a case, the same holds good of the Emperor. The Opinion of the theo-
logians rests on that of the jurists (ibid., s. 660 ff.) "weil das Evangelium bestatiget
:
weltliche leibliche Regimente, so soil sich ein jeglicher Fiirst gegen seinen Herrn oder
Kaiser halten vermoge derselbigen naturlicheii und weltlichen Regimente und Ordnun-
gen," about which the jurists are just the persons to be heard. Against unjust violence,
even when it proceeds from the Emperor, the rulers themselves are bound to protect
;
Smalcald, to which were also admitted the four cities that held
to the Zwinglian views, a protest was adopted against the purpose
of the Emperor to have his brother Ferdinand chosen King of
Rome the Emperor was petitioned to prevent the ordinances for
;
restitution by the imperial exchequer and the highest court of

judicature and it was determined to send a written justification
;
of their positions to the other Christian kings.^'^ At a new assem-

blage, March 29, 1531, the Smalcald League for six years was
formed for mutual defense.'*" The League was still further
strengthened by an alliance at Saalfeld, Oct. 24, 1531, with the
dukes of Bavaria, in opposition to the election of Ferdinand as
King of Rome ;*^ and also in union with Bavaria, at the cloister
Scheyern, May 26, 1532, by forming another treaty with France^^
and with Denmark."
Under these circumstances the Emperor did not dare to carry
into execution the threats of the final decree of Augsburg. The
necessity of rest and peace became, however, still more imperative
in consequence of the irruption of Soliman, in the spring of 1532,
into Hungary and Austria with an immense armament.** The
electors of Mayence and of the Palatinate undertook to mediate
negotiations were set on foot at Schweinfurt, and afterward at
Nuremberg.*^ The confederates of the Smalcald League at length
assented to Luther's proposal to restrict the peace to those who at
their subjects. Compare Luther's Letters to WencesL Link, 15th Jan., 1531, in de Wette,
iv. 212,and to Laz. Spengler, 15th Febr., 1531, ibid., s. 221.
" Abschied des ersten Convents zu Schmalcalden v. 31 Dec. 1530 in Hortledcr v. d.
Ursachen des Deutschen Kreigs, Th. 1, Buch 8, cap. 7. Walch, xvi. 2143. Protestation
gegen die Wahl Ferdinands v. 24 Dec. in Sleidanus, lib. vii., ed. Am Ende, p. 442. In
spite of this, Ferdinand was chosen bj- the Catholic electoral princes in Cologne, and
crowned in Aix-la-Chapelle, Jan., 1531, in plain violation of the Golden Bull, and
of the imperial capitulation about elections see Rommel's Philipp d. Grossmiithige,
;
i. 280.
^^ Documents in Hortleder, Walch, xvi. 2170. The first confederates were
i. 8, 8.
tlie Elector John, the Dukes and Franz, of Brunswick-Liineburg, Land-
Philip, Ernst,
grave Philip of Hesse, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, Counts Gebhardt and Albrecht, of
Mansfeld, and the cities of Strasburg, Ulm, Constance, Reutlingen, Memmingen, Lindau,
Biberach, Issni, Liibeck, Magdeburg, and Bremen. Rommel, i. 29G ii. 269. ;
*' Stumpf's Baierns polit. Geschichte, i. 59. Urkundenbuch zu derselben, i. IG, v.

Bucholtz's Gesch. der Regierung Ferdinands I., Bd. iv. (Wien, 1833), s. 151.
*2 Memoires et Negociations de Guill. du Bellaj' (translates en Fran(;ais par I'abbe
CI. Fr. Lambert. Paris, 1753, 7 voll. in 12), liv. iv. Stumpf, i. 93. Urkundenbuch, i.
28. Rommel, i. 288 ; ii. 259.
" Rommel, 286 ii. 257. Stumpf, i. 92, 97.
i. ;
** Raumer's Gesch. Europa's seit dem Eude des funfzehnten Jahrh. i. 433.
« Walch, xvi. 2183. Rommel, i. 299; ii. 272.
that time confessed the principles of the Reformation ;*^ and thus
the Religious Peace of Nuremberg was brought about, July 23,
1532. This provided that religious matters should remain in the
same state in which they then were, until they could be settled
by a council or a new diet.*^ It is true that only an imperfect'
state of peace was thus attained yet a period of quiet develop- ;
*^ Luther's Judgment on the question, whether it should be insisted upon that those
should also be included in the peace who should in future confess the Augsburg Con-
fession in de Wette, iv. 369, 372, 380.
;
His letter of June 29 to the Elector, s. 382 ; to
the electoral prince, s. 384. He remarks, in opposition, s. 372: "Wir willigen hiemit
nicht, dass den Andern das Evangelium soil verboten oder gewehret werden, sondern
suchen einen zeitlichen Frieden fur uns, sollen u. kounen auch mit Recht nicht audere
Oberkeit zwingen, dass sie die Ihren sichern sollten unsers Gefallens. Wenn wir nu —
mit freundlichem Suchen u. Vermahnen nicht konnen erhalten, dass der Kaiser die
Seinen sichern soil, so konnen wir nicht mehr thun, u. sind eutschuldigt. Zum vierten, —
so ist ja ein jeder Christ schuldig, das Evangelium auf eigen Falir zu gliiuben u. zu be-
—
kennen. Zum funften, quod tibi non vis fieri, alteri ne feceris Nu wollte keine Ober- : —
keit dieses Theils, dass andere Nebenfursten sie zwingen sollten, mit ihren Untertha-
nen zu machen was sie wollten." To the elector, s. 382: "Furwahr, wo Kaiserl. Maj.
solche Artikel bewilliget, wie wir sie itzt —veriiudert ; so hat seine Kaiserl. Maj. gnug
gethan, u. wird hinfiirder beyde Schuld u. Unglimpf unser seyn. Denu Gott grusset
uns griildiglich danken wir ihm nicht, so werden wir uns hochlich versiindigen, dazu
;
auch kein Gliick haben. Demnach bitte ich E. K. F. G. allerunterthanigst, E. K. F. G.

wollten mit Ernst einen guten, harten Brief hinaus den Unsern schreiben, u. treulich
vermahnen, sie wollten doch auch ansehen, wie viel u. giiildig die Kais. Maj. uns nach-
gibt, u. s. w."
*' In Hortleder, i. 1, 10. Walch, xvi. 2210. In this are omitted the previous demands
of the Catholic partj- (s. 2185), that beyond the Augsburg Confession there should be no
further innovations, and that the Protestants should not stand bj- the Zwinglians and
Anabaptists. The Protestant demand, that the peace should also extend to their future
allies in the faith, was, in fact, completely set aside by the explicit enumeration of the
estates comprised in this peace. Besides the general statements about the peace, and
the obligation of the Protestants to aid against the Turks, the following article is the
only one of importance "Dazu hat die Rom. Kais. Maj. zu mehrer u. bestiindiger Er-
:
haltung solches obgemeldten gemeinen Friedens gniidiglich bewilliget u. zugesagt, dass

Ihre Maj. alle Rechtfertigungen in Sachen den Glauben belangend, so durch Ihre Maj.
Fiscal, u. audere wider den Churfiirsten zu Sachsen ix. ihre Zugewandten angefangen
worden, oder noch angefangen werden mochten, einstellen wolle bis zu nachstkiinfti-
gem Concilio, oder so das Concilium nicht gehalten, durch die Stiinde in andere Wege
darein gesehen werden." Against Rommel, i. 311, it is to be noted that this assurance
is also adopted, word for word, in the imperial confirmation of the peace, Aug. 2 (Walch,
xvi. 2238) it did not belong in the mandate of Aug. 3, since this only prescribes to the
;
estates what they are requireddo in consequence of the peace. The Landgrave Philip
to
would from the demand to include the future confessors of
not, for a long time, recede
the Reformation (Rommel, i. 305 ii. 274 iii. 45 f. ;and the Judgment of the Hessian
; ;
divines, in Neudecker's Urkunden, s. 199), and found also other objections to the treaty.
Thus he justly thought that the assurance, as given above, was too indefinitelj' express-
ed, and would have preferred to have said, " dass in Sachen, den Glauben und Religion,
u. was daraus fleusst, u. dem anhangt, belangend, mit alien gerichtlichen Processen,
Execution, u. Handlungen, so von dem Kaiserlichen Fiscal oder auf jemands Anhalten
furgenommen seyn oder werden mochten, stillgestanden werden musse" (Schmidt's Ge-
sch. d. Deutschen, xii. 51). Consequently he did not at once accept the peace, but sub-
mitted to it Aug. 13 (Rommel, i. 311 ; ii. 276).
CHAP. I.— SWISS KEFORMATION. § 6. 1526. 155
merit was again insured to the Reformation. The enhancement

of the moral power of the Smalcald confederates was also a no less
valuable result of this peace ; for the concessions thus made to
them, after such definite threats, would necessarily heighten their
own self-reliance and the respect felt for them by others.''^ Im-
mediately after the conclusion of this peace occurred the death of
the Elector John the Steadfast, Aug. 16, 1532 ; he was succeeded
by his son, John Frederick.
§ 6.
THE SWISS REFORMATION TO THE SECOND PEACE, IN NOVEMBER, 1531.
Job. von Miiller and Robert Glutz Blotzheim's Geschichten Schweizerischer Eiclgenos-
senschaft, continued by J. J. Hettinger, Bd. vii. Zurich, 1829. [Other works ; see
above, p. 11, 12.]
When Ziirich came to a decisive separation from the Roman

Church almost all the other confederates seemed ready to unite
in forcing it to recede from its innovations; but the views and
aims of the several cantons were so different that they could not
work together with earnestness. The decrees of the Diet of Lu-
cerne, Jan. 28, 1525,^were intended to remedy the universally-
acknowledged defects in church government and discipline, and
*^ This peace has been frequently blamed without sufficienth' considering that the
previous condition of the Smalcald leaguers was verj- oppressive, as, in their uncertain-
tj' about the future, they must always be prepared for war; and then, too, there were
so many who took part in it that unbroken union was not

to be expected (Luther to the
electoral prince, Febr. 12, in de Wette, iv. 338 " Zudem
sehen auch jetzt E. F. G., wie
:
feste u. gewiss die Stiidte u. Verbundniss halten, dass es nichts anders ist, denn priich-
tige Gedanken u. kostliche Anschliige, welche fast trostlich scheinen, well keine Noth
vorhanden ist; aber wenn es zum TrefFen komt, so wird es alles zu Wasser, und ist nie-
mand daheimen so sindt sich denn kein Burger noch Stadt, die um eines Fursteu wil-
;
len sein Leib u. Gut wagen will") and, besides, the Emperor could not concede anj*
;
thing more without alienating his truest adherents. King Ferdinand said he would not
rest until the Lutheran sect was abolished, " even if he were to go a begging" (Secken-
dorf, iii. 27) and he gave a report as early as March, with tears, to the papal legates,
;
about the secret negotiations for peace that were going on (Pallavicini, Hist. Cone. Tri-
dent, iii. 9, 5). The Elector Joachim of Brandenburg said he would "rather lose land
and people, die and rot," than consent to peace with the evangelicals (Seckendoi*f, ubi
supra). The papal embassadors, as soon as the}- heard of the negotiations for peace,
insisted (Pallavicini, 1. c. § 6) haereticis inducias quovis modo laxari, idem esse ac
:
opportunitatem iis largiri suae potentiae confirmandae, qua magis insuperabiles redde-
rentur. Even France and Bavaria represented to the Pope that such a peace would be
disgraceful (Pallavicini, 1. c. § 7), which is also a proof of what the Protestants might
expect from these allies as soon as the political circumstances changed.
* See these in BuUinger, i. 213 ; extracts in Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 159.
:
15G FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
thus to satisfy the longing for a reformation without rending the

Church. But they did not go into effect ; to some they seemed
too insignificant, to others too presumptuous ; thus the discussions
about them only served to bring out in bold relief the internal di-
vision between the zealous Catholic cantons and those that were
wavering.^ In proportion as the former held fast to the old order
of things, avowed their hatred of Zurich, and ende6,vored, in their
domain, to extirpate with fire and sword all the seeds of the Ref-
ormation ; in the same degree were the latter repelled by them,
and made more inclined to the side of the Reformation, for they
felt deeply the necessity of ecclesiastical reforms, while at the
same time they were unwilling to have domestic peace disturbed
by them.^ The Catholic cantons now acceded to the proposal of
Dr. Eck to demolish the innovations by a disputation,* and, after
long conferences, brought this about at Baden, May 19, 1526.^
Zwingle himself could not appear there without endangering his
life f in his stead Oecolampadius took the lead of the Reformed
= Bullinger, Salat (in Muller-Hottinger, vii. IGl)
i. 223. "Also zerfielend die Ort :
der Artiklen machtend viel besondres wenn dass die Zuricber merktend, wurden
lialb, ;
sie stolz und handfest in ihrem Furnemmen," etc.

^ Bern endeavored, bj* an embassy, Nov. 29, 1525, to induce Zurich to restore the
mass for the sake of peace (see Bullinger, i. 298) " So fern man denn die Mess wieder-
:
um anniihme, werde man uf die Bilder u. andere Ceremonien wenig setzen. Oder dass
Zurich joch um so viel wiche, dass sie ein Mess des Tags in ihr Stadt halten lassend."
Zurich lehnte den Antrag ab, see ibid. But now that the strict Catholic cantons pressed,
in Berne, for the exclusion of Zurich from the sessions, Berne published a public decla-
ration, Jan. 31, 1536 (Fiissli, ii. 302), that, though its mediation had been fruitless, it
would not separate either from Zurich or the other confederates, but would truly hold
to the league it had sworn to keep. Claudius May, in Berne, wrote, Dec. 19, 1525, to
Zwingle (Zwinglii 0pp., vii. 1, 451) Auspicia bona. Certum habeo, Vestros dominos,
:
qui hie fuerunt, nostros ingenuos socios esse, et candide quoque dimissos, id quod Vobis
referent. Viderunt voluntatem, qua in civitatem honestam Tigurinam affecti suraus cum
spe, amicitiam inter nos in dies auctum iri. Vestri legati facile cognitum habent, qua
mente major pars apud nos adhuc sit.
* Eck had already offered to do this in a letter to the diet, Aug. 13, 1524, which Zwin-
gle at once published with a replj- see Zwingli's Werke, ii. ii. 399, where the furthei*
;
correspondence is also given. Cf. Bullinger, i. 331.

* The invitation came, March 23, from a diet in Lucerne Bullinger, i. 337 Muller-
; ;
Hottinger, vii. 80 ; the letter of invitation to the Bishop of Constance, see in Kapp's
Nachlese, iii. 352.
6 His brother-in-law, Leonhard Tremp, member of the great council, warned him, at
the end of March (Zwinglii 0pp., vii. 483): "Hiitet euch bey Leib u. Leben, dass ihr
nicht gen Baden komniet denn es wurde an euch kein Gleit nicht gehalten. Und
!
das weiss ich darum so hiitet Euch der Murner, der Biikersbub, ist zu Luzern ofFent-
;
!
lich an die Kanzel gestanden, u. hat mit lauter Stimm u. aufgehabtem Arm geredet
Zwingli, ich sag dir ab an Leib u. an Gut u. will dich unterrichten, dass du ein Ver-
;
fuhrer des armen Christenvolks bist, etc." Zwingle, on this account, refused the in-
vitation ; see Ein frundliche Geschrift an gmein Eidgenossen, 21st April (Zwingli's
CHAP. I— SWISS EEFORMATION. § 6. 1526. 157
theologians. In this Catholic region it seemed as though the nu-

merous Catholic party, appearing with great pomp, would dazzle
the eyes and intimidate the heart by its confident bearing; but
the quiet and firm rejoinder of Oecolampadius made a deep impres-
sion upon the wavering,'' and the result of the disputation, though
the Catholics boasted of victory, was decidedly favorable to the
Reformation. The Grrisons had not taken any part in the discus-
sion ; nor did it prevent them, in the summer of 1526, from grant-
ing entire religious freedom.^ This favorable issue was most ap-
parent in Berne. After the Reformed party, in the election of the
council, 23d April, 1527, had got the preponderance in the govern-
ment,^ the popular favor toward the Reformation was expressed
without restraint. The council appointed a new disputation at
Berne, for Jan. 6, 1528, which was numerously attended,^'' and
Werke, ii. ii. 424) the seven hostile places did indeed send to him a safe-conduct to
:
Zurich (see ibid., s. 409); Zwingle, in reply, again recounted the reasons why he could
not come to Baden, but declared himself verj- readj' to dispute in a safe place (ibid.,
s. 462).
' Protocols were written out by five Catholic scribes, which were afterward for a long
time kept back by the Catholic part3\ The first report appeared from the Reformed
side, from minutes made at home after each session by Thos. von Hoffen, citj' clerk of
Bern: " Wahrhaftige Handlung der Disputation in Obern Baden" (Strasburg, 1526);
this was attacked bj' the Catliolic partj^ as false (see Hottinger's Helvet. Kirchengesch.,
iii. 328). Thomas HCibner next published
the protocol made by Ilans Huber, clerk at
Lucerne, after comparison with the other four " Die Disputacion vor den XII. Orten
:
—
einer lobl. Eidgenossenschaft von wegen der Einigkeit in christl. Glauben beschc- —
hen, —und zu Baden —gehalten.
Luzern, 1527. 4." (Comp. Veesenmeyer's Beytriige
zur Gesch. der Literatur u. Reformation. Ulm, 1792, s. 68.) The four other protocols
are now in Zurich a comparison of them proves that this edition is correct (Miiller-
;
Ilottinger, vii. 84). Murner also published a Latin edition Causa Helvetica ortho- :
doxae fidei. Disputatio Helvetiorum in Baden superiori, etc. Lucernae, 1528. 4. (See
Altdorfisches Literar. Museum, i. 542.) On the disputation, see Bullinger, i. 348 Le- ;
bensgesch. Oecolampads von S. Hess, s. 181 Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 83. Two satirical
;
poems on this conference against Eck and Faber, one b}' Manuel see in Niclaus Man- ;
uel von Griineisen, s. 408, comp. s. 216; Bullinger, i. 357.

8 Conference at Ilantz, Jan. 1526. Bullinger, i. 315. The acts drawn up b}' Seb.
Hofmeister, in Fussli, i. 337 Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 148. In summer religious freedom
;
was decreed the decrees in P. D. R. de Porta Hist. Reformationis Ecclesiarum Ehaeti-

;
carum (Tomi ii. Curiae Raetorum et Lindaviae, 1772-75. 4.), i. i. 146.

;
' Note 99. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 102. Bertold Haller oder die Reformation
Cf. § 2,
von Bern, by Melch. Kirchhofer, Zurich, 1828, s. 88. The previous council, on Whit-
suntide Mondaj', 1526, had promised the seven cantons (see in Miiller-Hottinger, vii.
456 comp. Bullinger, i. 361) to remain by the old faith, and to abolish the article, " ein
;
jeden im Glauben zu lassen, so ihn gut dunkt." The preaching of the Gospel was at
once made free (Mandat in Bullinger, i. 390).
" Handlung oder Acta gehaltener Disputation zu Bern im Uechtland. Ziirich, Apr.,
1528, in 8. and 4. Reprinted in Strasburg, 1528. 4. Bern, 1608. 4. Extracts from these
;
acts in Zwingle's Works by Schuler u. Schulthess, ii. i. 70. A short account is given by
one who was present —Martin Bucer praef. Commentarii <n Joannem (reprinted in Scul-
:
issued in such a decisive victory for the Reformation that it was

at once introduced by the authorities.^' This change on the part
of the powerful Berne decided the cantons that had until now been
wavering. which followed was more violent in
The revolution
proportion to the unwilling delay which had been imposed upon
the majority inclined to the Reformation by the political relations
of the government. St, Gall signalized its change by banishing
the obstinate opponents of the Reformation, and by its severe treat-

ment of the steadfast Catholic nuns.^^ In Basle the struggle was
renewed, on the part of the Reformers, with great zeal ;'^ until at
teti Annales Evang. renovati ann. 1528). That the Catholics themselves acknowledged
their defeat is shown by a letter of Jacobus Monasteriensis, a priest of Solothurn, to
Sigismund de Trudone, canon in Mayence, dated Jan. 29 (Scultetus 1. c.) Effecerant :
quidem fidi nobis servatores Bernae, et ii certe, apud quos hactenus summa rerum fuit,
ut et Episcopi, quibus est Ecclesiae in illorum ditione jurisdictio, additis etiam minis,
ad suam disputationem vocarentur, sed nulla alia spe, quam ut eruditos illi adducerent,
qui haereticos confutarent. Sed quid ? nemo illorum vel ipse venit, vel eruditos misit.
— Venit post aliquot dies Augustinianus quidem frater, Provincialem salutabant, ac
Traegerinum dicebant, sed loquentiae aliquid, eruditionis ac eloquentiae nihil in eo de-
prehensum est. Ubi enim scripturae exigebantur, maluit abire, quam disputare. Cla- —
niosior alius, sed nequaquam doctior Dominicaster per dies aliquot strepuit ex scriptu-
ris, sed quam feliciter, hinc conjice. Probaturus Pontificem quoque esse caput Eccle-
siae, adduxit id a Petro eum accepisse, qui ideo fuisset a Domino vocatus Cephas, caput
sic enim se legisse ajebat in Vocabulariis. Vide, quales habeamus propugnatores et :
adhuc miramur, vulgo nos contemni, et passim multos a nobis deficere ? Sed Praela- —
torum et Capituli Bernensium audi constantiam. Cum, uno aut altero excepto, nemo
eorum non agnosceret blasphemos illos haereticorum articulos, omnibus tamen subscrip-
serunt singuli, idquc in capitulo congregati tantum quod indoctae bestiae nihil possent
:
haereticis objicere. Si cordati fuissent, vel mediocri dexteritate praediti, ita valebat
adhuc annum usque potuissent disputationem
factio nostra Bernae, si nihil aliud, ut in
extrahere. Sed nos poenas dare contemptarum literarum, et neglectus studio-
sic decet
rum. Horum vero insanum consilium sequuti sunt in ditione Bernatium monachi et
sacrifici. —
tempora, o mores, o nostram socordiam Quam facile potuisset hoc ma-
!
lum caveri, si studiosorum quam scortorum nostri Episcopi amantiores essent Quid !
—
nunc faciant alii ? Senatum quoque Basiliensem scis metu plebis suae, quam incantat
Oecolampadius non tam eruditione quam hj-pocrisi sua, nihil posse. Idem paulo post
usu veniet et aliis. Unum equidem timeo, paulo post Helvetios aeque Pontificis excus-
suros jugum, atque excusserunt jam pridem Caesaris. Et utinam Constantia et aliquot
urbes Imperii non sequantur exemplum !— Comp. BuUinger, i. 395 Midler-Hottinger, ;
vii. 105 Bertold Haller v. Kirchhofer, s. 99.

;
" BuUinger, i. 437. As early as Febr. 7 appeared in print, " Gemein Reformation
u. Verbesserung der bisher gebrouchten u. verwilndten Gotsdiensten u. Ceremonien, die
nabent dem Wort Gottes durch menschlich Gutdunken nach u. nach ingepflanzet, u.
durch des Bapstthums Huffen trozlich gehandhabet, aber dieser Zyt uss Gnaden Gottes
u. Bericht sj-ns heil. Worts durch Schultheiss, klein u. gross Rath der Stadt Bern im
Uechtland usgerutet sind," in BuUinger, i. 440 Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 116; Kirchhofer,
;
s. 125.
12 Cf.
§ 2, Note 112, V. Arx Gesch. v. St. Gallen, ii. 529; Hartmann's Gesch. v. St.
Gallen, s. 308 ; Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 119.

'5 Cf. § 2, Note 110 ; BuUinger, ii. 35 ; Och's Geschichte von Basel, v. 607 ; Miiller-
Hottinger, vii. 122.
;
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 6. 1529. I59
length, Feb. 9, 1529, with arms in their hands, they compelled the
Catholic members of the government to resign, and commenced
the general introduction of the Reformation by the destruction of
images and pictures.''* Divine worship was at once estabUshed
in the new order ;'^ was filled with new
the theological faculty
teachers ; and the
were abolished. In Glarus the numer-
cloisters
ous adherents of the Reformation began with violent measures
immediately after the conference at Berne these were opposed ;
by equal violence from the other side civil war was imminent ;
but by a treaty (April 25, 1529), as previously in Appenzell, it

was left free to every parish to decide for or against the Reforma-
tion.'*'
Now that the imbittered Catholic cantons renounced the league

with their evangelical confederates,'^ the latter were forced to plan
the means of defense. For this purpose Ziirich and Constance
made an alliance, 25th Dec, 1527, under the name Burgher
Rights ;'^^ Berne and St. Gall joined it in 1528; and in 1529,
Biel, Muhlhausen, and Basle. '^ The most zealous of the Catholic
cantons. Lucerne, Zug, Schwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden, aroused a
revolt of the Bernese upper lands against the Reformation and ;
Unterwalden even aided it."** As this attempt was fruitless, the

revolt being at once suppressed, those five cantons entered into
negotiations with Austria, till now regarded as a hereditary foe,
and concluded with King Ferdinand a league, April, 1529, for the
maintenance of the old faith."'
The common lordships, that is, those belonging to several can-
tons, furnished uninterrupted occasions for dispute ; for in these,
both of the religious parties, each supported by the cantons of its
'* On these occurrences, see Oecolampadii Ep. ad Capitonem, dd. 13. Febr., in Hot-
tinger Hist. Eccl., ix. 12.
1^ " Ordnung, so eine elirsame Stadt Basel den Iten Tag Aprilis in ihrer Stadt u.
Landschaft filrhin zu halten erkannt. Darin wie die verworfene Misbrauche mit wali-
ren Gottesdienst ersetzet, auch wie die Laster zu christlicher Tapferlceit untriiglich, Gott
zu Lob abgestellet u. gestraft warden soUen, begrifFen ist, als man zahlt 1529. 4. ;" in
BuUinger, ii. 82.
'6 Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 138.
" Already at tiie Diet of Lucerne, 18th .Julj-, 1526; see BuUinger, i. 362; Miiller-
Hottinger, vii. 1G5.
'8 BuUinger, i. 418. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 222; the document, s. 463.
1' BuUinger, ii. 8, 26, 46, 63. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 223 ff.
=" BuUinger, ii. 21. MuUer-Hottinger, vii. 180. Niclaus Manuel von Gruneisen.
Stuttg. u. Tubingen, 1837, s. Ill, 118 ff.
" BuUinger, ii. 48. MuUer-Hottinger, vii. 225, die Urkunde s., s. 469.
own faith, were often in violent contest.^^ This state of things

was worse than open war. To put an end to it, Ziirich, inspired
hy the fiery Zwingle,^^ declared war against the five cantons hy
which it had heen so often injured the occasion being the send- ;
ing of an armed force by Unterwalden into the free localities;^*

The armies were already face to face when a peace was made by
the mediation of the other cantons, which did not, indeed, corre-
spond with the wishes of Zwingle,^^ though it was very favorable
for Ziirich.^^ In consequence of it the Reformed party obtained
the preponderance, and Schafhausen came decidedly upon the
side of the Reformation, and joined the Christian Burgher Rights'
league, Oct. 25, 1529.2'
Ziirich tried to turn this state of things to advantage by estab-
lishing the Reformation, yet not without arbitrary measures, in
permanent security. In the common lordships, where the ma-
jority favored the Reform, it was now fully introduced by Zii-
S2 Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 199.

*^ Zwinglius ad Amicos Bernenses, dd. 30. Maj. (Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 244, in Zwin-
glli Vita, auct. Mj'conio, in the Archiv f. Kirchengesch. i. ii. 24) Quod hactenus ad :
vos scripsi, iterum atque iterum facie, ut constantes sitis, neque bellum metuatis. Nam
ista pax, quam quidam tantopere urgent, bellum est, non pax ; et bellum, cui nos insta-
mus, pax est, non belltim. Non enim sitimus cujusquam sanguinem, neque etiam per
tumultum hauriemus, sed in hoc sumus, ut oligarchiae nervi succidantur. Id nisi fiat,
neque Evangelii Veritas, neque illius ministri apud nos in tuto erunt. Nihil crudele
cogitamus : sed quicquid agimus, araicum et paternum est. Salvare cupimus quosdam,
qui per ignorantiam pereunt, servare libertatem satagimus. Vos igitur nolite tantopere
abhorrere a consiliis nostris. Mitiora sunt et aequiora, quam quidam apud vos dictitant.
Zwingle had previouslj' drawn up a plan for a campaign given in Escher's u. Hettin- ;
ger's Archiv f. schweizerische Gesch. u. Literatur, Bd. ii. Heft 2 (Zurich, 1830), s. 263.
He himself accompanied it armed see Bernh. Weiss, Beschreibung der Glaubensiinde-
;
rung, in Fiissli's Beytrage, iv. 102 " Mr. Conrad Schmidt war bestellt zu predigen im
:
Feld, dann man wellte Mr. Ulrich Zwinglin nicht in den Krieg lassen aber er wollt :
—
nicht bleiben, sondern sass auf ein Ross, und fiihrte cine hubsche Helparten auf den
Achslen."
=* Bullinger, ii. 155. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 247.
^5 See Zwingle's Gutachten an die Ziiricher Regierung fiber dasjenige, was von den 5
Orten zu fordem sej% 11th June, in Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 479. He insisted that the
five cantons should allow the free preaching of God's Word, renounce the pensions, and
paj' the costs of the war.

-^ Muller-Hottinger, vii. 270 see the document of the Saturday after John the Bap-
;
tist's Feast, 1529, in Bullinger, ii. 185, and in Escher's u. Hettinger's Archiv f. schweiz.
Gesch. u. Landeskunde, i. i. 78. An additional letter, 24th Sept., in Bullinger, ii. 212.
The chief conditions were, that the faith should be free (that is, each government to de-
cide about it), the league with King Ferdinand be abandoned, mutual calumnies avoid-
ed, and the costs of the war paid by the five cantons. Thereupon, in a general order,
Oct. 15 (ibid., s. 108), all calumnj' and abuse were forbidden, "with high and severe
penaltj' and disgrace."
" Bullinger, ii. 222. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 134 ff., 286.
CHAP. I.—SWISS REFORMATION. § 6. 1529. 161
rich.^ The newly-elected Abbot of St. Gall was not allowed by

Zurich and G-larus to come into possession, although the two oth-
er cantons that had the guardianship were in his favor ; and they
changed the ecclesiastical into a secular endowment.^^ Zwingle,
to whom the circumstances of the times had now given the lead
in Ziirich politics, sought to form alliances abroad against the peril
that threatened from the Emperor, who, having conquered his foes,
now seemed on the point of turning his forces against the Refor-
mation. Though the Conference of Marburg^" could not effect a
complete union with the German Protestants, yet it was the
means Landgrave
of forming a closer alUance of the Swiss with the
of Hesse and it also resulted in the attempts, which were, how-
;
ever, vain, to form leagues with Venice and France in opposition

to the Emperor.^^ Strasburg, repelled by the German Protest-
ants, joined the Christian Burgher Rights' league in January,*
1530.^^ The Landgrave of Hesse was also received into it,^^ at
least by Ziirich and Basle, July 30 and Nov. 16, 1530. On the
other hand, the Catholic cantons sent representatives to the Diet of
Augsburg and the distinguished reception given to their embassa-
;
dors by the Emperor, contrasted with the hostility which there

prevailed against the Reformed cantons,^^ was the occasion of all
sorts of reports about privy negotiations.^^ Among the Catholics
the hope of soon seeing the heresy brought to an end was visibly
rising, and showed itself in calumnies and abuse of the Reform-
ers.^^
Thus the previous state of fluctuation and uncertainty recurred

again. To put an end to it, Zwingle and Ziirich pressed their
='8
Bullinger, ii. 221, 240, 247. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 282.
" Bullinger, ii. 114, 144, 244. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 295.
3° See § 4, Note 37.
^' In Marburg there was also a private correspondence between' the Landgrave and
Zwingle, in which the names were given in cipher (Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 282). Let-
ters ofZwingle so written to the Landgrave are in Neudecker's Urkunden, s. 150 ff.
Rudolph Collin was sent to Venice see his own report on his audience bfefore the Doge,
;
Dec. 28, 1529, and Zwingle's remarks in Escher's u. Hottinger's Archiv f. schweiz.
Gesch. u. Landeskunde, i. ii. 273 ; Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 308. On the negotiations with
France, Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 311.
^^ Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 314. Documents in Escher's u. Hottinger's Archiv, i. iii. 419.
^^ Bullinger, ii. 289. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 318. Berne refused to take part; see
Niclaus Manuel, bj' Griineisen, s. 149.
= Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 317.
=5 Il)id., s. 336.
36 Bullinger, ii. 336.
VOL. IV. 11
confederates to war, as the only means of bringing matters to a

settled state. But the latter consented only to half measures that
;
is, denying to the five Catholic cantons the free purchase of the
necessaries of life." Forced by necessity, these cantons seized
their arms, and made an attack upon the territory of Zurich, un-
prepared for the contest.^® The army brought against them in
haste was defeated at Cappel, Oct. 11, 1531 ; and many distin-
guished Ziirichers, among them Zwingle, here found their death.

And though the armies of the allied Reformed cantons now came
to their aid, yet they were not united the forces of the powerful
;
Berne had no zeal. Ziirich, on the 16th Nov., and Berne, Nov.
24, 1531, were forced to conclude a humiliating peace. By this

treaty both confessions of faith were indeed recognized and se-
cured, but the Reformed cantons were obliged to pay indemnities,
to abolish their league, and to recognize the Abbot of St. Gall.^^
§ 7.
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN REFORMATION TO THE RECESS OF THE DIET

OF RATISBON, JULY 29, 1541.
Although was not to be expected that the Protestants, like

it
the Catholics, would unconditionally conform to the decision of a

council,^ yet the Emperor urgently entreated the Pope to summon
" Bullinger, ii. 362, 383. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 342.

^' On Cappel War, the chief sources are BuUinger's Reformationsgesch.,
this so-called
iii. IIG, and Aegid. Tschudi kurze Beschreibung der fiinf katholischen Orte Kriegs —
wider ihre Eidgenossen, reprinted in the Helvetia, Bd. ii. (Aaraii u. Bern, 1826), s. 165
u. 321. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 362 ff.
^' See the treaty with Ziirich, in Tschudi, in the Helvetia, ii. 245 Bullinger, iii. 247, ;
in Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 497, comp. s. 427 the peace with Berne, in the Helvetia, ii.
;
325; Bullinger, iii. 270. The style of the very first article was humiliating: "Zum
ersten soUent u. wollent wir, die von Zurich, unser getriiwe liebe Eidgenossen von den
V. Orten —by ihrem wahren, ungezwj-fHeten, christenlichen Glauben ganzlich unge- —
arguirt u. ungedisputirt blj'ben lassen. —
Hinwiederum so wollent wir, von den V. Orten,
unser Eidgenossen von Ziirich u. ihre eigne Mitverwandten by ihrem Glauben auch
blyben lassen." Almost verbally the same in the treaty with Berne.
'
Luther had maintained from the beginning that councils could err see Responsio :
ad Prierat., § 1, Note 22; and his declaration at Worms, § 1, Note 79. The Protestants,
in their appeals to a council, had alwaj-s demanded that it should be free, and decide
according to the Scriptures. The more incontrovertible the truth of their doctrine ap-
peared to them, the more might they expect it to be recognized by such a council. It
was then their dutj' to make use of this means, although thej' did not therebj- bind
themselves to submit to everj' decision of a council (cf. Luther De Captiv. Babjl., fol.
273, b. § 1, Note 61 neque Papa, neque Episcopus, neque alius
: hominum habet jus uni-
us sj'llabae constituendae super christianum hominem, nisi id fiat ejusdem consensu).
one ;
would thus have more facilities for coerc-
partly because he
ing the recusants and in part because it seemed as if, under pres-
;
ent circumstances, the long-desired reform of the Church in head

and members might be expected from a general council. But
Clement VII., to meet the danger that seemed to threaten him,^
proposed conditions which, it was apparent, the Protestants must
reject.'At the same time he again formed a closer alliance with
the King of France, to find in him support against the Emperor.*
In the mean time, the Smalcald leaguers, despite the peace of
Nuremberg, were disquieted by the courts in the matter of the
confiscated church property.^ New entanglements were immi-
nent. But a bold deed of the Landgrave Philip broke through
these difficulties, and heightened in no slight degree the power
and prestige of the league. For after he had for a long time
worked without success in the cause of the banished Duke Ulrich
Here belong the following declarations of Luther, in an Opinion given the middle of Sep-
tember, 1530 (in Coelestinus, iii. 78 b) Concilium est pennittendum jure, tanquam me-
:
dium humanum. Hoc necessario tenemur facere, et nisi facimus, peccamus et delin-
quimus. Scriptum est, dormientibus hominibus venit inimicus, et superseminavit zi-
zania, et cavendum
est, ne dormiamus, et sinamus crescere zizania, id quod insidiose
quaeritur. Opinion given April or Maj', 1532 (in de Wette, iv. 374) " Vom Concilium :
ist muglich etwas zu cavirn so ist ohn Zweifel giiugsam cavirt durch diese Wort Ein
; :
fre}' christlich Concilium. Sollen die Wort nicht helfen, so wird der Zusatz auch we-
nig helfen, nach dem reinen Gottes Wort, etc. Denn so die Nationes wider uns conclu-
dirn, werden sie gleichwohl den Ruhm haben wollen, dass sic nach dem reinen Gottes
Wort sprechen, etc."
^ u. Volker von Sud-Europa im 16ten u. 17ten Jahrh., ii. 114.
Ranke, Fiirsten
' In June, 1533, a papal and imperial embassador appeared in this matter before the
Elector of Saxony. The Artlculi handed over by the Nuncio to the Elector are in Raj--
nald., 1533, No. 8 ; Walch, xvi. 2263. The judgment of Luther and other divines is in
de Wette, iv. 454. The answer given bj^ all the confederates at a diet in Smalcald, June
30, in Walch, xvi. 2281. Thej' were offended bj' the papal conditions : that the council
should be held according to the usage of the Church " that those who might be in the
;
council should pledge and bind themselves to hold inviolable and obey the decrees of
said council ;" that it should be held in Mantua, Bononia, or Placentia, and not in Ger-
manj' and that all the rest should stand by the Pope against those who would not sub-
;
mit to the council.

* Ranke, ii. 118. According to Sarpi Hist, dn Concile de Trente, traduite par le Cou-
rayer, i. 122, the Pope persuaded the King of France, in their conference at Marseilles,
Oct., 1533, to work upon the Protestants by means of the Landgrave, so that the council
might be frustrated. According to the reports of embassadors it was then determined
to support the Landgrave in the conquest of Wurtemberg, so as to make disturbances in
German}' Ranke, ii. 121.
;
* This was owing to the indefiniteness of the terms in the Nuremberg peace, which
the Landgrave Philip had criticised at the first (see § 5, Note 47). The court maintained
that causae possessoriae and complaints for restitution did not come under " matters con-
cerning the faith;" see J. H. v. Harpprecht Staatsarchiv des Kais. u. h. R. R. Cammer-
gerichts (Ulm, 4 Theile, 1757-60. 4.), P. V. § 136-145 ; Appendix, no. 46-50.
;
164 FOUETH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
of Wiirtemberg,^ he at last succeeded, May, 1534, in breaking up

the Swabian league '^ aided by money from France,^ in May,
1534, he brought Wiirtemberg in a few weeks in subjection to its
old ruler.^ King Ferdinand, who had been in possession, was

obliged by the treaty of Cadan, June 29, 1534, to restore the land
to Duke Ulrich;^° the neighboring princes had been always op-
posed to this increase of Ferdinand's power, and he now needed
his forces elsewhere. Duke Ulrich at once introduced the long-
desired Reformation,^^ and thus increased the power of the Prot-
estants. In this treaty, too, Ferdinand was recognized by the
Protestants as King of Rome, while he, on the other hand, pledged
to them security against the claims of the supreme judicatories.^^
Contemporaneous with these events was the revival in Miinster
of the Anabaptist madness, in a degree surpassing all bounds ; a
tailor, John Bockhold, of Leyden, was elevated to be King of Zion.
Chiefly through aid of the Landgrave, promised by the treaty of
Cadan, Miinster was subdued, June 24, 1535.^^ The consequence
^ Rommel's Philipp der Grossmiithige, i. 323.
' Stumpfs Baierus polit. Gescliichte, i. 140 fF. Urkuudenbucli, s. 51. Rommel, i. 319
ii. 287.
^ Meeting of the Landgrave with the King at Bar le Due, in Jan., 1534 ; on the treaty-
there concluded, see Rommel, i. 335 ; ii. 298.

3 Rommel, i. 344 ff.
i» Rommel, i. 371. The treaty in Hortleder, i. 885. Walch, xvi. 2241.
"Ch. G. Zahn's Reformationsgesch. des Herzogth. Wiirtemberg (Tubingen, 1791),
s. 32. Ch. F. Schnurrer's Erliiuterungen der Wiirtemberg. Kirchen-, Reformations-, u.
Gelehrtengeschichte (Tiibingen, 1798), s. 88. Jul. Hartraaun's Gesch. d. Reformation
in Wurtemberg (Stuttgart, 1835), s. 33.
'- "Erstlich, dass der Friede u. Stillstand, zu Niirnberg jiingst aufgericht — in alle
Wege soil gehalten —werden. Und nachdem ein Missverstand darin vorgefallen, so hat
die Kon. Maj. gnadiglich bewilligt, dass Ihre Kon. Maj. von wegen Kais. Maj. verschaf-
fen wolle, dass mit den Processen am Kaiserl. Cammergericht, zu Erhaltung solches
Friedstands, wider die, so darin benannt sej'n, still gestanden, auch dass alle bisher
genommene Processe wirklich abgeschafft werden, alles uach Laut desselben aufgerich-
teten Friedenstandes."
" Reports of eye-witnesses on these troubles at Miinster: (1.) Wahrhaftige Historie,
wie das Evangelium zu Miinster angefangen, u. darnach durch die Wiedertaufer ver-
storet, wieder aufgehoret hat, durch Henricum Dorpium Monasteriensem (about him,
see Hamelmanni Opera Genealogico-historica de Westphalia, p. 1256), with a preface
by Bugenhagen, 1536. 4. ; reprinted in the second part of the Wittenberg edition of
Luther's German Works, s. 391 by Sleidanus, lib. x., and manj- other historians used as
;
the chief authority. (2.) Dietrich v. Hamburg glaubiger Anzeig von der Munsterischen
Aufruhr, Verstockuug, u. Jammer. 1535, 1 Bogen, 4. The author was imprisoned four-
teen weeks among the Anabaptists, and does not mention the capture of Miinster (see
Fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen, 1725, s. 719). (3.) There are ex-
tracts from the MS. report of an ej-e- witness in D. J. G. Liebknecht Disp. de fraternitate
Hortensium oder Gartenbrudern. Giessen, 1724. 4. (4.) Anton Corvinus (at that time
preacher in Witzenhausen) Acta, Handlungen, Legation, u, Schriften, so durch den
:;
CHAP. I.—GERMAN REFORMATIOISr. § 7. 1535. 165
was the suppression in that city of the Reforma-

of these disorders
tion, begun with good promise of success. But the general inter-
ests of Protestantism were not impaired for it was well under- ;
stood that they were entirely distinct from the cause of Anabap-
tism.
Clement YII. died Sept. 25, 1534. His successor, Paul IIL,
seemed to enter more readily into the proposal for the calling of a
council with this in view he began negotiations with the Prot-
;
estants, through his Nuncio, Peter Paul Vergerius. But since they
did not accede to his proposals,^* and as in 1536 a new war broke
Landgrafen v. Hessen in der Miinsterschen Sache geschehen, item Gesprach u. Dispu-

tatioa Antonii Corvini u. Johanns Kj-mei mit dem Miinsterschen Konig, ehe denn sic
gerechtfertigt worden sind, gehalten im Januar, 1536. Wittenberg, 1536 reprinted in ;
the Third Part of the Wittenberg edition of Luther's German Works, s. 363. Ejusd. lib.
De miserabili Monasteriensium Anabaptistaram Obsidione, Excidio, memorabilibus re-
bus tempore obsidionis in urbe gestis, Regis, Knipperdollingi, de Kreitingi confessione
et exitu reprinted in Schardii Scriptt. rer. Germ., ii. 314. (5.) Hermann v. Kerssen-
broick (who, when a boy, witnessed the events he was afterward rector in Hamm, ;
Miinster, Paderborn, and Werl) wrote first in hexameters Belli Monasteriensis contra
Anabaptistica Monstra gesti Descriptio. Colon., 1545. 8. (reprinted in Gerdesii Scrini-
um antiquarium, ii. 377 u. 569), and then the fullest history of these events Historia :
Belli Anabaptistarum Monasteriensis, 1568, for which he had to suffer much persecution
in Miinster. (See J. Konig's Geschichtl. Nachrichten iiber d. Gj'mnasium zu Munster.
Miinster, 1821, s. 155. The original MS. is in the cathedral librarj' in Miinster; it is
reprinted, with large omissions, amounting to more than three-fourths of the work, in
Menckenii Scriptt. rer. Germ., iii. 1503 ; a complete but inaccurate translation : Ge-
schichte der Wiedertaufer zu Munster in Westphalen, 1771. 4. ; a German abridgment
of the original Originalactenstiicke zur wahren u. vollstandigen Kenntniss der Miin-
:
sterischen WiedertJiufergeschichte. Frankf. a. M., 1808. 8.) By other contemporaries —

(1.) Conradi Heresbach (councilor in Cleve) Hist. Anabaptistica ad Erasmum, ed. Theod.
Strackius. Amstelod., 1G37. 8. (2.) Lamberti Hortensii (rector at Naerden, in Holland)
Tumultuum Anabaptisticorum lib. unus 1548 (in Schardii Scriptt. rer. Germ., ii. 298).
(3.) Herm. Hamelmanni (Generalsuperint. in Oldenburg, f 1595) Hist. Renati Evan-
gelii, deinde Schismatum Anabaptistarum exortorum in urbe Monasteriensi in his 0pp.
Genealogico-histor. de Westphalia et Saxonia, ed. "E. C. Wasserbach. Lemgov., 1711.

4., p. 1175. (4.) Gerhard v. Kleinsorgen (Cologne councilor in Werl, f 1591) Kirchen-
geschichte von Westphalen (published Munster, 1779-80, 3 Th. 8.), ii. 369.— The doc-
uments in Niesert's Bej'trage zu einem Miinsterschen Urkundenbuche, Miinster, 1823
and in his Mlinstersche Urkundensammlung, Bd. 1, Coesfeld,1826, und Appendix to Bd.
3. —
H. Jochmus Gesch. der Kirchenreformation zu Miinster u. ihres Untergangs durch
die Wiedertaufer. Munster, 1825. 8. J. Hast's Gesch. d. Wiedertaufer. Miinster, 1836,
s. 274.
'* The acts in Walch, xvi. 22D0 ; better, in different parts of 0pp. Mclanchthonis, ed.
Bretschneider, ii. 962, where was first published, in the Latin original, the negotiation
of the Legate with the Elector in Prague, p. 982, Vergerii Ep. ad Jo. Frider. p. 991, and
Principum Protest, ad Vergerium, dd. Smalcaldiae, 21. Dec, 1535, p. 1018. In the last
letter, by Melancthon, it is said Propter communem Ecclesiae salutem et emendationem
:
omnibus votis expetimus generalem, piam, Christianam, et liberam synodum. Quod —

vero ad locum attinet, de quo exposuisti, Mantuam placere Rom. Pontifici, confidimus,
invictiss. Imperatorem non discessurum esse ab iis deliberationibus conventuum Impe-
rii, in quibus jam judicatum est, expedirc, ut in Germania habeatur sj'nodus. Deinde —
out between the Emperor and France, ^^ the designs of the Pope ap-
peared very equivocal, when, June 2, 1536, he actually summoned
the council to meet in Mantua, May, 1537 ;^^ for, under these cir-
cumstances, it was plain that it could not he assembled.

In the mean time the Smalcald League had very much extended
itself. After some it decided (Dec, 1535)
hesitation the parties to
that they were not prevented by the Peace of Nuremberg from re-
ceiving new members.^^ They were at once joined by the Dukes
Ulrich of Wiirtemberg, Barnim and Phihp of Pomerania, the Count
Palatine, Rupert of Zweybriicken (Bipont), the Princes George
and Joachim of Anhalt, Count William of Nassau, and many cities.
After the Reformation had been generally accepted in Denmark,
1536, this kingdom also joined the league, being formally received
into it in 1538.
When the papal bull appeared, summoning the council, Luther
was deputed to write out articles^^ defining the doctrinal views of
opus est Ecclesiae libera synodo, et ad taleni nos provocavimus. At oratio tua negat,
mentionem faciendam esse de ordine et foi'ma cognitionis, eamque rem totam revocat
ad arbitrium Eom. Pontificis. Id non est liberam synodum promittere. Cum autem —
tot praejudiciis causani nostram Rom. Pontifex toties improbaverit, palam est adversa-
rius. Porro neque libera synodus neque legitima erit, si adversariis permittetur cogni-
tio et eamque ob causam flagitata et promissa est libera Synodus, h. e. in qua
judicium,
communi judicio Imperatoris, Regum, Potentatuum, Principum, ac Statuum deligantur
ex omnibus ordinibus homines idonei nonpartiales ad cognoscendas et dijudicandas has
controversias juxta verbum Dei. Primum enim synodi debent esse judicia non tantum
Pontificum, sed etiam reliquae Ecclesiae, sicut et sacrae literae et Vetera ecclesiastica
exempla docent, quae testantur, pios Principes interfuisse cognition! in sj-nodis. Est-
que impudentia et tj'rannis, Rom. Pontificis auctoritatem in judiciis dogmatum religio-
nis anteferre auctoritati universae Ecclesiae. Quare valere in synodis autoritas Regum,
Principum, Potentatuum, ac Statuum debet, praesertim in causis fidei, cum accusantur
Pontificum vitia et errores, videlicet impii cultus, prava dogmata cum Evangelio pug-
nantia.
^^ Eaumcr's Gesch. Europas seit dem Ende des funfzehnten Jahrh., i. 447.
'^ Bull Ad dominici gregis curam, in Raj-nald., lo3G, No. 35.
'' Sleidanus, lib. ix., in fine. Seckendorf, iii. 100. Rommel's Philipp d. G., i. 406 ;
ii. 369.
'® Luther and Melancthon were not in favor of rejecting the council (see the Opinion
in Melancbth. 0pp., ed. Bretschneider, iii. 121 and Luther's Judgment, Feb., 1537,
ss.,
in de Wette, v. 51). Hence this commission to draw up the articles. Luther wrote the
articles in German in Wittenberg, and sent them, subscribed by the theologians there
present (see Spalatin's Annalen, s. 397), to the Elector, Jan. 3, 1537 (see the letter in
de Wette, v. 45). The copy, written in Luther's own hand, is in the Heidelberg libra-
ry ; from it are taken the articles as published by Marheineke in the Berlin Programme
for the festival of the Reformation, 1817 : Articuli qui dicuntur Smalcaldici e Palatino
Codice MS. accurate editi et annotationibus criticis illustrati. The same are also in M.
Meurer's work, Der Tag zu Schmalkalden und die Schmalk. Artikel. Leipzig, 1837, s.
42. The copy subscribed by the theologians, and so made the original, is by Spalatin,
and preserved in the Weimar archives, Seckendorf, iii. 152. Especially worthy of note
the Protestants, in view of the possibihty of their being presented

to the council. These articles were adopted in an assembly of the
isthe Fourth Article of the Second Part, where the Protestant opinion respecting the
Pope and papac}- was first completely and clearly avowed: "Dass der Bapst nicht sey
jure divino oder aus Gottes Wort das Haupt der ganzen Christenheit (denn das gehoret
einem allein zu, der heisst Jesus Christus), sondem allein Bischof oder Pfarrer der
Kirchen zu Rom, und derjenigen, so sich williglich oder durch menschliche Creatur
(i. e.,civil authorities) zu ihm begehen haben, nicht unter ihm, als einem Herrn, son-
dem neben ihm als Bruder u. Gesellen, Christen zu sein, wie solches auch die alten
Concilia u. die Zeit St. Cypriani weisen. Jetzt aber thut kein Bischof den Bapst Bru-
der heissen, wie zu der Zeit, sondem mus ihn seinen allergnadigsten Herrn heissen,
wenns auch eia Konig oder Kaiser ware. Das wollen, soUen, u. konnen wir nicht auf
unser Gewissen nehmen wer es aber thun will, der thue es ohn uns. Hieraus folget,
;
dass alle dasjenige, so der Bapst aus solcher falscher, freveler, lasterlicher angemasster
Gewalt gethan u. furgenomnien hat, eitel teuffelisch Geschicht u. Geschiift gewest u.
noch sey (ohn was das leibliche Regiment belanget, darin Gott auch wol durch einen
Tyrannen u. Buben lasst einem Volk viel guts geschehen) zur Verderbung der ganzen
heiligen christlichen Kirchen (so viel an ihm gelegen) u. zu verstoren den ersten Haupt-
artikel von der Erlosung Jesu Christi. Denn da stehen alle seine Bullen u. Bucher,
darinnen er brullet, wie ein Lowe (als der Engel Apoc. 12 bildet), dass kein Christ kon-
—
ne selig werden, er sei denn ihm gehorsam (before, vol. ii., p. 351, § 59, Note aa). So es
doch offenbarlich ist, dass die heil. Kirche ohn Bapst gewest zum wenigsten iiber fiinf-
hundert Jahren, u. bis auf diesen Tag die griechische u. viel anderer Sprachen Kirchen
noch nie unter dem Bapst gewest u. noch nicht sind. So ists, wie oft gesagt, ein Men-
schengeticht, das nicht geboten, ohn Not u. vergeblich, denn die heilige christliche
Kirche ohn solch Hiiupt wol bleiben kann, u. wol besser blieben wiire. Und ist auch
das Bapstum kein Nutz in der Kirchen denn es iibet kein christlich Ampt, u. mus also
;
die Kirche bleiben u. bestehen ohn den Bapst. Und ich setze, dass der Bapst wollte
sich des begeben, dass er nicht jure divino oder aus Gottes Gebot der oberste wilrc, son-
dem damit die Einigkeit der Christenheit wider die Rotten u. Ketzerej' desto bass er-
halten wiirde, nivisste man ein Haupt habcn, daran sich die andern alle hielten. Solchs
Haupt wurde nun durch Menschen erwiihlt u. stunde in menschlicher Wahl u. Gewalt,
dasselbe Haupt zu iindern, zu entsetzen, wie zu Constanz das Concilium fast die Weise
hielt mit den Bapsten, setzten der drej' ab u. wilhleten den vierten. Ich setze nun (sage
ich), dass der Bapst und der Stuhl zu Eom solches begeben u. annehmen wollt, welches
doch unmiiglich ist denn er niusste sein ganz Regiment u. Stand lassen umbkehren u.
:
zerstoren mit alien seinen Rechten u. Buchern. Summa er kanns nicht thun. Den-
noch wiire damit der Christenheit nichts geholfen, u. wiirden viel mehr Rotten werden,
denn zuvor. Denn weil man solchem Hiiupt nicht miisste unterthan sein aus Gottes
Befehl, sondern aus menschlichem guten Willen, wiirde es gar leichtlich u. balde ver-
acht, zuletzt kein Glied behalten. Miisste auch nicht immerdar zu Rom oder anderm
Orte sein, sondern wo u. in welcher Kirchen Gott einen solchen Mann hiitte gegeben,
der tiichtig dazu ware. das wollt ein weitliiuftig wiist Wesen werden. Darumb kann
die Kirche nimmermehr bass regieret u. erhalten werden, denn dass wir alle unter einem
Hiiupt Christo leben, u. die Bischoffe alle gleich nach dem Ampt (ob sie wol ungloich
nach den Gaben) fleissig zusammenhalten in eintriichtiger Lehre, Glauben, Sacramen-
ten, Gebeten, u. Werken der Liebe, etc., wie St. Hieronymus schreibt, dass die Priester
zu Alexandria siimtlich u. in gemein die Kirchen regierten (Vol. 1, § 30, Not. 1 § 34,
;
Not. 2), wie die Apostel auch gethan, u. hernach alle Bischoffe in der ganzen Christen-
heit, bis der Bapst seinen Kopf iiber alle erhub. Dis Stiick zeiget gewaltiglich, dass er
der rechte Endechrist oder Widerchrist se)-, der sich fiber u. wider Christum gesezt n.
erhohet hat, weil er will die Christen nicht lassen selig sein ohn seine Gewalt, welche
doch nichts ist, von Gott nicht geordnet, noch geboten. Dass heisst eigentlich fiber
Gott u. wider Gott sich setzen, wie St. Paulus sagt. Solches thut dennocli der Turke
:
league at Smalcald, Feb., 1537 (the Smalcald Articles).^^ But

noch Tatter nicht, wie grosse Feinde sie der Christen siud, sondern lassen glauben an
Christum Aver da will, u. nehmen leiblichen Zins u. Gehorsam von den Christen. Aber
der Bapst will nicht lassen glauben, sondern spricht man soUe ihm gehorsam sein, so
:
werde man selig. Das woUen wir nicht thua oder druber sterben, in Gottes Namen.
Das kompt alles daher, dass er jure divino der oberste hat sollen heissen uber die christ-
liche Kirche. Darumb
hat er sich mussen Christo gleich u. iiber Christum setzen, sich
das Hiiupt, hernach einen Herrn der Kirchen, zuletzt auch der ganzen Welt u. schlecht
einen irdischen Gott (above, vol. iii., p. 64, Note 2 p. 329, Notes) riihmen lassen, bis
;
er auch den Engeln im Himmelreich zu gebieten sich unterstund (Comp. vol. iii.,
§ 118, Not. 10). Und wenn man unterscheidet des Bapsts Lehre von der heiligen
Schrift, oder sie dagegen stellet u. halt, so findt sichs, dass des Bapsts Lehre, wo sie am
allerbesten ist, so ist sie aus dem kaiserlichen heidnischen Recht genommen, u. lehret
weltliche Handel u. Gerichte, wie seine Decretales zeugen. Darnach lehret sie Cere-
monien von Kirchen, Kleidern, Speisen, Personen, u. des Kinderspiels, Larven, u. Nar-
renwerks ohn Masse. Aber in diesem alien gar nichts von Christo, Glauben, u. Gottes
Geboten. Zuletzt ists nichts, denn eitel Teufel, da er seine Liigen von Messen, Feg-
feuer, Klostei-ej', eigen Werk u. Gottesdienst (welches denn das rechte Bapstthum ist)
treibet, iiber u. wider Gott, verdampt, todtet u. plaget alle Christen, so solchen seinen
Greuel nicht iiber alles heben u. ehren. Darumb so wenig wir den Teufel selbs fiir einen
Herren oder Gott anbeten konnen, so wenig kcinnen wir auch seinen Apostel, den Bapst
Oder Endechrist, in seinem Regiment zum Hiiupt oder Herrn leiden. Denn Liigen u.
Mord, Leib u. Seel zu verderbeu ewiglich, das ist sein biipstlich Regiment eigentlich.
Wie ich dasselb in vielen Buchern beweiset habe.
" An verdammen haben im Concilio. Dann
diesen vier Artikeln werden sie genug zu
sie von der Artikel einem uns lassen konnen noch wollen.
nicht das geringste Gliedlein
Des mussen wir gewiss sein, u. uns erwiigen der Hoffuung, Christus unser Herr habe
seinen Widersacher angegriffen, u. werde nachdrucken, beide mit seinem Geist u. Zu-
kunft. Amen. Denn im Concilio werden wir nicht fiir dem Kaiser, oder weltlicher
Oberkeit (wie zu Augspurg), der ganz ein gnildiges Ausschreiben that u. in der Giite
liess die Sacheu verhoren, sondern fiir dem Bapst u. dem Teufel selbs werden wir da
stehen, der nichts gedenkt zu horen, sondern schlechts verdammen, morden, u. zur Ab-
gotterey zu zwingen. Darum miissen wir hie nicht seine Fiisse kiissen, oder sagen
ihr seyd mein gniidiger Herr sondern wie im Zacharia der Engel zum Teufel sprach
;
Strafe dich Gott, Satan." Melancthon subscribed the article in the following manner:
" Ich, Philippus Melanchthon, halte diese obgestalte Artikel auch fiir recht u. christ-
lich. Vora Papst aber halte ich, so er das Evangelium wollte zulassen, dass ihm urn
Friedens und gemeiner Einigkeit willen derjenigen Christen, so auch unter ihm sind u.
kunftig seyn mochten, seine Superioritiit iiber die Bischofe, die er sonst hat, jure huma-
no, auch von uns zuzulassen sey." Comp. his declarations in Augsburg, above, § 5,
Note 22. The Elector remarked upon it in his answer to Luther, 7th Jan., in Secken-
dorf, iii. 152 " So wir aus guter Meinung u. um Friedens willen, wie Mag. Philippus
:
vorgiebt, ihn einen Herrn bleiben lassen, der uber uns, unsere Bischoffe, Pfarrer u. Pre-
diger zu gebieten, setzten wir uns selber in die Fahr u. Beschwerung, weil er doch nicht
ruhen wiirde und seine Nachkommen, uns u. unser allerseits Nachkommen giinzlich zu
vertilgen u. auszurotten, welches wir doch, weil uns Gott davon befreyet u. erloset, gar
nicht bediirfen, soUte auch wohl mit unserer Klugheit (da wir einmahl von seiner Ba-
byl. Gefiingnuss durch Gott frey seyn worden, und uns wieder in solche Gefiihrlichkeit
begiiben, also Gott versuchten) von Gott iiber uns verhiinget werden, das sonsten ohne
alien Zweifel wohl bleiben wird."
'' They were subscribed by the theologians, that the)' might, in case of need, be at
once used in the council. In the mean time, it was found necessary to expound and
prove their position about the papal and episcopal authority in a treatise to be published
by itself, that they might thus justify their refusal of the council. This work was writ-
ten in Latin by Melancthon, and likewise subscribed bj' the theologians (see Melanc-
still this very assembly utterly rejected the invitation to the coun-
cil which was brought by the papal nuncio and the imperial vice-
chancellor, Held.^° This vice-chancellor, hostile to the Protestants

on other grounds, saw in this refusal a proof that the innovations
could be stayed only by the threat of violent measures accordingly ;
he began negotiations with the leading Catholic estates, and suc-

ceeded in bringing them into the Christian union, or the Holy
League,^^ Nuremberg, June 10, 1538. Two leagues now stood
in hostile array over against each other. Althougli they both de-
clared that they were formed solely for defense, yet so great was
their mutual mistrust that war was prevented only by a truce.""
Though the Smalcald leaguers had been disappointed in their
thon's Ep. ad Camerarium, 1st March, 1537, in Melanchtli. 0pp., cd. Bretschneider, iii.
291, and at the end of Camerarius de Vita Mel., ed. Strobel, p. 433) : its title is De Po-
testate et Primatu Papae Tractatus (in Bretschneider, iii. 271) it now forms the Ap-
;
pendix to the Smalcald Articles (of. M. J. Chr. Bertram's Gesch. des symbol. An-
hangs der Schmalkald. Artikel, edited by J. B. Riederer. Altdorf, 1770. 8.). The —
Smalcald Articles, in German, were first published by Luther, with a preface and im-
portant additions, and with changes in the expressions: "Ai-tikel so da hetten sollen
auffs Concilion zu Mantua, oder wo es wtirde sejn, iiberantwortet warden, von unsers
Theils wegen. Dr. Mart. Luther. Wittenberg, 1538. 4." The Latin translation of Pe-
trus Generanus was first issued at Wittenberg, 1541, in 8vo. The treatise of Melanc-
thon, De Primatu Papae, was first printed in Latin in a collection Defensio Conjugii :
Sacerdotum, etc. Argentorati, 1540. 8. in the German translation, by Veit Dietrich,

;
"Von des Bapsts Gewalt, item von der Bischofien Jurisdiction, gestellet durch Herrn
Phil. Melanchthon, u. verdeutschet durch Vitum Dietherich. Wittenb., 1541. 4. The —
Smalcald Articles have passed into the Concordia (the Lutheran sj'mbols) in German, :
after the first edition of Luther ; in Latin, not in the translation of Generanus, but in
the worse translation of Selnecker, made for this purpose. Melancthon's work, De Po-
testate et Primatu Papae, as an Appendix, is in the Concordia, in German, in the trans-
lation of Veit Dieterich, which was for a long time considered as the original in Latin, ;
it was given in the first and some later editions of the Concordia, after a translation from
Veit Dieterich's text, probably by Selnecker ; but in most of the editions, particularly
in the Rechenberg, it is given in the orighial text.
20 See the acts in Hortleder, Th. 1, Buch 1, cap. 25-29. Walch, xvi. 242G ff. Cf.
Sleidanus, lib. xi. ;Seckendorf, iii. 143. Bericht des Cornelius Ettenius iiber die Reise
des Legaten Vorstius, Bisch. v. Aix, in Raumer's Hist. Taschenbuchc f. 1839, s. 508 ff.
The refusal was speciallj- justified on the ground that the council was called against the
newl3'-arisen heresies and errors, yet that in the bull on the Reformation of the city and
the court of Rome, Sept. 23, 1536 (in German in Walch, xvi. 2322), the extirpation of
the Lutheran heresy was given outright as the object of the council, so that the Protest-
ants were alreadj' held as condemned before it met another reason was, that Mantua,
;
and not a German city, was the place selected.

2' The documents
in Hortleder, Th. i. Buch 8, cap. 14 and 15. Walch, xvii. 4. Those
that took part were the Emperor, King Ferdinand, the Elector of Maj-encc, the Abp. of
Salzburg, the dukes of Bavaria, who, after the treaty of Cadan, became the most vio-
lent foes of the Protestants, Duke George of Saxony, and Henrj- of Brunswick. Cf.
Stumpf's Baierns Polit. Geschichte, i. 207.
== Truce at Frankfort, April 19, 1539, for fifteen months ; see the documents in Hort-
leder, i. i. cap. 32;Walch, xvii. 896.
prospect of alliances with France and —

England with the former
by the personal influence of the Emperor with Francis I.,^^ and
with the latter by the theological obstinacy of Henry VIII. ;^* yet,
on the other hand, they now entered into friendly relations with
Switzerland. The four cities of the Oberland, although they had
for a long time been members of the league,^^ and had also, since
1532, subscribed the Augsburg Confession,^^ had still given occa-
sion to new discussions^'' by the doubts which weighed upon their
"^ Until then the King had sought an alliance with the Smalcald League, had feigned
to be zealous for the Reformation and agreement with the German Reformation in the
essential principles (on the negotiations of tlieFrench embassador, Bellay, at Smalcald,
see the documents in Melanchth. Opera, ed. Bretschneider, ii. 1009, 1023 cf. Secken- ;
dorf, iii. 104), and had even desired to have Melancthon come to him for a time see ;
Strobel Von Melanchthon's Ruf nach Frankreich u. seinem dahin geschichten Religions-
bedenken v. Jahr 1535. Niirnberg u. Altdorf, 1794. 8. Through the mediation of the
Pope a truce was effected in Nizza, June 18, 1538, for ten years, between the Emperor
and the King immediately afterward the two met in person at Aigues Mortes in con-
; ;
sequence of this the negotiations with the embassadors of the Smalcald confederates,
then present with the King, took such a turn that thej' were obliged to depart without
effecting any thing Seckendorf, iii. 178 sq.
;
^* Henry also had

(1535) projiosed an alliance and doctrinal union, and expressed a
wish to have Melancthon come to him (Mel. Opera, ed. Bretschneider, ii. 1028 Seck- ;
endorf, iii. 110). The theological discussions between him and the embassadors of the
league, sent to him in 1538, are in Burnet's Hist. Rcf. Anglicanae (ed. Genev., 168G fol.),
Pars i. Add. p. 152. Cf. Seckendorf, iii. 180.
-^ Bucer tried at that time to represent the dispute as a mere logomachj-, and made
in this sense proposals to Duke Ernest of Liineburg. On this Luther wrote to the lat-
ter, Feb. 1, 1531 (de Wette, iv. 219) " Dass aber M. Bucerus furgibt, es stehc der Hader
:
in Worten allein da woUte ich gerne umb sterben, wenn es so wiire :" yet Luther was
:
also inclined to peace; see his letter Ad M. Bucerum, dd. 22. Jan., 1531 (ibid., s. 217):
commendamus causam Deo, interim servantcs pacis istius qualiscunque et concordiae
eatenus firniatae, quod confitemur, corpus Domini vere adesse et exhiberi intus animae
fideli. — —
Et volo te mihi credere, hoc nostrum dissidium optare me compesci, etiamsi
vita mea ter esset impendenda, quia vidi, quam sit necessaria nobis vestra societas,
quanta tulerit et adhuc affert iucommoda Evangelio, ita ut certus sim, omnes portas
inferni, totum Papatum, totum Turcam, totum mundum, totam carnem, et quicquid
malorum est, non potuisse tantum noccre Evangelio, si Concordes essemus. Sed quid
faciam in eo, quod impossibile est fieri ?
'^ In what waj- is set forth by Bucer to the Augsburgers in extenso, Ep. ad. Bonifaci-
um Wolfhardtum et Augustanos (from 0pp. Zanchii, in Gerdesii Scrinium, v. 222),

viz. : —
Legati nostrarum urbium palam et disertis verbis testati sunt, se ideo praeter
nostram Saxonicam quoque Confessionem et Apologiam recipere, quod haec reipsa cum
nostra congruat.
=' In 1534, Bucer, through the Landgrave (on whose agency in this
affair, see Walch,
xvii. 2379 Rommel's Philip the Great, ii. 343), at first proposed to the Wittenbergers a
;
formula of concord, which was not unacceptable to Luther. Melancthon answered the
Landgrave, 16th Sept., 1534 (0pp., ed. Bretschneider, ii. 788) " Ich will auch fiir mein
:
Person J. F. G. nit bergen, dass ich an dem unfrnndlichen Schreyen und Schreiben auf
unscrm Theil nie Gefallen gehabt habe, sondern alle Zeit daran Herzleid getragen habe
und noch trage. Ich hatt auch die Sach gem zu christlicher Einigkeit gearbeit, wie E.
F. G, selb aus etlichen Umbstauden abnehmen mogen. Nachdem ich aber so grosse
Hiirtikeit befuuden, daraus ander mehr Beschwerung gefolget, hab ichs auch miissen
doctrine of the Lord's Supper. In these conferences the Swiss

delegates, yielding to Luther's overpowering personal influence,
had adopted a strict Lutheran formula in the Concordia Viteber-
gensis, 1536.^^ Yet Bucer still tried to conceal his weakness^^ by
explanations, to induce the Swiss to accede to this union.^° His
Gott befehlen." Melancthon thereupon had a conference with Bucer at Cassel, Jan.,
1535, for which Luther provided him with instructions (de Wette, iv. 570) Luther was ;
not displeased with the result (see his Opinion, ibid., s. 588), since Bucer had plainly
confessed "that the body of Christ is truly and essentially offered, received, and eaten
in the Eucharist in the bread ;" he did indeed wish to defer concluding the Concordia,
in order to be assured of a general agreement on both sides, but he testified to his will-
ingness to come to an agreement, both to the Augsburgers (July 20, ibid., s. 612 and
613), and in letters to Strasburg, Ulm, and Esslingen (Oct. 5, ibid., s. 636 fF.).
** On the assemblj' of the theologians in Wittenberg, May, 1536, see the reports of
persons present, viz. Frid. Myconius ad Vitum Dietrich (ed. Nicol. Selneccer, 1581, in
:
Wigandus de Sacramentariismo, p. 351, and in Lommatzsch Narratio de Frid. Mj-co-

nio, p. 56, German in Walch, xvii. 2532) of Johannes Bernhardi, preacher in Frank-
;
fort (in Hitter's Frankfurt. Denkmal, s. 345, in 'Walch, xvii. 2513); and of M. Bucer (in
his Scripta Anglicana, Basil., 1577, fol. p. 648). The Concordia, by Melancthon, Seck-
endorf, iii. 132, at the end of Camerarius de Vita Melanchth., ed. Strobel, p. 431, 0pp.
Melanchth., ed. Bretschneider, iii. 75: I. Confitentur juxta verba Irenaei, constare Eu-
charistiam duabus rebus, terrena et coelesti. Itaque sentiunt et decent, cum pane et
vino vere et substantialiter adesse, exhiberi et sumi corpus Christi et sanguinem. II. Et
quanquam negant fieri transsubstantiationem, nee sentiunt fieri localem inclusionem in
pane, aut durabilem aliquam conjunctionem extra usum Sacramenti tamen concedunt :
sacramentali unione panem esse corpus Christi (corpus esse cum pane), h. e. sentiunt
porrecto pane simul adesse et vere exhiberi corpus Christi. Nam extra usum, cum as-
servatur in pixide, aut ostenditur in processionibus, ut fit a Papistis, sentiunt non ad-
esse corpus Christi. III. Deinde banc iustitutionem Sacramenti sentiunt valere in Ec-
clesia, nee pendere ex dignitate ministri aut sumentis. Quare sicut Paulus ait, etiam
indignos manducare, ita sentiunt porrigi vere corpus et sanguinem Domini etiam indig-
nis, et indignos sumere, ubi servantur verba et institutio Christi. Ideo enim propositum
est, ut testetur illis applicari beneficia Christi (et fieri eos membra Christi), et ablui san-
guine Christi, qui agunt poenitentiam, et erigunt se fide in Christum.
°' See Articuli Concordiae cum Explicatione Buceri, in his Scripta Anglicana,
p. 665,
in Bretschneider, iii. 78. The chief difficulty was on Article III., that also the unbeliev-
ers receive the body and blood. On this he saj-s Omnino enim tria genera hominum:
sacramenta sumere possunt. Quidam qui omnia hie contemnunt et rident, qui prorsus
impii sunt, nee quicquam Domino credunt hi nihil quam panem et vinum agnoscunt
:
etêntiunt, eoque nee amplius percipiunt, quia pervertunt verba et iustitutionem Domi-
ni. Domini porrigentis corpus suum credunt, eaque fide sacramentum
Alii verbis hie
accipiunt, ut simul rem sacramenti percipiant, nee tamen donum hoc Dei digne perpen-
dunt hi ea indignitate reos se faciunt corporis et sanguinis Domini, quae tamen sumere
:
volunt et suraunt, quia verba et iustitutionem Domini amplectuntur non manducant :
autem revera, ut Augustinus dicit, h. e. non fruuntur plene hoc cibo vivifico, quem in
mentem non satis demittunt. Tertii sunt, qui non credunt tantum institutioni Domini,
et accommodant se illi sacramento sumendo, sed simul viva fide omnia expendunt,
considerant et amplectuntur, in4,eque virtutem et jucunditatem hujus cibi solide per-
cipiunt.
^° He had alreadj' endeavored to induce the Swiss to take part in the attempts for
union ;
see Oswald Myconius von Kirchhofer, s. 171 Lebensgeschichte Bullingers von
;
S. Hess, i. 185. The further negotiations on the Wittenberg Concordia see in Kirch- ;
hofer, s. 263 ; S. Hess, s. 239,

:
public declarations about the matter^^ were received by Luther

with unwonted mildness (1537),^^ and thus a seeming unity now
took the place of the old divisions. Protestantism gained still more
in Germany in consequence of the death of its two most violent
opponents, Joachim I., Elector of Brandenburg (t 1535), and
George, Duke of Saxony (t 1539), In the electorate of Branden-
burg, Joachim II. immediately granted toleration to the Reforma-
tion, and joined it himself in 1539, after the Bishop of Branden-
burg, Matthias von Jagow, had declared in its favor. The Elect-
or's brother, also, Margrave John, ruler of the New-Mark, had be-
come decidedly attached to the cause^^ as early as 1536. In the
duchy of Saxony, Duke Henry introduced the Reformation imme-
diately after his accession.^* Catholic princes also conceded relig-
^* In a letter to Luther in which they declared themselves ready for union, presup-
posing that the Concordia was to be understood according to Bucer's declaration, and
consequently as agreeing with their doctrinal views Kirchhofer, s. 289 S, Hess, s,
; ;
252. The whole letter, in Latin, iu Hospiniani Hist. Sacramentaria, ii. 151. Bucer
still tried to show to Luther that the Swiss differed only in expression, not* in doctrine
(see the letter of Jan., 1537, in Hess, s. 290).

22 The letter of the Swiss was brought by Bucer to the Smalcald Convention in Feb.,
1537, and handed to Luther in Gotha he could not reply at once on account of siclc-
;
ness, but received it in a friendlj' waj' (see Bucer's Bericht, in Hess, s. 271, and Lu-
ther's letter to J. Me}-er, Burgomeister of Basel, 17th Feb., 1537, in de Wette, v. 54).
The formal answer of Luther to the Swiss, first on December 1st (de Wette, v. 83)
" Nu ists wohl wahr, u. kann audi nicht anders scj-n, dass solche grosse Zwietracht
nicht kann so leicht u. bald ohne Ritz u. Narben geheilet werden. Denn es werden
bej'de bey euch u. uns Etliche seyn, welchen solche Concordia nicht gefiillig, sondern
verdiichtig sej-n wird. Aber so wir zu beyden Theilen, die wirs mit Ernst meinen, wer-
den fleissig anhalten, wird der liebe Vater u. Gott wohl sein Gnade geben, dass es bej-
den Andern mit der Zeit auch zu Tod blut, u. das triibe Wasser sich wiederumb setzt.
1st derhalben mein freundlich Bitte, E. E. wollten dazu thun u. mit Ernst verschaifen,
dass bey euch u. den Euern die Schreier, so wider uns u. die Concordia plaudern, sich
Hires Schreiens enthalten, u. das Volk einfiiltiglich lehren. —
Gleichwie auch wir allhier,
beyde in Schriften u. Predigten, uns gar still halten u. miissigen wider die Euren zu
auch nicht Ursach sejm, die Concordia zu hindern welche wir ja
schreien, damit wir ;
von Herzen gem sehen, u. Gott gelobet, des Fechtens u. Schreiens bisher gnug gewest,
wo etwas ausrichten."
es hiitte sollen
=3 Nic. Leuthingeri (Brandenburg, historiographer, f 1612) Comm. de Marchia Bran-
denburgensi, lib. iv. (in Krausii Scriptt, de rebus March. Brand., i. 152, 157). Secken-
dorf, iii. 234. Dr. Ad. MuUer's Gesch. d. Reform, in der Mark Brandenburg. Berlin,,
1839. 8, Chr. W. Spieker's Kirchen- u, Refonnationsgesch. der Mark Brandenburg, 3
Theile. Berlin, 1839 ff. Jul. Schladebach der Uebertritt des Kurfursten Joachim II.
zur Luth. Kirche am Iten Nov., 1539. Leipzig, 1840. 8.
=* In order to exclude from the succession his brother Henrj', who was devoted to the
Reformation, and to insure the government to his half-witted sou Frederick, under a re-
gency, George endeavored to appease the irrepressible desire of his subjects for a Refor-
matimi by a service intermediate between the old and the new see in Seckendorf, iii.
;
208, the negotiations with the electoral and Hessian delegates. George Wicelius was
especially busy in them in 1531 he had gone back from the Lutheran to the Catholic
;
ious freedom to their subjects ; the Elector Louis, in the Upper

Palatinate,^^ 1538 ; the Elector Albert of Mayence, in the Magde-
burg and Halberstadt provinces,^^ 1539.
The Emperor made one other attempt to effect a religious union.
A conference was summoned to Spires, assembled in Hagenau,

June, 1540, and actually opened in Worms,^'' Jan. 14, 1541. The
prospects were atfirst auspicious. The papal legate, Caspar Con-
tarini, whose influence predominated with the Catholic conferees,
was inclined, on many points, to the Protestant doctrines f^ other
Catholic theologians manifested very pacifio sentiments.^^ When
the Emperor, in April, opened a diet in Ratisbon, the conference
was adjourned thither,^'' and continued its discussions, by imperial
command, upon a project for union presented in writing, the Rat-
isbon Interim^^ It resulted as before at Augsburg they quick- ;
Church, but found in both great defects, and hence endeavored to bring about a middle
course (see Wicel's Leben, in Strobel's Beytrage, ii. 331, 250, by Rieniicker, in Vater's
Kirchenhist. Arcbiv, 1825, s. 325, 356). Frederick, however, died before George ; the
latter died April 17, 1539. The Bishop of Misnia, also, now recommended such a half-
reformation to the new Duke Henrj' ; Julius v. Pflug and Wicel were active in project-
ing it, but it was not accepted Seckendorf, iii. 215. Henry provided at once for an
;
extensive Church visitation, bj' which the Reformation was to be generally introduced.
The Instructions of the visitors are in Chr. F. Weisse, Museum der siichs. Geschichte, Bd.
i. (Leipz., 1794) s. 210.— Cf. K. G. Hofmann's Ausfuhrl. Reformationshistorie der Stadt
u. Universitat Leipzig. Leipz., 1739. 8. Hering, Gesch. der 1539, im Markgrafth. Meis-
sen u. dem thiiring. Kreise erfolgten Einfiihrung der Reformation. Leipzig, 1839.
Winer De Facultatis theol. evangelicae in Universitate Lipsiensi Orlginibus (Leipsic
programme for the centennial celebration, 1839).
^^ H. Altingii Hist. Ecclesiae Palatinae, in his Monumenta pietatis et literaria Fran-
cof., 1701. 4. p. 155. Dan. Parei Hist. Palatina, p. 247.

=° Spalatin's Annalen, s. 401 in Halle first in 1541, Seckendorf, iii. 373.
; Dreyhaupt's
Beschreibung des Saalkreises, i. 207, 971. Knapp Narratio de Justo Jona, in his Scrip-
ta varii argument!, ed. ii. ii. 622.
^' Spalatin's Annalen, s. 431-491, 511-532. Melancbthonis Epistt., ed. Bretschneider,
iv. 1. J. P. Roederus De Colloquio Wormatiensi ex Msc. Ebneriano. Norimb., 1744. 4.
E. W. Hering's Gesch. der Kirchl. Uuionsversuche seit der Reformation bis auf unsere
Zeit, Bd. i. (Leipz., 1836) s. 40.
Comp. below § 19, Note 5 fF. 22, 23, especially 24. Ranke, Fiirsten u. Volker von
=8
Sud-Europa im 16ten u. 17ten Jahrh. ii. 146, 151.

3^ Cf. Joh. Cochliius, then Domherr in Breslau, Gutachten iiber die Augsburgische
Confession u. die Augsburgischen Vergleichshandlungen, zu dem Hagenauer Convent,

in Seckendorf, iii. 284, and in Raj-naldus, 1540, No. 49.
*" Acta in Conventu Ratisbonensi, published by Melancthon, Witeb., 1541. 4. Acta
CoUoquii in Comitiis Ratisbonae habiti per M. Bucerum. Argentor. 1541. 4. Hortleder,
i. 1, cap. 37. Walch, xvii. 695. The complete acts in Melanchthonis Epistt., ed. Bret-
schneider, iv. 119. Cf. Spalatin's Annalen, s. 544.
*'
In the different collections of the acts ; in Bretschneider, iv. 190 besides in the
;
Latin original, in J. E. Bieck's Dreyfaches Interim. Leipz., 1721. 8., s. 200. The Em-
peror handed this writing to the estates as "einen schriftlichen Begrif, durch etliche
gelehrte u. gottesfiirchtige Personen, wie Ihre Maj. bericht worden ist, zusammengetra-
ly came together on merely speculative formulas ;^^ but as soon as

gen u. Ihrer Maj. behiindet" (Walch, xvii. 858); Granvella communicated it to the pa-
pal legate as lihrum confectum a pits doctisque viris in Belgio (Pallavicini Hist. Cone.
Trid., iv. 14, 4). That the Cologne theologian, John Gropper, was the author is declared
bj'Melancthon (Ep. ad Georgium Anhalt., in Bretschneider, iv. 328), Eck (Strobel's
ii. 342), and the papal legate, Contarenus (Pallavicini 1. c).
Bej'tr., Besides him, Bucer
and Wicelius have also been held to be the authors. The truth in the matter is proba-
bly to be found in Melancthon's Report to the Elector, ed. Bretschneider, iv. 577 (cf.
Illgen's Zeitschr. f. Hist. Theol., ii. i. 297). The book was written by Gropper, with
the help of a young statesman, Gerhard Volcruck, employed under Granvella it was ;
then communicated to Bucer and Capito, and much altered, especiallj' from the sugges-
tions of the former it was also shown to the papal legate, Contarenus, who likewise
;
made manj- changes (see the Chancellor Burchard's letter to the Elector of Saxonj-,
13th May, in Bretschneider, iv. 290; Pallavicini 1. c). Thereupon it was sent to the
Elector of Brandenburg and the Landgrave of Hesse, who were gained for the project
of union. The Elector sent it to Luther for his opinion, with a letter, dated 4th Febr.
(Bretschneider, iv. 92 cf. Neudecker's merkw. Actenstiicke, i. 248). He declared him-
;
self not wholly averse, but thought that the Catholic side could not accede to these prop-
ositions, and that, besides, there was much which the Protestants should not accept.
Thereupon the Elector delivered the book to the Emperor, to be laid at the basis of the
negotiations for union. Until then it had been kept strictly secret.
** The Emperor named, as the Catholic theologians in the conference, Jul. von Pflug,
John Gropper, and John Eck the Protestants, Melancthon, Bucer, and John Pistorius
; ;
the presidents were the Palgrave Frederick and Granvella. The conference began 27th
April to the 6th Maj' they compared the articles (see Illgen's Zeitschr. f. Hist. Theol.,
:
ii. i. 304) De conditione hominis ante lapsum, De libero arbitrio, De originali peccato,
and De justificatione hominis. In the extant editions of the Interim these articles are
printed as they were adopted in the conference (see Bucer's Acta, in Hortleder, i. i. cap.
37, No. 40 ff.). The extent to which the Catholics yielded is particularlj' seen in the
article De justificatione : — Firma itaque est et sana doctrina, per fidem vivam et effica-
cem justificari peccatorem. Nam per illam Deo grati et accepti sunius propter Chris-
tum. Vocamus autem fidem vivam motum Spiritus saucti, quo vere poenitentes veteris
vitae, eriguntur ad Deum, et vere appreliendunt misericordiam in Christo promissam, ut
jam vere quod remissionem peccatorum et reconciliationem propter meritum
sentiant,
Christi, gratuita Dei bonitate acceperunt, et clamant ad Deum Abba pater, id quod ta-
raen nuUi obtingit, nisi etiam simul infundatur charitas sanans voluntatem, ut voluntas
sanata, quemadmodum D. Augustinus ait, incipiat implere legem. Etsi autem is qui —
justificatur, justitiam accipit et habet per Christum etiam inhaerentem, quare ss. pa- —
tres justificari etiam pro eo, quod est inhaerentem justitiam accipere, usurparunt ta- :
men anima fidelis huic non innititur, sed soli justitiae Christi nobis donatae, sine qua
omnino nulla est nee esse potest justitia. Et sic fide in Christum justificamur, seu repu-
tamur justi, i. e. accepti, per ipsius merita, non propter nostram dignitatem aut opera.
Et propter inhaerentem justitiam eo justi dicimur, quia quae justa sunt operamur, juxta
illud Johannis qui facit justitiam, Justus est.—li&m Christiano cuique debet esse com-
:
pertum, non in hoc datum esse nobis banc gratiam, et banc regenerationem, ut in eo
gradu innovationis nostrae, quern primum nacti sumus, otiosi consistamus, sed cresca-
mus in ipsum per omnia, qui est caput. Ideoque docendus est popiilus, ut det operam
huic augmento, quod quidem fit per bona opera, et interna et externa, a Deo mandata
et commendata, quibus Deus promisit propter Christum in pluribus locis Evangelii clare
et manifeste mercedem.— Ideoque quamvis haereditas vitae aetemae propter promissio-
nem debeatur renatis, etiam cum primum in Christum renati sunt nihilominus reddit ;
Deus etiam bonis operibus mercedem, non secundum substantiam operum, neque secun-
dum quod sunt a nobis, sed quatenus in fide fiunt, et sunt a Spiritu Sancto, qui habitat
in nobis, concurrente libero arbitrio, —
tanquam partiali agente. Qui autem dicunt, sola
fde- justificamur, simul tradere debent doctrinam de poenitentia, de timore Dei, de judi-
:
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORISIATION. § 7. 1541. 175
they came upon the external constitution and ordinances that re-
lated to the authority of the Church, the division remained.*^
Meanwhile these negotiations for peace were suspected by both
parties : Catholic princes declared they could not accept the four
articles as compared ;** the Protestants feared deception and craft
oio Dei, de bonis operibus, ut tota summa praedicationis constet, sicut Christus inquit
praedicantes poenitentiam, et remissionem peccatorum in nomine vieo, idque ue haec lo-
quendi formula aliter quam praedictum est intelligatur.

*3 Cf. the Protestant counter articles in Walch, xvii. 798. Melanchtti. Epistt., ed.
Bretschneider, iv. 348.
** The dukes of Bavaria were opposed to the Conference from the beginning, and de-
manded that they should resort to arms comp. the reports of a Roman agent, Claudius,
;
in Ratisbon, to Cardinal Farnese, 4thMarch, 1541 (Puiynald., 1541, No. 3) Nudius ter- :
tius Duces Bavariae conveuisse ad Caesarem, illique repetito Lutheranismi principio, in

memoriam revocasse omnes errores, qui admissi fuerant in non exscindenda haeresi,
nee tenenda vera religione, qua labefactata pariter Caesareae Majestatis Imperiique auc-
toritas labefactaretur —
exposuereque quanto studio semper paratissimi fuerint ad vi-
:
—
tam ipsam periculis objiciendam pro divino cultu asserendo (! !): —ac saepius illud in-
culcarunt, nimia Caesareae Majestatis dementia indulgentiaque, quam ipsi etiam Lu-
theran! negligentiae et inertiae vitio tribuebant, rem in praesens discrimen adductam
fuisse. Of the 4th April (1. c. No. 4) Duces Bavariae in Comitiis in id incubuisse, ut
:
bellum Lutheranis indiceretur sed Caesarem ipsis ac Moguntino Cardinali aperte de-
:
nuntiasse, se ab iis consiliis omuino alienum, suscipere nolle bellum, cum ab aerario
imparatus sit, ac si opibus instructus esset, nolle eas in Germania sine ulla utilitate pro-
fundere, sat expertum, quantae opes exigantur pro gerendo bello expeditionem earn :
difficillimam futuram, cum quam

Lutheran! sint Germani, excitum iri a
tarn Catholici
Lutheranis Turcica et Gallica auxilia parta etiam de Lutheranis victoria non tamcn
:
eorum animas in viam salutis traductum iri, atque ita omne gerendi belli pro religione
consilium abjecisse. Of the 6th April (1. c. No. 7) Significavit VI Aprilis Cardinali
:
Farnesio Claudius Internuntius, Ducibus Bavariae maxime suspectam concordiae cum

Lutheranis actionem, ne religionis causa prodatur, atque Granvellanum tum ab ipsis,
tum a Moguntino in suspicionem adduci, nee spem bonam ex iis comitiis ipsis affulgerc.
Cf. Winter's Gesch. der evangel. Lehre in Baiern, ii. 80, 95. After the conference had
been broken off, Maj- 22, the Catholic estates, chiefly the bishops, caused a violent account
of the matter, in opposition to the union document and to the colloquj-, to be drawn up,
addressed to the Emperor (in Spalatin, s. 592) this, however, was kept back, and a
;
milder one presented, July 2 (Bucer's Acta, in Hortleder, i. 1, cap. 37, No. 293), which
proposed that the Emperor, with the papal legates, should examine the work of the col-
locutors, to see if there was any thing in it against the Catholic doctrine. Eck was par-
ticularl}' busy infusing distrust into the Catholic estates at their meeting he declared
;
that he had never been pleased with "this insipid book," "in which he had found so
many errors and defects." Both the other Catholic collocutors complained of him for
this,and showed that Eck had assented to all the articles compared and that they had ;
also received from the Emperor a testimonial in praise of the regularitj' of their pro-
—
cedure (see Bucer, in Hortleder, u. s., No. 673). From the Catholic party reports also
went to Rome, arousing anxiet\- e. g., 7th June, in Eaj-naldus, 1541, No. 25 video
: :
maxiniam pusillanimitatem et stupiditatem in processu hujus negotii nunc nihil atten- :
tatur, quod possit adversariorum temerariara audaciam deprimere, sed contra, omnia
quae eis placent et ad suam rem faciunt fieri permittuntur et conceduntur. Primo, in
hoc coUoquio (sicut prolixe scrips! Rev. Cardinali Farnesio) habuerunt pessimos suae
sectae et pertinaciores, tam collocutores quam assistentes, et ex nostris assistentes fuere
fact! fere faventes haereticis, ii Phlugius et Gropperus, qui male consenserunt, hominem
sola fide justificari, de quorum lapsu Bucerus impie triumphavit ex colloquentibus ;
—
in respect to them.'*^ And was brought to an

so the conference
end, without success, on the The Emperor, in or-
23d of May.*^
der to obtain quick help against the Turks, was compelled, in the
final decree of the diet, July 29, 1541, to renew the Peace of Nu-
remberg, with an additional provision relieving the Protestants

on the points complained of about the operation of the imperial
courts.*^ A declaration was also appended to satisfy them on oth-
unus duntaxaifperitus Theologus (Eck) adhibitus restitit : judices vero fuere laici con-
tra omne jus in magnum The King of France, who, for political reasons,
praejudicium.
tried to thwart every attempt at union in Germany, also complained about the conces-
sions of the legate in Ratisbon (Ranke Fursten u. Vcilker, ii. 164). And so the legate
now received an order to accept no formulas that were not indubitably Catholic (ibid.,
s. 167) and he now advised, nihil amplius de reliquis omnibus agendum, sed remit-
:
tenda Summo Pontifici, et Apostolicae Sedi (Raynald., 1541, No. 14, 15).
The Elector of Saxony had from the first been verj' much discontented that they
*^
had made an}' other book than the Augsburg Confession the basis of negotiation and ;
he mistrusted the Elector of Brandenburg, the Landgrave, and Bucer. Then, too, he
was displeased with the article on justification, as agreed upon, because it was obscure
and ambiguous (Seckendorf, iii. 356). Luther strengthened him in this (de Wette, v.
353) "E. K. F. G. haben recht geurtheilt, dass die Notel der Vergleichung ein weit-
:
lauftig u. geflickt Ding ist." The Elector now sent Amsdorf to Ratisbon to watch Me-
lancthon, and commanded the latter to yield nothing of Luther's doctrine, and to make
all the results conditional upon the assent of the estates (Seckendorf, iii. 356, 360). How-
ever, these provisions were needless for the union came to a dead stop on the subse-
;
quent articles about the Church, the Lord's Supper, etc. The Elector Joachim of Bran-
denburg, in conjunction with other Protestant estates, now sent an imposing embassj'
to Luther (Princes John and George of Anhalt, Matthias von Schulenburg, and Alex.
Alesius) to engage him in the projected union (cf. Bretschneider, in lUgen's Zeitschr.
f. Hist. Theologie, 293 their representations in Walch, xvii. 846). Luther replied,
ii. i. ;
12th June (ibid., ; de Wette, v. 36G), that it was impossible to effect a union with
s. 848
the other partj- " Denn ob es gleich Kais. Maj. aufs allerhohest u. gniidigst §rnst u.
:
gut meinet, so ist doch jenem Theil nicht Ernst mit Gott u. nach der Wahrheit vertra-
gen zu werden ; wollen aber Kais. Maj. vielleicht also ein Nasen drehen. Denn wo es
Ernst wiire, so wiirden sie die andern zehen Artikel nicht lassen unverglichen sej^n, als
die wohl wissen u. verstehen, dass sie alle zehen gewaltiglich u. in bona consequentia
aus den vier verglichenen, sonderlich aus deni Artikel der Justification, verdampt sind.
^-Wo aber Kais. Maj. ausschriebe u. verschiiffe, dass die vier Artikel durchaus rein u.
klar gepredigt, u. fiir christlich gehalten sollten werden ;" if these four articles were
thus agreed upon and preached the others could remain for the present without a defi-
nite decision upon them ; for bj' these four the poison would be extracted from the rest,
and they would fall to pieces of themselves.
*^ The Emperor proposed to the estates, July 12 (TValch, xvii. 913; Melanch. Epist.,
ed. Bretschneider, iv. 510), to adopt the four articles as agreed upon, and to defer the
rest to the council ; the Catholic princes refused (Bretschneider, iv. 526), the Protestants
were ready to accept if the other party would bind itself thereto (1. c. p. 591) but at ;
the same time they declared at length, in a document drawn up by Melancthon, July
23 (Walcls, xvii. 863), that they accepted those articles onl}' in the sense in which thej'
were laid down in the Augsburg Confession and Apology.
* In Walch, xvii. 962. The action of the colloquy was to be referred to a common
Christian council, to be held in Germany, and soon summoned. The Protesting part}-
were not to strive about and against the articles that had been compared. " Darzu ha-
ben wir neben Pabstlicher Heiligkeit Legaten alien geistlichen Priilaten aufgelegt u.
er matterswhere there was doubt.^^ And thus, at this diet, the

Reformation had manifestly made important progress toward a
formal recognition.''^
befohlen, —
unter ihiien u. den Ihren, so ihnen unterworfen sej'nd, eine christliche Ord-
nung Reformation vorzunehmen u. aufzurichten, die zu guter, gebuhrlicher u. heil-
u.
samer Administration der Kirchen forderlich und dienlich sej' auch uber solcher Ord-
:
nung u. Reformation ernstlich u. strenglich zu halten, u. sich daran nichts irren noch
vcrhindern lassen" (comp. the admonitorj' writing of the legate Contareni about the
Reformation, to the prelates, in Raynald., 1541, No. 29), "und seynd der Zuversicht,
solche Ordnung u. Reformation soUte zu endlicher christlicher Vergleichung der strei-
tigen Religion eine Vorbereitung, u. derselben sender Zweifel hoch dienstlich sej-n."
The truce of Nuremberg was to be maintained till the end of a general council or a na-
tional congress, " oder so der keines seinen
Fortgang erreicht, auf nachstkiinftigen Reichs-
tag." " Und was Acten und Processe, so bisher in Religion und andern ge-
betrifft die
schehen, an unserm Cammergericht anhangig gemacht und ergangen seynd, derwegen
bisher Streit gewesen, ob dieselben in dem Niirnbergischen Friedstand begrifFen sej'n
sollen oder nicht dieselben Acten u. Process wollen wir zu Erhaltung Friedens, Ruhc,
:
u. Einigkeit im heil. Reich Deutscher Nation, u. aus unser Kaiserlichen Macht u. Voll-
kommenheit, so lang bis das gemeine oder Nationalconcilium, oder in dieser Sachen
eine gemeine Reichsversammlung, wie obsteht, gehalten wird, suspendirt u. eingestellt
haben."
*5 In Walch, xvii. 999. For example, it was decreed that the clergj' of the Augsburg
Confession should not be deprived of their revenues anj' more than the Catholics that, ;
although the adherents of the Augsburg Confession were not to draw away the subjects
of an3' Catholic state, j'et, "if any one wished to adopt their religion, he should not be
deprived of the liberty ;" that the officers of the imperial court should be sworn to ob-
serve this decree and declaration ; and that the Augsburg decree, so far as religion was
concerned, should not be enforced ; that persons presented for office in these courts should
not be refused because they belonged to the Augsburg Confession, and that no one should
be removed for this cause.
*^ The preponderance of the Protestants in Germany was so decisive that the Elector
of Mayence, at the diet, strongly dissuaded the Pope, through the legate, from having
the council held in this country; see Raynald., 1541, No. 27: nequaquam convenire,
ut Concilium generale celebretur in Germania ob diminutionem auctoritatis sedis Apos-
Ne etiam pro arbitrio Protestantium omnia fiant,
tolicae, et totius ecclesiastic! status.
et quia virus —
haereticum in ipsa Germania viget. Item in Germania animosiores et ob-
stinati magis in eorum perversitate erunt Protestantes. —
Cogere etiam poterunt Catho-
licos astutiaque et artibus malis domare eosdem, vel etiam ipsum Caesarem pro eorum
more. — Etiam in ipso Concilio, si in Germania fieret, turn per malas practicas, — tum
etiam per publicas conciones, si licebit, alioquin in aliis privatis, a quo non cessabnnt
—
sub praetextu, verbum Domini non esse celandum, studebunt virus suum spargere, et
sectas ampliare. —
Propterea considerandum est, quod, si Concilium fieret in Germania,
et Caesar pro quorundam arbitrio ad hoc induceretur, cogeretur Sanctitas Pontificia for-
san annnere quaedam, quae non essent concedenda, quinimo pro Caesaris jussu urgeri
—
posset inique, ut haec sua Sanctitas melius perpendere poterit. Nequaquam etiam con-
veniet, ut dimisso seu suspense generali Concilio celebretur Nationale Germanicum, aut
alia imperialis dieta, quia tunc vere dubitandum est de schismate, et Catholici quidam
prolaberentur ad Protestantes, caeterique cogerentur deficere, aut supprimerentur.
VOL. IV. 12
178 rOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
§ 8.
CONTINUATION, TO THE CLOSE OF THE SMALCALD WAR, 1547.
While the Emperor Charles was weakened b^ a second unfor-

tunate campaign against Algiers (October and November, 1541),
and was right afterward entangled in a new conflict with France,^
King Ferdinand, who needed the aid of the Protestants in his un-
fortunate Turkish war,^ was compelled, at a diet in Spires, Feb-
ruary, 1542, to concede a prolongation of the religious peace.^
Protestantism was constantly gaining new adherents, and its pre-
ponderance in Germany became more apparent. When the epis-

copal chair of Naumburg became vacant, Jan. 6, 1541, and Julius
von Pflug was elected to it by the cathedral chapter in the great-
est haste, without the customary reference to the Elector of Sax-
ony, the Elector annulled the choice, and raised Nicholas von
Amsdorf to the bishopric, Jan. 1542, but assumed for himself the
secular government of the see.* When Duke Henry of Brunswick
was about to carry into execution the ban of the imperial court
against Goslar, without regard to the imperial suspension of it,^
and even proceeded to make war upon the city of Brunswick, the
Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse came suddenly to
the aid of the two allied cities, took possession of the duchy, July,
1542,^ and declared that they would only give it up to the sons
'
Schmidt's Gesch. der Deutscben, Bucli viii. cap. 29, 31. Raumer's Gescb. Europas
seit d. 15ten Jabrb. i. 497.
^ Scbmidt, ubi supra.
^ On tbe proceedings of this
diet, sec Seckendorf, iii. 382 Scbmidt, ; Buch viii. cap.
00; the final decree in Walch, x\ni. 1004 (especially 1057).
* Documents in Hortleder, Th. 1, Buch v. cap. 11 among these, at : first, the proof
that tbe Saxon princes were princes of tbe land and bereditarj- protectors of the three
Saxon bishoprics ; Spalatin's Annalen, s. G55 ; Seckendorf, i. 387. A contemporaneous
report on tbe election introduction into the see of Nicholas v. Amsdorf, from the archives
of the cit}- of is in Forstemann's Neue Mittheilungen des thuringisch. sach-
Naumburg,
sischen Vereins, Bd. Heft 2 (Halle, 1835), s. 155.
2,
' Tbe outlawrj- of Goslar was in the imperial declaration about the decree of the Diet
of Ratisbon (§ 7, Note 48), in a special article appended.

' The earlier documents and writings exchanged between the two parties, which soon
assumed a very rude and passionate tone, see in Hortleder, Tb. i. Buch iv. cap. 1-34.
Among them belongs Luther's Writing against Hans Worst, 1541, in Walch, xvii. 1645
(this title was given because Henrj-, in a writing against tbe Elector, had said that Lu-
ther liad called tbe Elector Ilanswui'st). On tbe campaign, documents in Hortleder,
ibid., cap. 35 ff. Cf. Spalatin's Annalen, s. 631-54, 672-80 Rommel's Philipp d. Grossm.,
;
i. 461 ; ii. 447.

;
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 8. 1542, 179
of the Duke; they also introduced the Reformation tnere,'' and

renounced obedience to the imperial court when it took the part
of the expelled Duke.^ At the same time the cities of Ratisbon^
and Hildesheim,^" and the Palgrave Otto Henry of Neuburg,^^ de-
clared openly for the Reformation in Cleves it was also favored ;
by Duke William, and spread with rapid strides.^^ Even its most
violent opponents and persecutors, King Ferdinand'-' and the Duke
of Bavaria,'* had the mortification of being asked by their landed
proprietors to concede freedom of conscience and they were thus ;
forced to recognize the fact that, in spite of their persecutions, the

Reformation had struck its roots deep among their subjects. The
adhesion of clerical princes also appeared about to become of deci-
sive influence in favor of the Reformation. The Elector of Co-
logne, Hermann,'^ Count of Wied, was at first hostile to Protest-
antism then, yielding in part, he endeavored to remove ecclesi-
;
astical abuses by a provincial council in Cologne,'^ 1536 but aft- ;
er the religious conferences of Worms and Ratisbon he became

wholly decided for the Reformation, and invited Bucer, in 1542,
^ Especially through Bugenhagen see Lentz's Gesch. d. Einfiihrang des evangel.

;
Bekenntnisses im Herzogth. Braunschweig- Wolfenbiittel, 1830, s. 109 ff.

* The rejoinder, 4th Dec, 1542, in Hortleder, Th. i. Buch vii. cap. 21, in Walch, xvii.
fi7. Cf. Barthol. Sastrowen (then clerk with a procurator of the court) Leben, edited by
Mohnike, i. 227.
' Spalatin's Annalen, s. 683. Seckendorf, iii. 396. Gesch. d. Kirchenreform. in Re-
gcnsburg. Regensb., 1792.
'" When the neighboring Brunswick had fiillen into Protestant hands. Here, too,
Bugenhagen was head of the clerg}' who introduced the Reform. The Church
at the
constitution, 1544, b}' Anton. Corvinus Bugenhagen, however, had a share in it Spa-
; ;
latin's Annalen, s. 681 Hamelmanni 0pp. Geneal. Historica de Westphalia, p. 937

;
Seckendorf, iii. 397 Schlegel's Kirchen- u. Reformationsgesch. v. Nord-Deutschland u.

;
den Hannov. Staaten, ii. 197.

" By an edict of 22d June, 1542. Neuburg church order of 1543. Seckendorf, iii.
396. Struven's pfiilzische Kirchenhistorie, s. 29.
William was reigning since 1539.
'^ Berg's Reformationsgeschichte der Lander
Jiilich, Cleve, Berg, Mark, Ravensberg, u. Lippe, edited by Tross. Hamm, 1826, s.
55 ff.
*' Petition of the estates of Lower Austria at the Diet of Prague, 13th Dec, 1541,
Ferdinand's answer, and the replj' of the estates in Spalatin's Annalen, s. 689; Rau- ;
pach's Evangel. Oesterreich, i. 35; Beilagen, s. 75. Cf. Raupach von den Schicksalen
der Evangel. Luth. Religion in Steyerniark, Kiirnthen, u. Crain, in Winckler's Anecdota
Hist. Ecclesiastica Novantiqua, 8tes u. 9tes Stuck, s. 341. •
'* Spalatin's Annalen, s. 683.
'^ On him and his Reformation, see Seckendorf, iii. 435 ; Berg's Reformationsgesch.
der Lander Jiilich, Cleve, Berg, s. 64 ff. ; Reek's Gesch. der grafl. u. fiirstl. Hauser Isen-
burg, Runkel, Wied. Weimar, 1825. 4., s. 154 ff.
'° Canones provincialis concilii

Coloniensis sub Rev. in Christo patre Hermanno ce-
lebratum anno 1536. Colon., 1538, fol., drawn up by Gropper.
180 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D, 1517-1648.
and Melancthon,^'' in 1543, with other Protestant theologians, to

aidhim in introducing it. The Reforming Constitution issued by
him^^ met with great sympathy in the principahty ; but the ca-
thedral chapter and the clergy of the city of Cologne pronounced
against it with great violence, ^^ and made complaint to Pope and
Emperor. Following Hermann's example, the Bishop of Miinster,
Francis, Count of Waldeck, also began to attach himself to the
Reformation,^*^ 1542. Less impression was made by another in-
stance : after the death of the Catholic Bishop of Merseburg, whose
diocese was already very devoted to the Reformation, the Protest-
ant prince, August of Saxony, brother of Duke Maurice, was elect-
ed bishop, and Prince George of Anhalt was attached to him as
clerical administrator of the diocese,^^ 1544.
The Catholic estates, sharply wounded by this progress of Prot-
estantism, had long prevented the confirmation by the diet of the
imperial declaration in the decree of Ratisbon but this, too, was ;
gained by the Protestants, after they had acceded to the declara-

tion of war against France by the empire, in the imperial decree
of the Diet of Spires, June, 1544.^^
" Zur Geschichte der Cula. Reformation aus Melanchthon's Briefen, in Strobel's Neue
Bej'trage, v. 273.
18 "Von Gottes Genaden unser, Hermanns Erzbischofs zu Coin u. Churf. einfaltiges
Bedenken, worauf eine christliche in dem Wort Gottes gegrimdte Reformation an Lehr,
Braucli der heil. Sacraraente, etc., bis auf eines freien — Concilii —Verbesserung, bej' de-
nen, so unserer Seelsorge befohlen, anzurichten sej-e." Bonn, 1543, fol. The book was
written bj' Bucer, Melancthon and others being consulted. The section on the Lord's
Supper saj-s nothing of the essential presence of the body of Christ. It reads, " die Ge-
meinschaft des Leibs u. Blutes unsers Herrn Jesu Christi, bey welcher Gemeinschaft
yvir sein Gediichtnus halten soUen, —
ufF dass wir im Glauben ah ihne gestarket, und
giinzlicher in ihm bleiben u. leben, u. er in uns. —
Und dieweil diese Ubergebung u. Ent-
pfahung des Leibs u. Blutes Christi unsers Herren ein himlisch Werk, u. Handel des
Glaubens ist, sollen die Lent alle fleischliche Gedanken in dieser Geheimnuss ausschla-
gen, u. s. Luther was, on this account, much dissatisfied with this work ; see his
w."
letter to Briick (de Wette, v. 708) " Es treibt lange viel Geschwiitz vom Nutz, Frucht,
:
u. Ehre des Sacraments, aber von der Substanz mummelt es, dass man nicht soli ver-
nehmen, was er darvon halte in aller Masse. Summa das Buch ist den Schwarmem —
nicht allein leidlich, sondern auch trostlich, viel'mehr fur ihre Lehre, als fur unsere.
Darum hab ich sein satt, u. bin iiber die Massen unlustig darauf. Und ist auch ohne —
das, wie der Bischof (Amsdorf) zeigt, alles und alles zu lang u. gross Gewiische, dass
ich das Klappermaul, den Bucer, hier wohl spure." Amsdorf sent in a criticism on the
book, which excited Luther still more ; Strobel's Neue Beytr., v. 285.
'^ The controversy, see in Strobel, ubi supra, s. 300 flf.
^° Spalatin's Annalen, s. 682. In the j'ear 1543 he solicited admission into the Smal-
cald league, Seckendorf, iii. 418 ; and in 1544 he made earnest attempts to introduce the
Reform, 1. c. p. 513.
*' Seckendorf, iii. 497.
'° The Protestants at the diet demanded a continuance of peace, and equal rights with
Bui was the highest point which they reached. The Em-
this
peror, who was now able to carry on the war with France with
new opponent Francis to make the Peace
efficiency, forced his old
of Crespy,^^ Sept. 18, 1544, and now at length had his hands free,
so that he could address himself with earnestness to the ecclesias-
tical divisions in Grermany. The Protestants could no longer look
for protection from the accidental posture of affairs, hut only from
their own force. Unhappily this power had for a long time been
enfeebled by divisions. Among the Smalcald leaguers, the cities
complained of the arbitrary measures of the princes, in particular of
the Elector and Landgrave ;^* Duke Maurice of Saxony came into
hostility with the Elector, and abandoned the league,^^ 1542 ; the
the other estates. Negotiations with the Emperor, see Schmidt's Gesch. d. Deutschen,
Buch viii. cap. 33. The final decree, in Walch, xvii. 1198. In this the Emperor at the
same time promises, since the holding of the council is verj* uncertain, to call immedi-
ately " einen andern gemeinen Reichstag, vornehmlich von der streitigen Religion u.
was derselben anhangt;" "auch mittlerweil durch gelehrte, gute, ehr- u. friedliebende
Personen eine christliche Reformation verfassen zu lassen. Gleichergestalt mogen die
Stiinde durch die Ihren auch thun, uud solch aller Theil Bedenken alsdann gemeinen
Standen vorlegen, und mit ihnen auf freundliche u. christliche Vergleichung handeln,
wie u. welchermassen es in den streitigen Artikeln der Religion bis zu wirklicher Er-
langung u. Vollziehung eines Generalconcilii, wie obsteht, im heil. Reich Deutscher
Nation gehalten, u. dadurch die schwere eingerissene Missbriiuche gebessert, u. die
nachtheilige Trennung u. Spaltung der Religion, auch der Stiinde daraus erfolgtes Miss-
trauen, Widerwill, u. Unfreundschaft geringert werde." — The Pope reproached the
Emperor for this in a letter, 24th Aug., 1544 (Pallavicini, v. G) Nos vero, fili, cum a te
:
indigna quaedam decreta in Conventu Spirensi ex ipsis actis animadverterimus, indig-

—
niora vero designata esse, noluimus sane praetermittere, quin te, a Deo nobis honore
et amore Primogeniti commendatum, his nostris Uteris de tauto tuo et Ecclesiae periculo
admoneremus. The Emperor had transgressed the rule, ut, quoties de his quae ad i-e-
ligionem pertinent disceptatur, ad sedem Apostolicam judicium referatur, nihil ilia in-
consulta statuatur. In Spires much had been concluded, quae maxime et pietatem lae-
dunt, et omnem legum ordinem confundunt. Nam quod laicos de rebus spiritualibus
judicare vis posse (at a diet, should the council not be held), neque laicos modo, sed
nuUo discrimine laicos, et damnatarum haeresum assertores quod de bonis ecclesiasti-
;
cis, et de eorum futuris controversiis statuis quod eos, qui extra Ecclesiam sunt, et per
;
edictum tuum pridem damnati, honoribus pristinis in judiciis ac tribunalibus restituis,

—quid —
tandem horum cum divinis institutionibus ac legibus convenit? caet. Still
more violent is another letter, not sent, in Raynald., 1544, No. 7.
'3 The documents in Dumont Corps Universel Diplomatique,
iv. ii. 279. Here it is de-
clared again, que cette dite paix se fait et fonde pour le service de Dieu notre souverain
Createur, reduction de notre sainte foi et Religion en union chretienne, and both parties
pledge themselves to do everj- thing pour procurer d'acheminer et conduire ladite reunion.
=** As early
as 1540 the lukewarmness was so great that the Elector reassumed the
lead only after long delay, and only for a year Seckendorf, iii. 300. In the congress
;
at Smalcald, 1543, the cities complained of the princes, and demanded that the embas-
sadors of princes should be released from their oath to their lords, and be sworn as coun-
selors of the league ; ibid., p. 418. They were displeased with the expedition against
Brunswick ;
ibid., p. 429. Cf. in general, p. 570.
" Duke Henrj- died Aug. 18, 1541 ; Maurice abandoned the league 21st Jan., 1542,
:
182 FOUETH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
Concordia with the Swiss came to an end when Luther rei^wed

the opposition to their doctrine of the Lord's Supper,^^ 1544 and ;
though the Elector Frederick, of the Palatinate, joined the Refor-

mation-^ in 1545, yet, following the example of the Elector of
Brandenburg, he did not join the league.^^
The Pope now issued his summons for the council, so long an-
nounced, to meet at Trent^^ in March, 1545; but at the Diet of
Worms, March, 1545, the Protestants refused to take part in it,
since it was called by the Pope, and demanded that peace should
not be made to depend on their participation in this council.^'"
but pledged himself readj- to defend the religion in future as in the past Seckendorf, ;
iii. 371. The Landgrave, by desire of the confederates, repeatedlj' tried to induce him
to join them again (ibid., p. 418), but received the replj- that the Duke avoided the
league that he might not be entangled in matters which did not concern the faith ; ibid.,
p. 428. His hostility with the Elector was much increased by the controversy about the
sovereignty of the citj' of Wurzen, belonging to the bishopric of Misnia. Both parties
were arraj-ed in arms against each other in April, 1542 Luther, in a violent letter, ;
April 7, demanded peace (de Wette, v. 456) ; the Landgrave speedily coming, acted as
mediator; Eommel's Philipp d. Grossm., i. 459; ii. 441.
'^ Luther took for granted that the Swiss, in consequence of the Concordia, would
give up their Zwingle and Oecolampadius, and therefore continued, without scruple, to
attack these men for their errors (so in 1539, "Von den Concilien u. Kirchen," Walch,
xvi. 2730 ; in 1541, " Vermahnung zum Gebet wider d. Tiirken," Walch, xx. 2742), un-
deterred b}' BuUinger's representations ; see Bullinger's Lebensgesch., bj- Hess, i. 3G2,
392. Then Luther renounced all fellowship with the Zurichers, in a letter to the book-
seller, Christopher Frohschauer, of Zurich, who had sent him the Zurich Bible. This
letter was written Aug. Wette, v. 587). He was still more aroused by the
31, 1543 (de
publication of Zwingle's works, edited bj^ Eud. Walther, 1543, prefaced with a defense
of his views; and he now wrote his "Kurzes Bekenntniss vom Abendmahl," 1544
(Walch, XX. 2195), in whicli Zwingle and Oecolampadius were assailed in the most vio-
lent fashion as murderers of souls and heretics : see Bullinger's Leben, by Hess, i. 430.
-' Seckendorf, Struven's Pfiilzische Kirchenhistorie, s. 32.
iii. 616.
-^ In the negotiations on the matter, in Frankfort, Jan., 1546, he sought delay, that
he might advise with his estates Seckendorf, iii. 617. When matters at once became
;
more earnest he drew back wholly.

^' By the bull Laetare Hierusalem, of 19th Nov., 1544, in Lunig's (from the imperial
archives) Spicil. Eccl. Cont., iii. p. 14.
^° Sleidanus, lib. xvi., ed. Am Ende, ii. 373. Seckendorf, iii. 543. The Protestants
declared (Sleidanus, p. 377), religioni datam quidem esse pacem adusque Concilium, se
vero non agnoscere Concilium hoc Tridentinum pro legitime, quale sit in Imperii comitiis
promissum et cur non agnoscant, jam antea saepe demonstrasse pacem igitur sibi
: :
necessariam esse, quae non sit astricta Concilio pontiiicio, sed quae locum habeat, donee
de re tota pie fuerit et christiane transactum : et quia pax vel constitui vel esse firma
non possit, nisi juris administratio sit aequabilis, et vero Spirensi conventu proximo de-
cretum sit, quid in eo fieri oporteat, non se defuturos, quo minus ei decreto satisiiat
haec ergo duo capita si decidantur, non se recusare belli Turcici deliberationem. To
justifj' their rejection of the council the Saxon embassadors, hy order of the Elector,
distributed among the imperial estates Luther's work, written in 1539, "Von d. Con-
dliis u. Kirchen" (Walch, xvi. 2615). But very soon after Luther's book, just publish-
ed, " Wider das Pabstthum zu Rom, vom Teufel gestift" (Walch, xvii. 1278), was also
circulated in the diet, and embittered the Catholics ; Seckendorf, iii. 556, Thereupon,
Seemingly yielding, tlie Emperor made proclamation, in the final

decree,Aug. 4, 1545,^^ that there would be new negotiations for
compromise at the next diet. Manifestly, the only object in view
was to gain time; the Emperor needed this, that he might strike
a surer blow ;^^ and the Protestants, by their assent, only pro-
claimed their conscious weakness from internal divisions. The
Landgrave started the promising project of a closer alliance be-
tween the two Saxonies and Hesse, to take the place of the inef-
fectual Smalcald league ; but the proposal was wrecked by the
hostility of the Elector to Duke Maurice.^^
The religious conference promised by the Emperor was opened
at Ratisbon, Jan. 27, 1546, under far more unfavorable circum-
1)}' order of the Elector, Melancthon wrote Causae, quare et amplexae sint et rctinendam
:
ducant doctrinam, quam profiteiitur, Ecclesiae quae confessionem Aiigustae exhibiiam Im-
peraiori sequuntur : et quare iniquis judicibus collectis in Sijnodo Trideniina, ut vocanl,
nonsit adsentiendum. Witeb., 1546. 4. (in Melanchth. 0pp., ed. Witteberg., iv. 772; in
Seckendorf, iii. 602).
^' Walcb, xvii. 1464. According to the demand of the Emperor in the decree of the
imperial Diet of Spires (Note 22), the Elector caused a project for Reformation to be
drawn up by Melancthon this was also approved by the Saxon and Hessian divines
;
(Witteubergische Reformation, in Cj'prian's Reformations-Urkunden, ii. 410 Melanchth. ;
0pp., ed. Brctschneider, v. 578). In this their old rights were conceded to the bishops,
provided thej' were attached to the pure doctrine. At the present Council of Worms,
however, where this Reformation was desired by Granvella, Burkhard, Chancellor of
Electoral Saxony, only ventured to communicate a portion of the project, omitting what
was said of the restoration of the episcopal authority Seckendorf, iii. 555. Bucer had
;
handed in another project to the Elector extracts in Seckendorf, iii. 539. On the
;
other hand, the Emperor himself commissioned Valentin v. Teutleben to write out a
project for Reform, and probably communicated it to this diet; extracts in Seckendorf,
iii. 547.
^^ The papal legate, Alexander Farnese, at first had a cold reception from the Emper-
or at Worms (Pallavicini, lib. v. cap. 12). However, in the course of the diet the Em-
peror approached him more and more, and Farnese departed, the beginning of Julj-,
with the assurance, Caesarem expeditioni catholici foederis intentum (1. c. cap. 13, § 4).
Immediatelj- thereupon Andelot was sent to Rome by the Emperor. He had to address
the Pope thus (1. c. cap. 14), per reliquos ejus anni menses —videri Carolo arma Protes-
tantibus inferri non posse, sed suam operam in annum proximum — Ilac admissa
ofFerre.
mora cupere se interim, ne Synodus inchoaretur, aut, ubi ea mora Pontifici non proba-
retur, duo postulare, alterum, ut, antequam aperiretur, Caesar commonefieret, quo pos-
set illico Wormatia discedere et molestis Lutheranorum querimoniis se subducere, alte-
rum, ut abstineret eo tempore S3-nodus a dogmatum decisione, quae dum haereticos
lacesseret, ad ultionem extimularet, sed tantum generalibus quibusdam atque novis
disciplinae legibus edendis se contineret. Posse nihilominus contingere, ut Protestan-
tes, etiamsi de haberetur ratio ad Concilii initia, furore perciti, in Catholicos debac-
illis
charentur: proinde opus esse, praesidium aliquod, si quid accideret, paratum habere.
Quo COS lactaret, se a Pontifice poscere,
ut per eum sibi fas esset, in exitu comiliorum
ipsis colloquium et aliuni
conventum indulgere per hiemem habendum, in quo spondere se
Pontifici haud quidquam noxium permissurum orthodoxae religioni ac Pontijiciae aucto-
ritati.
" Seckendorf, iii. 570. Rommel's Philipp der Grossmiithige, i. 520; ii. 480.
;
184 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1C48.
stances than the earlier ones.^* For, as the Council of Trent had
been already opened in Dec, 1545, and addressed itself forthwith
to deciding about the Protestant doctrines, the Catholic members
any concessions would bring down upon
of the colloquy feared that
themselves the same anathemas as the Protestants, Hence they
delayed receiving the articles that had been previously debated
and the debate on the doctrine of justification at once proved that
they could here never come to an agreement. The Emperor now
issued the mandate, that the colloquists should take oath to keep si-
lence about the debate, even toward their princes. It must have
been foreseen that the Protestant party could not accede to this con-
dition and it seemed as if the Emperor wished in this way to
;
cast upon the Protestants the apparent blame of nullifying this

new attempt for peace. The Protestant members of the colloquy
took their departure, and all pacific measures for union seemed to
be exhausted.
During this colloquy Luther died at Eisleben, Feb. 18, 1546.^^
In his last years he had endured many sufferings ; and the divine
favor now took him away from the terrors of that religious war
which was inevitably drawing on.
The Protestants were to be compelled to submit to the council.^®
As they delayed, and would not, in spite of the most urgent invi-
tations, come to the diet at Ratisbon (April, 1546), where this
point was to be especially pressed, the Emperor no longer conceal-
ed his purpose of forcing them to obedience by resort to arms.^"
^* Actonim Colloquii Ratisponensis ultimi verissima relatio. Ingolst., 1546. 4. print- ;
ed by order of the Emperor (see Unschuld. Nachr., 1719, s. 205). Report of the Collo-
qii}-, by G. Major. Wittenb., 1546. 4. (in Buch i. cap. 40) by M.
Hortleder, Th. i. ;
Bucer. Strasburg, 1546. 4. (in Hortleder, u. s. Walch, xvii. 1529) of the

cap. 41 ; in ;
Hessian embassj', with other documents, in Neudeclier's merkw. Actenstucke aus d.

Zeitalter d. Reform. Nurnberg, 1838, ii. 727. On the disinclination to the colloquy on
the part of Maurice, Bishop of Eichstadt, chosen President, and of the dukes of Bavaria,
see Winter's Gesch. d. Evangel. Lehre in Baiern, ii. 127. Cf. Hering's Gesch. der kirchl.
Unionsversuche, Bd. i. (Leipz., 1836) s. 133.
^^ Doctor Martin Luther's Lebensende, von Angenzeugen beschrieben, edited by
G.
Chr. F. Mohnike. Stralsund, 1817. 8.
^^ Cf. the conference of theLandgrave with the new Elector of Mayence, in Hoechst,
Feb. 6,Neudecker's merkw. Actenstiicken, ii. 675 with the Emperor in Spires, March
in ;
28, in Sleidanus, lib. xvii., ed. Am Ende, p. 442 ss.

^' A concise report on this diet, which appeared at the end of June,
1546 in Hortleder, ;
Th. ii. Buch. iii. cap. 2. The imperial proposition was, that they should consult about
the way which perpetual peace and equal rights could be secured by restoring the
in
imperial court and also as to "the means of effectual resistance to the Turks.
; The
Protestants petitioned that the Emperor would " die streitige Religion Sachen durch
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORJIATIOISr. § 8. 1546. 185
That he might more surely subject the powerful Protestant party

by dividing it, he declared, June 17, that his sole purpose was to
punish the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave as disturbers of
the peace of the land f^ and this, too, although their arbitrary
measures, which were the pretext for this course, had been long
since :[orgiven by him. But while he was thus warning the
other Protestant estates not to be deceived by rumors of religious
war, he himself secretly concluded a treaty with the Pope for the
suppression of Protestantism,^^ June 26. The Pope, however,
den Weg eines gemeinen christl. Concilii in Teutsclier Nation zu halten, Nationalver-
saramlung, Reichstag, auf die von der Kaiserl. Maj. vorgeschlagene u. bewilligte Form
des Speyerischen Reiclisabschiedes Auno 1544 aufgericlit, oder durch ein christlich Col-
loquium — zu christlicher Erorterung u. Vergleichung bringen lassen," and showed,
why "das jetzige Trientische Concilium kein solch gemein frey christlich Concilium in
Teutscher Nation sej'n konnte, wie es verabschiedet, und darauf sic die Stiindc der
Augspurgischen Confession sich berufen u. appellirt hiitten." "Aber das papstlich
Theil hat seine Antwort u. Bedenken allein auf das jetzige Trientische Concilium ge-
stellet, u. die Kais. Maj. ersucht u. gebeten, obgemelte Stiinde, sich dem Schluss u. De-
termination desselbigen zu unterwerfen, zu vermogen u. anzuhalten." When the Prot-
estants now heard of the preparations for war b}' the Emperor and the Pope, and asked
the Emperor about them, he replied, June 16, "dass Ihre Maj. bedacht ware, Verord-
nung oder Befehl zu thun in den Artikeln, die Vergleichung, Frieden und Recht belaiig-
end; und wer denselbigen nicht wiirde gehorsamen, gegen deme wollte sich Ihre Maj.,
wie es sich zu Erhaltung Ihrer Maj. Autoritiit gebiirt, zu verbal ten wissen."
^^ Imperial Rescript to the cities of the empire, June
17 in Hortleder, ubi supra,
;
and Walch, xvii. 1817. The Emperor, it is said, had until then overlooked many prac-
tices for the sake of peace. But his efforts for union had been in vain, " nicht von we-
gen oder aus Lieb u. Zuneigung, so dieselbigen Verhinderer u. Zerstorer solcher Ver-
gleichung zu unserer heilwartigen und christl. Religion, oder der Ehren Gottes, die sie
allein zu einem Deckmantel u. Beschciuigung ihres unbilligen Vornehmens allenthalben
—
vorwenden ; sondern vielmehr um dass sie alle andere Stiinde des heil. Reichs unter
solchem Schein der Religion unter sich bringen, u. sich ihrer Giiter mit Gewalt unter-
ziehen mogen ; wie sie denn auch derselbigen nunmals einen guten Theil an sich gezo-
— — —
gen haben zu hohem beschwerlichen Nachtheil vieler armen verjagten Parthej-en,
die solcher entwandten Giiter halben weder Recht noch Billigkeit von ihnen bekommen
mogen, dieweil sie nunmals die Sache so fern getrieben, dass sie weder Gericht noch
Recht im heil. Reiche, welche sie lange vor dieser Zeit, so viel an ihnen, gewaltiglich
unterdrucket und umgestossen, zu besorgen haben." Now thej' even threaten the Emper-
or with arms in their hands, and scatter calumnious books about him. This the Emper-
or can no longer bear, and has at last resolved "endlich enschlossen, die bemeldte un-
sere u. des Reichs ungehorsamen, ungetreuen und widerspenstigen Berauber u. Zerstorer
—
gemeines Friedens u. Rechts zu gebiihrlichem Gehorsam anzuhalten, zu weisen, u.
dardurch gemeine Deutsche Nation in Friede u. Einigkeit zu setzen." The Emperor
makes this announcement to the cities, "damit ihr dess Wissen habt, u. euch so viel
desto weniger abwenden, bereden oder berichten lasset, als ob wir eines andern gesinnet
u. bedacht wiiren, denn dass wir bej' unsern Kaiserl. Worten u. Wiirden behalten, u.
euch dess versichert haben wollen, dass unser Gemiith u. Mej-nung anders nicht gerich-
tet ist, dann ihr hiebey vernommen habet." He sent a like letter to Duke Ulrich v.
Wirtemberg (see Sattler's Gesch. v. Wirtemberg, iii. 233) and to the Elector Hermann
of Cologne, 7th Jul}- (Sleidanus, xvii. ed. Am Ende, p. 488).
2' The original in Raynald., 1546, No. 94. The Capita foederis ut Caesarea Majestas
:
;
unvailed this imperial cunning ty issuing his demands for the sup-
pression of the heretics on the basis of that treaty ;^° so that only
those could in future be deceived who were willing to be so. The
Electors of the Palatinate*^ and of Brandenburg kept quiet, and
Duke Maurice even concluded a treaty with the Emperor/^ July 19.
in nomine Domini cum auxiliis Pontificiae Sanctitatis proximo mense Julii jji expedi-
tionem educat onines copias siias summo virium molimine adversus Protestantes, et
Smalcaldianos, omnesque alios baereticos cujuscunque sectae, et ad veram et antiquam
religionem, et obsequium Sedis Apostolicae revocentur, possitqiie Caesarea Majestas ten-
tare omnes modos, si forte sine armorum vi ipsos ad Religionem Catholicam traducere
possit, temporeque constituto, si res e sententia non successerit, capessantur arma. Non
possit Caesarea Majestas cum Protestantibus et Smalcaldianis, vel aliis haereticis foedus
ullum, aut concordiam inire, quod expeditiouem dissolvat, aut retardet, maximeque
quippiam permittere non possit contra religionem catbolicam, atque Ecclesiae sanctiones
sine expresso consensu Sedis Apostolicae vel Legati Apostolici. The Pope was to give
200,000 ducats for the campaign, 12,000 foot, and 500 horse he granted to the Emperor
;
the half of all the church revenues in Spain for a year, and allowed him to sell estates
of Spanish cloisters to the amount of 500,000 crowns. All Catholic princes were em-
powered to take part in this treaty. The conclusion runs Ut expeditionis conficiendae
:
mense Junio proximo tempus designatum exprimatur de mense Junio praesentis anni
154G, cum haec capita multo ante descripta fuerint, licet consicjnata non essent, ut omnis
erroris scrupulus eximatur.
*° On the 2d and 3d of July to the Kings of France and Poland, in Raynald., 1546,
Ko. 96, 98 to Venice, ibid., No. 101 to the Catholic German princes, ibid., No. 102.
;
;
The letter to the Swiss was at once published and circulated by the Elector and Land-
grave, to prove that " unter deni Schein vermeinten Ungehorsams nicht anders denn
Ausreutung u. Verdruckung Gottes allein scligmaclienden Worts, unserer wahi-en christl.
Religion, auch des Reichs Teutscher Nation Freiheit u. Libertiit gcmeint sey" (Hortle-
der, Th. ii. Buch iii. cap. 12). The Papal bull, Jul}' 15, in which all the faithful are
called upon to support the Catholic arms with praj-er and fasting, was published in :
German, with comments by Amsdorf, in Hortleder, cap. 10 in the Latin original in ;
Massarelli Acta Cone. Trid., p. 85, appended to Salig's Historic des Trid. Cone. iii. The
Emperor was very much dissatisfied with these papal revelations ; see Pallavicini, lib.
ix. cap. 3, § 6 Querebatur Caesar, Pontificem scriptis ad Helvetios et ad Galliae Re-
:
gem Uteris expeditioni obfuisse, cum per eas palam fieret, bellum non ea sola gratia
susceptum, ut Protestantes ob contumaciam in Iraperium plecterentur, sed ut ad vete-
rem religionem adigerentur. Ad haec Pontifex: mirari hujuscemodi querimoniani
cum enim Caesare ipso petente hae conditiones in sancito foedere fuissent appositae, et
Apostolicus Legatus cum tanto militum nuraero contra fidei perduelles missus esset;
quisnara verum rei consilium ignorare posset, bello prorsus politico sibi conficto ?
*' When he inquired about the cause of the war he received the customary answer,
and then attempted a useless mediation Sleidanus, lib. xvii. p. 483 ss.
;
^^ The treaty is given from the original in Pontius Heuterus Rerum Austriacarum,
lib. xii. c. 6, p. 290 also in Weichselbaumer's Gesch. Johann Friedrichs, s. 222. Me-
;
lancthon's judicious judgment about Maurice in a letter to Camerarius, July 27 (ed.

Bretschneider, vi. 207) Multa mihi in mentem veniunt cur (jvfiâyiav vitarit oii î-
: :
Xst Laws SopvKpopoi Eii/ai twv (TTpaTi]yu>v, wv Tiva inroTTTa ouTai <pvXaKTta. Et ut vin-
cerent, ne hoc quidem volet, ad horum arbitrium constitui statum vel publicum, vel
suae ditionis ; ToiavTa Si Kal ivdv/ntjOiiual Tiva ov ooKtl ovte uKaipov oiixt iTrl/j.t/j.Tr'Tov.
iju ok fti\TL(TTov -rravTaxou (ppovilv fts toErunt certe alii eventus, quam
(Toofppovtiv.
hi aut illi putant atque sperant. Nam omnino iugens mutatio rerum impendet. The
two margraves of Brandenburg,- John von Kiistrin and the frivolous Albert of Bayreuth
(Seckendorf, iii. 662), went so far as to enter into the Emperor's service Sleidanus, lib. ;
—
The Smalcald War" began with such unexpected energy on the

part of the League, which had seemed to be ahuost dead, that the
Emperor, who was tarrying with a small army at Ratisbon, seemed
to be in great peril. At the beginning of July he was confronted
by a much superior army from the Wirtemberg highlands, led by
the distinguished general, Sebastian Schartlin von Burtenbach,
which was soon joined by Saxon and Hessian troops. But still
nothing decisive occurred. The arbitrary course of the Emperor,
which reached its height in proclaiming the ban, July 20, against
the Elector and the Landgrave,** and his purpose to destroy Protest-
antism, which lurked behind, were very clearly set forth in the de-
fensive writings of the Protestants ;*^ but the majority of the Coun-
cil of War still prevented all warlike undertakings. The Emperor
was thus in a condition to march to Ingolstadt, and there strength-
en himself on all sides, until he was ready to make an attack.
But now, in November, Maurice fell upon the Electorate of Sax-
ony, the Elector hastened to the aid of his land, the allied army
xvii. p. 461. Cf. the admonitory letters to the former bj' the Elector of Saxonj- and the
Landgrave, and by his mother, the widowed Electoress of Brandenburg in llortlcdcr, ;
Th. ii. Buch iii. cap. 14. The answer of both the Margraves, July 29; ibid., cap. 17.
Bavaria, until now verj^ jealous of Austria, was gained by the marriage, in 154G, of
Prince Albert of Bavaria with Anna, daughter of King Ferdinand see Winter's Gesch. ;
d. Evang. Lehre in Baieru, ii. 137.

"
Best sources: (1.) Favorable to the Emperor: Lud. de Avila, Span. General, Los
Commentaries de la Guerra del Emperador Carolos V. contra los Protestantes de Ale-
mania, Lat., Antverp., 1550. Argentor., 1630. 12. In German, in Hortleder, Th. ii. B.
cap. 81.
iii. (2.) For the Protestants " Schmalkaldische Kriege anno 1546 angespon-
: —
nen, urspriinglichen beschrieben durch einen wolerfarnen u. dieses Kriegs selbst be}'-
wohnenden Kriegsmann (not Schiirtlin), in Mencken Scriptt. Rerum Germ., iii. 1361,
Heinr. Merckel, secretarj^ of St. Magdeburg, Bericht von der alten Stadt
against Avila.
Magdeburg Belagerung in Hortleder, ii. iv. 19. Tileman v. Giinterode, Hessian chan-
;
cellor, Diarium in Mogen Hist. Captivitatis Philippi. Francof., 1766. (3.) Moderate in
tone : Camerarii Hist. Belli Schmalcaldici in Freheri Scriptt. Rerum Germ., ed. Struve,
T. iii. Lambertus Hortensius, rector at Naerden in Holland, De Bello Germanico, lib.
vii. 1550; in Schardii Scriptt. Rer. Germ., ii., and at the end of Avila, Argent., 1630,
especiallj- used bj- Sleidanus. Cf. Rommel's Philipp der Grossmiithige, ii. 482. A col-
lection of passages in Melancthon's letters about this war, in Strobel's Neue Bej-triige,
i. ii. 125. Collection of different reports in Hortleder Vom Teutschen Kriege, Th. ii.
Buch iii. Worhs on the subject : Hiiberlin's Neueste Teutsche Reichsgeschichte, i. Men-
zel's Neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, iii. 1. Rommel's Philipp d. Grossm., i. 522 ; ii. 486.
J. G. Jahn's Gesch. d. Schmalkaldischen Krieges. Leipzig, 1837. 8.
" Hortleder, Th. ii. B. iii. cap. 16.
*^ Compare and Landgrave,
especially the proof of their innocence bj^ the Elector
Jul}' 15, in Hortleder, ii. iii. 11. A
August, ibid., cap. 15. Their
furtlier statement,
letter renouncing allegiance to the Emperor, Aug. 11, in Sastrowen's Leben, ed. Moh-
nike, i. 421. On their outlawry by the Emperor, Sept. 2, in Hortleder, ii. iii. cap. 29
and 30.
separated, and the Protestant cause was lost. The states m the
Upper Land prayed for grace, and received it with great sacrifices.
Hermann, Elector of Cologne, had been already deposed by a pa-
pal decree of April 16, 1546,*^ but had thus far been spared by
the now, however, Charles convened the estates of
Emperor ;*^
Cologne, Jan. 24, 1547, and carried this decree into execution.^^
The Elector of Saxony easily drove Duke Maurice from his do-
main ; but in the spring the Emperor came upon him by surprise,
defeated him near Miihlberg, in the Lochau forest, took him pris-
oner,*^ April 24, 1547, and compelled him, in the Wittenberg ca-
pitulation, to give up his electoral dignity and the half of his do-
minions to Duke Maurice. The Landgrave of Hesse, now stand-
ing alone, submitted in Halle, June 19 ; and, although he thought
himself secured by the previous negotiations of the Electors of
Brandenburg and of Saxony, he too was kept in prison by the
Emperor.^"
*^ Eaj-naldus, aim. 1546, No. 103. The decision was first communicated to the Chap-
ter, Senate, and University' of Cologne in a brief, July 3; ibid.. No. 104.
*' Cf. the Emperor's letter to the Elector, 7th Jul}-, above, Note 38.
*^ Slcidanus, lib. xviii. p. 575. Hilberlin's Neueste Teutsche Reichsgeschichte, i. 112.
*' That the Elector was betraj-ed bj' his Councilors is maintained by the zealous ad-
herents of the Ernestinian line, Paul Mtihlpfort, in Hortleder, ii. iii. 69, and the narra-
tion in G. Arnold's Kirchen-u. Ketzerhistorie, Schafhausen edition, 1740, Th. ii. s. 1006;
this narrative of the religious disputes is falsel}' ascribed to Ratzenberger it is hj a ;
passionate follower of Flacius. The complaints against the Wittenberg divines, espe-
cialh' Melancthon and Bugenhagen, as given in this last narration, that thej' had at
once abandoned the old Elector in his misfortunes, are proved to be calumnies b}"- Bu-
genhagen's work " Wie es uns zu Wittenberg in der Stadt in dem vergangenen Kriege
:
ergangen 1547" (also in Hortleder, Th. ii. B. iii. cap. 73). Cf. Fortgesetzte Sammlung
von alten ii. neuen theol. Sachen 1729, s. 293 ff.
*" The Emperor demanded the unconditional submission of the Landgrave the Elect- ;
ors, however, desired that certain conditions should be secretly granted them, and their
councilors, with this in view, laid before the imperial councilors, June 2, certain arti-
cles which begin thus (Rommel's Philipp d. Grossm., iii. 235): "Der Landgraf erpeut
sich von neuem, er wolle sich in der Kais. Maj. Gnad u. Ungnad frey u. ohne ainiche
Condition oder Anhang ergeben. Doch so setzen meine genadigste u. geniidige Herren,
der Churf. v. Brandenburg u. Herzog Moriz v. Sachsen, zu, dass fiir ihre Personen von
Nothen sejm wurd, einen Verstand von Ir. Maj. zu haben, dass ihm, dem Landgrafen,
seiche Ergebung weder zu Leibstraf noch zu ewiger [einiger] Gefenknuss reichen."
Here first occurs the expression, which was afterward a matter of dispute on the side :
of the Emperor it was maintained that the assurance read "noch zu ewiger Gefiingniss,"
that is, to perpetual imprisonment; on the other side, "noch zu einiger Gefangniss,"
that is, to some imprisonment. Nothing more is extant of the further secret negotia-
tions thej' were probablj- for the most part oral.
; So much is certain, that the Electors
believed thej' had insured the Landgrave against anij imprisonment, for they wrote to
him, June 4 (ibid., s. 237): " AVir versprechen E. L., dass dieselbige dai'durch uber die
Artikel weder an Leibe noch Gute, mit Gefenknuss, Bestrickung oder Sehmalerung Ihres
Landes nicht sollen beschwert werden." When Philip was taken prisoner in the abode
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION, § 8. 1547. 189
Even in the midst of his victories, however, the Emperor was

still at variance with the Pope. Charles was convinced that if
the ecclesiastical abuses were abolished the Protestants might be
easily reconciled with the Church ; and he was consequently dis-
pleased that the Council of Trent, instead of beginning with a

reformation, began with passing judgment upon the Protestant
doctrines,^^ thus making it more difficult for the Protestants to
appear there. The Pope could not be favorable to a reform that

of the Duke of Alba, the Electors declared it to be a piece of villainj*, and the Elector
Joacliim wanted to cut off the head of the Bishop of Arras as the chief deceiver (Anal.
Hassiaca, Coll. xi. 22G; Rommel, iii. 510). It is inconceivable that the Electors could
have neglected so weighty a point in the negotiations, since thej' pledged themselves
personally to the Landgrave that he should not be held a prisoner we must, therefore,
;
give credit to the contemporary testimony, that the imperial councilors allowed them-
selves to be deceived. And this deception is easily explained, if it be true, according to
the report of the vice-chancellor Held, that the Electors brought the negotiations with
the Bishop of Arras to an end on the 19th June, just before the final solemn act, and
after the}' had been drinking together verj' freely (v. Bucholtz's Gesch. d. Regierung
Ferdinand's I., vi. 65). That the Emperor had no share in the deception, and knew onlj-
of a promise that the imprisonment should not be ijerpetual, appears from his correspond-
ence at this time with Ferdinand (v. Bucholtz, vi. G3 f., C9). When, then, the Emperor,
at the Diet of Augsburg (Sept., 1547), endeavored to justifj' himself publicly against the
general opinion that the Landgrave had been betrayed, the two Electors replied (Hort-
leder, Th. ii. B. iii. cap. 84): "Sie wiissten in dieser Sach die Kays. Maj. iu nichten zu
beschuldigen, dass an Vollziehung dcr abgeredten Capitulation bej' Ihrer Maj. einiger
Mangel jemals gewesen gleichwol sind in diesen Sachen allerhand Bej'- u. Neben-
:
Handel furgefallen, anfiinglich mit dcr Rcim. Kays. Maj., ehe und denn Ihre Maj. aus
dem Feldlager vor Wittemberg verruckt, und folgends niit Kays. Maj. Rilthen, wclche
ganz geheim u. enge geschehen. Und kounte sich hierimien noch wol zugetragen ha-
ben, dass in Mangel u. Unverstand der Sprachen mit der Kaj-s. Maj. Rilthen allerhand
—
Misverstand erfolget sej-n mcichte. Jedoch ware bej-der Churfiirsten Gemiith u. Mej'-
nung nicht, sich deshalben in einige Disputation eiuzulassen." Thej', however, give
the assurance that thej' did not understand there was anj' danger, and that with this
conviction they had been able to secure the appeai-ance of the Landgrave. But when
Maurice, in 1552, declared against the Emperor, he asserted outright that he had heard
him promise that the Landgrave should "not be subjected to imprisonment or loss of
land" (Hortleder, Th. ii. Buch v. cap. 4). That the imperial councilors used deception
is maintained particularly in L. G. Mogen's Historia Captivitatis Philippi Magnanimi.
Francof., 1766. 8., and Rommel's Philipp der Grossm., i. 533; ii. 507; iii. 235. On the
other hand, the attempt is made to denj' it in M. G. Wernher, Kaiser Carls V. Ehrenret-
tung u. Vertheidigung wegen der be}- Landgraf Philipps Ergebung gebrauchten Worte :
nicht zum ewigen Gefiingniss. Niirnberg, 1782, and Menzel's Neuere Gesch. der Deutsch-
'
en, iii. 198. _
*' As embassadors demanded that the Reformation should

earl J' as 1546 the imperial
first be taken iu hand after an animated discussion the council concluded to take up
;
dogmas and reforms together see Histoire du Concile de Trente, par P. Sarpi trad, par
;
Courayer, i. 246 Pallavicini, lib. vi. c. 7 Raynaldus, 1546, No. 10. When, however,
; ;
the council was about to pass to the first dogmatic anathemas, the imperial embassador,
Francis Toletanus, was obliged, in May, 1546, still to interpose earnest objections Sarpi, ;
i.290 Pallavicini, lib. vii. c. 3 the Spanish prelates were on his side, but it was in
; :
vain (Raynald., 1546, No. 70). Against the objections of the Emperor in this matter
the Pope tried to excuse himself in Febr., 1547 (Pallavicini, lib. ix. c. 3, No. 3 ss.).
threatened important limitations upon his power, and watched

with mistrust the influence of the Emperor upon the council.
Hence he was not less terrified than were the Protestants hy
the rapid victories of the Emperor f^ for as long as Protestantism
was not rooted out the imperial preponderance was not less dan-
gerous to him than to the Protestants. He therefore again made
a closer alliance with France,^^ recalled his troops in Dec, 1546,
and, while the Emperor was busy in Saxony, adjourned the council,
March from Trent to Bo-
11, 1547, on the pretext of the plague,
logna,^* where the imperial preponderance would make itself less
felt. The Emperor was greatly enraged by these acts of the Pope.
He could not so easily act in conformity with the intimation that
Protestantism should be at once suppressed f^ for there were pow-
*- Sarpi, i. 387. Rankc, Fiirsten u. Volker von Sud-Europa im IGten u. 17ten Jaliih.
ii. 252.
*' That the King of France instigated the Pope against the Emperor, while he also
encouraged and aided the Protestant states, appears from the correspondence of the
King with bis embassadors, present with the Pope, the Elector, and the Landgrave, in
the Lettres et Memoires d'estat des Eoj's, Princes, Ambassadeurs, et autres Ministres
sous les regnes de Franqois I., Henry H., et Francois II., rangees par M. Guill. Ribier.
ii Paris, 166G, 2 Tomes fol. The Pope M'ent into the matter so far that the French em-
bassador at Rome, du Mortier, announced to his King, in the spring of 1547 (Ribier, i.
G37) Sa Saintete a
:
—
entendu, que le Due de Saxe se trouve fort, dont elle a tel coii-
tcntenient, comme celuy qui estime le comniun enneni}- cstre par ces moyens retenu
d'executer ses entrepriscs et connoist-on bien qu'il seroit utile sous-main d'entretenir
:
ceux qui luj' resistent, disant, que vous ne s(;auricz faire depense plus utile Sarpi, i. ;
497 Ranke, ii. 2G0.

;
** As early as June, 1546, a change of place was agitated by the legates at the coun-
cil (Pallavicini, lib. viii. c. 5, c. 10, c. 15) but it was hindered by the threats of the
;
Emperor, and apparentlj' abandoned. Thus it is said in the papal work written to justi-
f}' it, Febr., 1547 (Pallavicini, lib. ix. c. 3, No. 4) translationem Concilii gravissirais
:
de causis opportunam sibi visam ab ea tamen animum avertisse, non quidem ob ad-
:
ducta's a Caesare rationes, quibus neutiquam acquiescebat sed ob adversum illius ani- ;
mum, cui se concordem praeoptabat in iis etiam quae minus idonea ex aliis rationibus
existimasset. The death of some persons now gave the opportunity to feign a conta-
gious sickness, which was also asserted to exist bj- two phj'sicians of the council, but
denied by the resident phj-sicians of Trent. On the change of place of the council, see
Sarpi, i. 483 ; Pallavicini, lib. ix. c. 3 ; i. 593. The
Salig's Hist, des Trident. Conciliums,
true reason, however, was the fear, alreadj' by the Cardinal
avowed in a private letter
Cervinus (Pallavicini, viii. 5, 5), quaenam Caesaris armati partes imposterum futurae
essent nimirum Concilio leges dare, essetne de dogmatibus disputandum necne, quave
;
ratione de ea ipsa re agendum nee posse repulsam reddi. The imperial bishops pro-
;
tested against the transference, and remained in Trent.

*^ Cf. the papal Letter of Justification, Febr., 1547, in Pallavicini, ix. 3, 5 : Suam
Carolus voluntatem significarat expeditionis continuandae, donee Protestantes ad obsc-
quium Sedis Apostolicae pertraxisset. Hoc Caesaris studium Pontifex commendabat,
ajebatque, id a se sperari, cum ad illud ipsum obtinendum foedus coisset, tametsi post-
modum per concordiam cum Wirtembergico, variisque haereticis urbibus initam, inscio
Pontifice, fuisset a pactionibus resilitum, sibique materia querelarum exhibita.
;;
erful Protestant princes yet unsutdued, and a still harder conflict

was to be expected with the Protestant people. Nor did he wish
to do this before the ecclesiastical reformation was effected, which
he viewed as the condition and price of victory. Therefore he
could not abide the prorogation of the council to an Italian city,
where it seemed about become wholly dependent on the Pope
to
he protested against and demanded that the council should re-
it,
turn to Trent.^*^ Tedious negotiations sprang up between the Em-

peror and the Pope, and the activity of the council was interrupted
for several years.
§9.
CONTINUATION, TO THE RELIGIOUS PEACE OF AUGSBURG, SEPT. 25, 1555.
As the council, under these circumstances, was for, a long time

forced to remain inactive, the Emperor determined, on his own au-
thority, to establish preliminary arrangements in the German em-
pire,which might at first bring about an external, and thus open
the way
for an internal, union of the contending religious parties
he also intended, by these provisions, to break the road for such

a general reform of the Church as he desired.^ The point of
*^ Discussions between the Emperor and the Pope, Sarpi, i. 502 Pallavicini, 1. x.
;
c. 6 ss. Particularly the sending bj^ the Emperor of the Cardinal Madruzzi, Bishop of
Trent, to Rome, in Nov., 1547; the documents on it in Raynald., 1547, No. 88 Martene ;
Collect. Vet. Monum., viii. 1162; Earth, Sastrowen Leben, by Mohnike, ii. 178 ff. The
imperial protest in Bologna, IGth Jan., 1548, in Raynald., 1548, No. 6 Sastrow, ; ii. 214 ;
and in the papal Consistory in Rome, 23d Jan., in Raynald., 1548, No. 19.
The idea seems to have been first started by the estates. At the Diet of Augsburg
*
the Emperor declared to them in his Proposition, Sept. 1, 1547 (see Barthol. Sastrowen
Ilerkommen, Geburt u. LaufF seines gantzen Lebens, bj' G. Chr. F. Mohnike, Greifs-
wald, 1824, Th. ii. s. 105), that he was determined to bring the religious division "to a
speedy conclusion." Thereupon the Catholic electors responded (s. 117), that the Em-
peror should, in the mean time, until the close and decision of the council, be watchful
to restore peace and right in German}'. The evangelical electors demanded, on the
other hand (s. 118), a mutual and free Christian council, of which the Pope should not
be the President, where the Protestants might have a part in the consultations and de-
cisions and that those articles should again be taken up which the Council of Trent
;
had already determined. The princes wished (s. 129 sq.) a continuation of the Council
of Trent, but so that the articles tliere alreadj' decided might " again be taken in hand
and the Protestants su%;iently heard upon them." But as the end of the council might
be long delaj-ed, they pray that the Emperor "would at once see to it, and maintain
order in the mean time as far as he could, until, by the official examination of this com-
mon council, religious matters might be arranged and decided in a Christian way," so
that peace should be insured. The Emperor, in his address, Jan. 14, 1548, responded to
this request (Sleidan., lib. xx., ed. Am Ende, iii. 93; the address is in Sastrow, ii. 198);
and a commission of the estates was appointed to consult about the Interim, which be-
view from which he started was this that the Protestants, after
:
was broken, would be kept away from the Church

their obstinacy
gan to act Feb. 11 (Sastrow, ii. 296 sq.). Meanwhile, however, some bishops had been
privatel}' at work iu the affair, and had gained over the Elector Joachim II. of Branden-
burg, who was deeply involved in it, and his court preacher, John Agricola (Sastrow,
ii. 299, 304). Julius von Pflug, Bishop of Naumburg, had previously drawn up a form-
ula of union after the stj-le of that of Ratisbon (see § 7, Note 42, above), and making
use of it (Formula sacrorum emendandorum in Comitiis Augustanis anno 1548 a Julio
Pflugio composita et proposita, ed. M. Chr. G. Miiller. Lips., 1803. 8. Agricola also
saj-s, 1562 :
" Ich glaub das Interim war gemacht ehe wir nach Augspurg kamen ;" see
Freiwilliges Hebopfer Beitr. 29, s. 706). Of this, Parts I. and II., on doctrine and ec-
clesiastical usages, were laid at the basis of the Interim, and presented to Michael Field-
ing, Bishop of Sidon, Suffragan of Mayence, and to Agricola, for examination. The
vain Agricola was so won over by the ready reception of his remarks, which, however,
did not go verj' deepl}' into the matter, for he also was desirous of the union, that he
wrote to Glatius, preacher in Orlamiinde non solum adfui compositicni, sed etiam prae-
:
fui (Bieck's Dreyfaches Interim, s. 25). The}' also tried to gain Bucer toward the end
:
of Jan. (Sleidan., iii. 94) he must come privatelj' to Augsburg, at the invitation of the
Elector Joachim he delayed, however, subscribing (Sastrow, ii. 310). The writing was
;
now laid before the Emperor by " some persons of high position and name" (the expres-
sions of the Emperor in the preface to the Interim the chief of them was the Elector
;
Joachim, see Sastrow, ii. 304 the others were probablj' the bishops, who had originated
;
the affair) he received it willinglj-, as the official commission had not come to any re-
;
sult, and communicated it first to some of the estates, to give their opinion on it in pri-
vate. Thus it came first, on the 17th March, to the Elector Maurice (see Expositio eo-
rum, quae theologi Acad. Wittebergensis de rebus ad religionem pertinentibus monue-
rint. Witeberg, 1559. 4. folio 0. 4. b).
; He sent it at once to his theologians, who con-
sulted upon it in Zwickau (Expositio, Q. 2 sq.), and tried to avoid the urgencj' of the
Emperor that he should at once accept the Interim (Expositio, P. 2 sq.). The divines
assembled in Zwickau answered, April 14 (Expositio, R. 2), and afterward sent in a still
fuller opinion, 24th April (Expositio, S. 2) it was all unfavorable to the Interim.
; To
the Pope it was first sent in behalf of the Emperor, April 11, by Cardinal Sfondratus ;
but the nuncio, dispatched in this affair, came too late with his comments for he had
;
audience before the Emperor (May 15) only on the day when the Interim was proclaim-
ed, and after its publication (Pallavicini, lib. x. c. 17, No. 2 and 7). In consequence
of the manifold opinions sent in, the original Formula of Pflug had undergone many
alterations, even after it had been communicated to the Elector Maurice Expositio, Q.
:
4. b :Notum est, librum Interim in capite justificationis initio minus corruptelarum ha-
buisse, et post vol Malvendam vel Dominicum quendam a Soto, vel utrumque plures
inseruisse, de quo et infra (X. 3) Principis Mauritii scriptum ad Caesarem queritur et :
nominare ex adversariis possemus, qui Philippo Melanthoni de Sotensis insertionibus

confess! sunt. — —
(Melanthon) Ratisponensi similem judicavit inter initia. Et ex auctori-
bus libri primis unus nostris narravit, consilium Imperatoris fiiisse, ut caput de justifi-
catione iisdem verbis in librum Interim insereretur, quibus in tractationibus Ratisponen-
sibus de hoc a1) utraque parte convenisset, ut corruptelas crassiores a Magistris secundis
extitisse necesse sit. Bekenntnuss u. Erklerung aufs Interim durch der erbare Stiidte
Lubeck, Hamburg, Luneburg, etc., Superintendenten, Pastoren, etc. Magdeburg, 1549.
4.; folio 4. b. " Zum dritten ist darin alles vermischet u. vei^wirret, gut u. bose also
zusammengeriihret u. gekocht, dass bej' eiuem guten Wort stets ein tiickisch bose Wort
—
hinzu gethan ist, u. scheinet aus dem Interim, dass das Buch von ungleich gesinneten
—
Meistern geschrieben u. zu Hauf getragen sey. Es wird auch allenthalben gesagt, dass
etzliche furnemliche Interim-Meister selbst soUen klagen, dass in dem Interim Verende-
rung geschehen se}-, und dass^ itzt drinnen stehe, das sie weder gerathen noch gewilligt
haben." Particularly was the Formula of Pflug changed so as to agree with the decrees
less by their peculiar doctrines than by th^ Cathohc abuses; and

that here was a good opportunity, by doing away with these abuses
beforehand, to compel the council, which would by-and-by begin
to act again, to take earnest steps in the reform so long desired in
vain. In this sense he had a provisional ecclesiastical formula
drawn up for the Protestants by the two Catholic bishops, Julius
von Pflug and Michael Helding, in conjunction with the court
preacher of Brandenburg, John Agricola.- According to this the
Protestants were again to become subject to the Pope and the
bishops,accommodate themselves to the Catholic doctrine, and
have concessions made only on some matters of external order.
This provisional arrangement received legal sanction at the Diet
of Augsburg, May 15, 1548 —the Interim Augustanum? At
of Trent, so far as they then existed ; see Planck's Gesch. des Protest. Lehrbegriffs, B.
iii. Th-. ii. s. 432. Agricola translated the Interim into German (Freiwilliges Hebopfer
Beitr., 29, s. 706). This German text became the original ; the Latin (as we now have
it) is translated from it ; and thus are to be explained the numerous deviations of the
Formula of Pflug from the Latin Interim in the mode of statement, even where the sense
is the saniG. Miiller has collected these in the preface to the Pflugii Formula, p. xlviii.
sq., and wrong!}- represents them as intentional alterations of the text.
At first it appeared as though this were to hold valid for both parties but the Catho-
^ ;
lic estates at once made provision against it. The clerical electors took offense at the mar-
riage of the clergj' and the Communion under both forms thej- missed the restitution of ;
the ecclesiastical property and they demanded that the Interim should apply only to
;
the Protestants, and not to the Catholics (Sastrow, ii. 322). The Catholic princes ex-
pressed themselves still more stronglj' on the matter (ibid., s. 327. The answer there
given only in part is found in full in a Latin translation in Martene Collect., viii. 1184),
and prayed '• Die Kais. Maj. woUte die Cathol. Stiind mit sollicher Zulassung n. Be-
:
schwerung ihrer Gewissen unbeladen lassen dieweil auch sonderlich u. unzweifenlicli

;
ein gemeiner Aufruhr u. ein gemeiner Abfaal von dem christlichen Glauben daraus er-
folgcn niochte." Accordingly the Emperor demanded of the estates, in the introduc-
tion to the Interim "So bisher die Ordnungen u. Satzungen gemeiner christlichen Kirch-
:
en gehalten, —dass sie dieselben hinfiiran anch halten, u. darbey bestiindiglich bleiben,
verharren, u. darvon niclit abweichen, noch Veriinderung fiirnehmen. —Aber die andem
Stande, so Neuerung fiirgenommen, ersuchen Ihr Kais. Maj. auch ganz genadiglich u.
entweders widerum zu gemeinen Stiinden treten, u. sich mit ihnen in
ernstlich, das sie
Haltung gemeiner christlichen Kirchen Satzungen u. Ceremonien aller Ding vergleich-
en, Oder sich doch mit ihrer Lehr u. Kirchenordnungen bemeltem Eathschlag in all-
weg gemiiss halten, u. weiter nit greifen noch schreiten." The Elector Maurice, too,,
made complaint about Emperor, Maj- IGth (Expositio Wittebergensis, x.,
this to the
2, b) : at first it was said
him, quod ab utrisque partibus ilia formula recipi com-
to
muni consensu deberet jetzt aber hore er, quod ea non communiter utrisque partibus,
:
sed alteri tantum ad servandum imponerentnr. [A. Jansen de Jul. Pflugio ejusque
sociis reformationis aetate ct ecclesiae concordiae et Germaniae unitatis studiosis. Berl.,
1858.]
"Der. IliJra. Kais. Majestat Erklarung wie cs der Religion halben im heil. Reich,
^
bis zu Austrag des gemeinen Concili gehalten werden soil, auf dem Reichstag zu Augs-
purg, den XV. May im MDXLYIII. Jahr publicirt u. erciffnet, u. von gmainen Stiinden
angenommon. Mit Kais. Maj. Freyhait, nit nachzutruckcn, verboten." At the end:
" Getruckt zu Augspurg, durch Phil. Ulhart." 4. (also in the Sammlung der Reichsab-
VOL. IV. — 13
—
194 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648.
the same diet, June 14, he caused a Formula Reformationis to he
schiede. Frankf. a. M. 1737. fol. Th. ii. s. 550, and in Bieck, Das dreyfache Interim.
Lt'ipz. 1721. 8., s. 2G6). A Latin edition was published at the same time : e rjerviunica
lingua in laiinam, qiiam proxime fieri potiiit versa, et ipsius Majestatis jussu typis excusa,
ne aut ipsi propositioni, aut scripto, quod subsequitur, scribentium varictate quicquani possit
iiddi vel detrahi. Francof. ad Oderam. 4. It contains twenty-six sections : I. Of Man be-
fore the Fall. — II. Of Man after the Fall. — III. Of Redemjition through Christ our Lord. —
IV. Of Justification. " Wer nun
durch das theuer Blut Christi erliiset, u. ihm der Ver-
dieust des Leidens Christi zugetheilt u. gegeben, der wird alsbald gereclitfertigt, d. i. er
liiidet Vergebung seiner Sunden, wird von der Schuld der ewigen Verdammniss erledigt,
u. verneuert durch den heil. Geist, u. also aus einem Ungerechten wird er gerecht. Danu
da Gott rechtfertiget, handelt er nicht allcin menschlicher Weis mit dem Menschen, also
dass er ihm allein verzeihe, u. schenke ihme die Sunde, u. entbinde ihn von der Schuld,
—
sondern er macht ihn auch besser. Dann er ihm seinen heil. Geist mittheilet, der sein
Herz reiniget u. reizet durch die Liebe Gottes, die in sein Herz ausgegossen wird, dass
er das, so gut u. recht ist, bcgehre, u. was er begehret, mit dem Werk vollbringe, das ist
die rechte Art der eingegebenen Gerechtigkeit. —
Dieweil nun ein Mensch, so lang er hie
auf Erden Vollkommenheit dieser eingegebenen ^Gerechtigkeit nicht mag erlan-
lebt, die
gen, so kommt uns Christus auch dieses Orts merklich u. gnadigst zu Hiilf, also dass —
er eben, wie er —
die Gerechtigkeit des Menschen —
gewirkt hat, also mehret er sie auch,
u. durch den Verdienst seines theuren Bluts u. seiner Gerechtigkeit (die ganz vollkom-
men bestehet) erwirbt er dem Menschen Vergebung." V. Of the Fruits and the Uses of —
Justification. —
VI. Of the Way by u-hich Man receives Justification. " Wiewol Gott den
—
Menschen gerecht macht ohn seinen Verdienst —
doch handelt der barmherzige Gott
;
nicht mit einem Menschen wie mit eiucm todten Block, sondern zeucht ihn mit seinem
WiUcn, wenn er zu seinen Jahrcn kommt. Dann ein solcher empfiihet dieselben Wohl-
thaten Christi nicht, es sey dann, dass durch die vorgehende Gnad Gottes sein Herz u.
—
Will bewegt werde, den Sunden feind zu werden. Alsbald bewegt die Gnade Gottes das
Herz zu Gott durch Jesum Christum, n. diese Bewegung ist des Glaubens, durch welchen
der Mensch ohne Zweifel glaubt der heil. Schrift. "Wer also glaubt,
—
der wird aufgericht, —
u. durch Bewegung der Gnaden Gottes empfiihet er das Vertrauen u. die Hoftnung.
Dieser Glaub erlangt die Gab des heil. Geistes, durch welchen die Liebe Gottes ausgegos-
.sen wird in unsere Herzen, welche, so sie zum Glaubenu. der Hoftnung kommet, werden
wir alsdann durch die eingegebene Gerechtigkeit, die im Menschen ist, wahrhaftiglich
gerechtfertigt. Dann diese Gerechtigkeit bestehet durch den Glaubcn, die Hoffnung u.
die Liebe, also wo man dieser Gerechtigkeit der Stuck eines wollte entziehen, so wiii'de
sie —
gestiimmelt und mangelhaftig seyn." VII. Of Love and Good Worlcs. "Die Liebe,
die da ist das Ende des Gebots und die Vollkommenheit des Gesetzes, so bald sie in der
Eechtfertigung eiiitritt, so ist sie fruchtbar, u. beschleusset insich selbst die Samen aller
guten Vv'êrk. —
Und wiewohl diese Werk dermasscn gestalt sej-nd, dass sie Gott von ims,
als fur sein —
Recht erfordern mochte, noch dannoch, dieweil solche Werk aus der Lieb
herfliessen, und Gott nach seinem Wohlgefallen den Vfiirkenden Belohnungen allermil-
dest zugesagt so begnadet er sie mit Vergeltung zeitlicher Giiter u. des ewigen Lebens.
;
— Noch eins muss man lernen, wiewohl die Werk, die von Gott geboten, nothig seyn zur
Seligkeit, —so seynd doch die Werke, welche iiber diese Gebot geschehen, u. ehrlich n.
gottselig gehandelt werden, auch zu loben, auf dass wir nicht wider den heil. Geist
seynd, der dieser viel in heil. Schrift lobet." —
VIII. Of Trust in the Forgiveness of Sins.
" Allhie muss man sicli wohl fiirsehcn, dass man die Menschen nicht allzusicher mache,
u. dass sie ilmen selbst nicht allzuviel vertrauen, auch durch ilngstiglich Zwcifeln nicht -in
Verzwcifiung kommen. Darum dieweil Paulus sngt, ob er gleich sich selbst in nichts
schuldig weiss, sej^ er doch darum nicht gerechtfertiget: so kann ja der Mensch ganz
.•chwerlich von wegen seiner Schwachlieit u. Unvennogens ohn einigen Zweifel glauben,
—
dass ihm die Siinde vergebeu sind." IX. Of the Churches. " Und wiewohl die Kirche, so-
fern sie in solchen Gliedern stehet, die nach der Liebe leben, allein der Heiligen ist, u. des-
halben unsichtbar, so ist sie doch auch sichtbar, indem dass sie Christus zeigt, da er
CHAP. I.— GERJIAN REFORIVIATION. § 9. 1548. I95
laid before the G-erman bishops, according to which they were to

spricht : sag es der Kirclien. Zu dieser gehoren die Bischofe, die das Volk regieren, —dar-
—
zu gehoren audi die andern Diener. Nun sej-nd in dieser Kirchen nicht allein die Heil-
igen, sondernauch die Bosen, als Glieder derselbigen, wiewohlunfruchtbar." X. Of the —
—
Signs and Notes of True Churches. XI. Ofthe Power and Authoriti/ of the Churches. "Wie-
wolil die Schrift, wie Christus sagt, nicht aufgelost werden kann, u, also deshalben un-
beweglich, u. grosser denn aller Menschen Gewalt so ist doch bey der Kirchen allweg
:
die Macht gewesen, die —

wahren Schriften von den falschen zu scheiden. Also hat sie
auch Gewalt, die Schrift auszulegen, n. sonderlich aus ihnen die Lehren zu nehmen u.
zu erklilren, sintemal der heil. Geist bey ihr ist, u. leitet sie in alle Wahrheit, wie danu
—
der Herr Christus solches selbst zugesagt. Uber das hat die Kirch etliche Satzungen von
Chvisto u. den Aposteln durch die Hand der BischofFen an uns bis hieher gebracht wel- :
cher die zerreisst, der laugnet, dass die Kirch eiu Saul u. Grundvest sey der Wahrheit.
Dieserley seynd die Kindertauf u. andere. So ist auch das gewiss, dass die Kirch Macht
—
habe zu strafen, u. zu excommuniciren. So hat sie auch Gewalt zum Gerichtszwang:
dann wc;n da gebiihrt die Macht zu strafFen, dem muss auch die Macht des Gerichts-
zwangs zugestellt werden. Und wann zweifelhaftige Fragen fiirfallen in der Kirchen,
so hat sie Macht, von denen zu urtheilen u. zu schliessen, u. das durch einen S3^nodum
Oder Versammlung, und was sie dann im heil. Geist rechtmiissig versammelt beschleusst,
das ist zu achten, als hatt es der heil. Geist selbst geschlossen, wie dann geschrieben
stehet im Concilio zu Jerusalem Es gefiillt dem heil. Geist x\. uns." XH. Ofthe Serv-
: —
ants of the Churches. —
XIII. Of the highest Bishop and other Bishops. " Und anf dass die
Kirch, die eines Haupts d. i. des Herrn Christi einiger Leib ist, desto leichter in Einigkeit
crhalten wiirde, wiewohl sie viel Bischofte hat, welche das Volk, so Christus durch sein
theures Blut erworben hat, regieren, u. das axis gottlichen Rechten, so hat man doch
einen obersten Bischoff, der den andern alien mitvollera Gewalt furgesetzt ist, Schismata
w. Trenming zu verhiiten, u. das nach der Pi'aerogativ*. u. Fiirzug, der Petro verliehcn
ist.— Wer nun den Stuhl Petri innen hat als oberster Bischoff, der soil mit dem Recht,
damit es Petrus von Christo empfangen, da er sprach weide meine Schafe, die ganze
:
Kirchen regieren u. verwalten, aber er soil seinen Gewalt, so er hat, gebrauchen nicht
—
zur Zerstorung, sondern zur Erbauung. " XIV. Of the Sacraments in general. As to
these, in the subsequent section, the Catholic doctrine is given entire. —
XV. Of Baptism. —
— —
XVI. Of Confirmation. XVII. Of the Sacrament of Penance. XVIII. Of the Sacrament
— —
of the Altar. XIX. Of Holy Unction. XX. Ofthe Sacrament of Ordination of Priests. —
—
XXI. Of the Sacrament ofMarrikge.' Then, XXII. Of the Sacrifice ofthe Mass. "Gleicli-
wie nun vor der Zukunft Christi Gott den Viittern etliche gewisse Opfer gegeben hat,
dardurch sie die Gediichtnuss des grossen Opfers, das sie zukiinftig erwarteten, in ihren
Herzen erwegten ;
—also
hat Gott seiner Kirchen ein reines n. heilsames Opfer seines
Leibs u. Bluts unter Gestalt Brots u. Weins befohlen, dardurch wir ohn Unterlass die
Gediichtnuss seines Leibs u. Bluts, das fiir uns vergossen ist, in unserm Herzen verneue-
ten, u. den Nutz des blutigen Opfers, in welchem er die Geheiligten in Ewigkeit vollkom-
men gemacht hat, an nns briichten." —
XXIII. Ofthe Remembrance of Saints in the Sac-
rificeof the Mass, and of their Intercession, which is therein desired ; also, shortly, Of the
—
Praying to Saints. XXIV. Of the Remembrance of the Dead in Christ. XXV. Of Com- —
—
munion, and how it is to he observed in the Sacrifice of the Mass. XXVI. Of the Cere-
monies and Usages in the Sacraments. Here all the Catholic usages, festivals, and fasts
are confirmed. " Die Ceremonion der andern Sacramenten sollen gebraucht werden ver-
raog der alten Agenden, doch wo ichts in denselbigen, das zu Aberglauben Ursach geben
niochte, eingeschlichen wiire, das soil nach zeitlichem Rath gebessert werden. Und wie- —
wohl man mit deî Apostel halten soil, dass der, so ohn ein Weib ist, fiir die Ding sorge,
die des Herrn seynd, darumb es zu wiinschen ware, dass der Clerici viel gefunden wur-
den, die, wie sie ohne Weiber sind, auch wahrhaftige Keuschheit hielten jedoch, dieweil :
ihrer jctzo viel sind, die im Stand der Geistlichen, die Kircheuiimter verwalten, u. an
vielen Orten Weiber genommen haben, die sie von ihnen nicht lassen wollen so soil ;
hieriiber des gemeinen Coucilii Bescheid u. Erorterung erwartet werden, dieweil doch
set aside the atuses that had pressed into the Cathohc Church.*
By these measures he beheved that he could bring the two parties
so near together that they would regard themselves as belonging
to the same Church and, that afterward, by a wise action of the
;
council, they could readily be entirely united. At the same time,

he also hoped in this way to call forth and prepare for the desired
efficiency of the council in respect to reforms. Although these
imperial arrangements about ecclesiastical affairs were most unac-
ceptable to the Pope,^ and though he was strengthened in his hos-
die Veriinderung (wie jetzt die Zeit u. Liiuf sej-nd) auf dissmahl ohne schwere Zerriittung
nicht geschehen mag. Doch kanii man niclit liiugnen, wiewoU der Ehestand fiir sich
selbst ehiiich ist nach der Sclirift, dass doch der, so kcin Eheweib uimmt, u. wahrliaftige
Keiischheit halt, besser thue nach derselben Schrift. Eben diese Meynung hat es auch
mit dem Gebrauch der Eucharistien unter bej-der Gestalt, 'welcter sich nun ihrer viel
gebrauchen, u. deren gewohnt seynd, die mogen dieser Zeit ohne sch^êre Bewegung
davon nicht abgewendet warden. Und dann das gemeine Concilium, -welchem sich alle
Stand des heil. Reichs unterworfen haben, ohne Zweifel einen gottseiigen u. eifferigen
Fleiss anwenden wird, dass in diesem Fall vieler Leut Gewissen, u. dem Frieden der
Kirchen nach Nothdurft gerathen werde. Demnach, welche den Gebrauch beider Ge-
stalt vor dieser Zeit angenommen haben, u. davon nicht abstehen wollen, die sollen hier-
iiber gleichfalls des gemeinen Concilii Erorterung u. Entscheid erwarten. Doch soUet
die, so den Gebrauch beider Gestalt haben, die Gewohnheit, die nun alt ist, unter einc«"
Gestalt zu communiciren, nichf strafen, auch keiner den andern hierin anfechten, blA
hieriiber von einem allgemeinen Concilio geschlossen wird."
* The basis of it seems to have been the third part of Pflug's Formula sacrorum emend
(see Note 1), and Pflug himself to be the author ; see Muller's Praef. to Pflugii Formula,
p. xs. It appeared under the title :Formula Reformationis per Caes. Majestatem Stati-
bus ecclesiasticis in Comitiis Aupustanis ad deliberandum proj)osita, et ab eisdem ut pad
publicae consulcrent, et per earn Ecclesiarum ac Cleri sui utilitati commodius providerent,
probata et recepta: it was printed in 1548 in Augsburg, Maj'ence, Cologne, and other
places. With some additions, of the j'ear 1559, in G«ldasti Constitt. Imp. ii. 325, and
in Audr. Brauburger de Formula Reformationis Ecclesiasticae ab Imp. Carole V. ann.
1548 statibus eccles. oblata. Mogunt., 1782, p. 87 ss.
^ Characteristic of the opinion of Rome upon the Interim are the declarations of Car-
dinal Farnese, that he could show seven or eight heresies in it that the Emperor had
;
given a scandal to Christendom, and might very well have attempted to do something
better (Ranke, Fiirsten u. Yolker, ii. 263). Another voice from the curia, in Raj-nald.,
1548, No. 62: Cum
Caesar improbet translatiouem, et velit cogere redire Tridentum,
ostendit nolle. Concilium esse liberum, ut etiam in publicatione Interim videtur credere
Concilium noa esse legitimum, nunquam legitime congregatum, cum in eo contineantur
et diversa, et contraria decretis Concilii, ut de lapsu hominis, et de justificatione, et de
auctoritate Papae. Si enim decreta Concilii de verbo ad verbum in Interim inseruisset,
subticens nomen Concilii, et non accepta ilia ferens Concilio, culpandus adhuc esset.
Si enim volebat ponere falcem in messem alienam, quo nomine nunquam excusaretur,
etiamsi Evangelium ipsum publicasset, debebat prius statuere, quod decreta Concilii
essent servanda, et hoc colore petere, ut Concilium rediret Tridentum. Sed cum ipse
impugnet hac sua falsa doctrina, non video, quo jure petat reditum Concilii ad Tri.
illud
deiitum quam enim curam vult habere Concilii non legitimi, et potius Conciliabuli
:
quam Concilii? Angelus Massarellus, in his Diarium, gives the imperial Reformation
with the addition, ita ut jam unusquisque videat, Imperatorem hunc Carolum usurpasse
sibiomnem jurisdictionem ecclesiasticam nam die XV. Maji praeterlti praescripsit mo-
:
CHAP. I.— GERJIAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548. 197
tility by the King of France, who stood in fear of all attempts to
establish unity in the German Empire,^ yet, under the circum-

stances, he was compelled to avoid a total rupture with the Em-
peror. Therefore, when the latter applied for the needful dispensa-
tions for the Protestants who would accept the Interim,'' the Pope
sent legates prepared, in the worst case, with all the powers desired
by the Emperor, but who were at the same time warned to reveal
only so much as they were compelled to do by the exigencies.^
dum credendi quoad dogmata fidei, nunc autem XIV. hujus mensis formam vivendi
quoad mores Germanlae dedit.
' The King wrote to the Pope through his nuncio (Pallavicini, lib. x. cap. 17, No. 4),
cum ea omnia ad christianam rempublicam opprimendam tenderent, ubi Pontifex ad ea

praestanda (to the desired dispensations) animum iuduxisset, extemplo revocaturum se
Bononia Oratores et Praesules quod si aliter fieret, patrocinaturum se Concilio et Apos-
:
tolicae sedi.
' The demands of the Emperor, in Raynald., 1548, Xo. 45. The most important were,
the 4th, that dispensations be given to the married clergj' and 7th, for communion un-
;
der both forms. The opinions of the cardinals (Martene Collectio, viii. 1180), and of the
presidents of the council in Bologna (Ra3-nald. 1. c, No. 46), were favorable less so ;
were those of the bishops deputed to Rome b}- the council (1. c. No. 48), who particu-
larh- insisted that the married clergy should give up their offices.
8 On the 31st August three nuncios were elected for this object. Eae vero facultates
fiostulatae a Caesare non in efFusa amplitudine Internuntiis concessae sunt, sed justitia
pro Dei cultu amplificando temperatae. — Cum enim non iidem casus occurrerent in
omnibus, qui solvi lege ecclesiastica flagitabant, ideo pro eorum varietate distincta fuere
tria diplomata, quibus jussi sunt Internuntii in sacerdotum conjugiis, et communione
sub utraque specie permittendis, jejuniorum et feriarum observantia restringenda, saccr-
dotiorum vectigalibus conjungendis, rerumque oblatarum restitutione componenda esse
parcissimi, ac nisi tres Internuntii mutua sententiarum consensione conspirarent (Bel-
larmin. de Clericis, lib. i. c. 19, in Raj'nald., 1548, No. 72). One of these bulls, Bene-
dlcttis Deus, gave full powers for the dispensations held to be absolutelj* necessarj-, to
which the legates sub-delegated manj- German bishops (the instrument sub-delegating,
which contained the bull, is in Martene Collectio, viii. 1203, and in Sastrow, ii. 351 ; in
Martene, at the end, there is also a list of those who were, and of those who were to be,
sub-delegated. In this bull is also the dispensation to the communion, sub utraque:
Praeterea iis, qui hactenus contra statutum Ecclesiae Communionem sub utraque specie
sumere praesumserint, si ut id eis concedatur humiliter devotionis cattsa petierint, sub-
latis a se antea singulis erroribus et haercsibus,— facta prius per eos confessione in Ec-
clesia coram catholico sacerdote, tempore sumptionis eucharistiae sacrae, tantura sub
una quantum sub utraque specie, verum videlicet Christi Domini nostri et integrum cor-
pus contineri, catholicam Ecclesiam non errare, quae sacerdotibus celebrantibus dum-
taxat exceptis, caeteros tam laicos quam clericos sub una, videlicet panis specie, com-
—
municare statuit, sub utraque specie ad eorum vitam, vel ad tempus do quo vobis vide-
bitur, communicare valeant, separatim tamen loco et tempore, —
etiam concedendi et
indulgendi (concedimus facultatem). Here, too, authoritj- was convej-ed to absolve the
clergy for all kinds of irregularities, even for bigamj', if thej' should be penitent, and
the married would give up their wives. The power, however, to allow married priests to
continue married, if thej' laid aside their clerical office, was given to the legates in the
bull Ad DiUrjentem, and was not sub-delegated by them (in Flacii Bulla Antichrist! de
retrahendo populo Dei in ferream Aeg3'ptiacae servitutis fornacem. 1549. 8. SastroM-,
;
ii. 683) : —
Cum charissimus in Christo filius noster Carolus Rom. Imp. nobis significa-
verit, quod pro restituendis ad Ecclesiam iis, qui in ipsa Gerraania ab eadem Ecclesia
—
The imperial proposals for reformation were at once proclaimed
at councils by the Catholic bishops,^ and had just as little effect
as the innumerable earlier ordinances for reform of the same kind.

On the other hand, great difficulties were found in the acceptance
of the Interim by the Protestants. At the diet the Electors of the
Palatinate and of Brandenburg declared for it ; the Margrave John
von Ciistrin and the Palgrave "Wolfgang von Zweibriicken opposed
it outright; the other Protestant states answered evasively. In
southern Germany the imperial preponderance compelled its ac-
ceptance; the Duke of Wurtemburg conformed, ^° following the
example of the Elector of the Palatine ;^^ the free cities were forced
to yield the example of Constance intimidated others it was
; —
deprived of its civil and ecclesiastical freedom for opposing.^^ On
desciverant, non tarn utile, qiiam necessarium esse diguoscitur, ut cum aliquibus clericis
quod cum mulieribus, quas tanquam uxores retinent, re-
in sacris ordinibus constitutis,
manere, aut legitimum matrimonium contrabere possiiit, de Apostolicae sedis benigni-
tate dispensetur — — —
Nos Vobis, lit aliquos Clericos seculares tantum citra tameii
; —
altaris et alia sacerdotum ministeria ac titulos beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum, cumque
—
ipsorum ordinum exercitio sublato, absolvere, ac cum eis, quod inter se matrimoni- —
um legitime contrabere, et in eo, postquam contractum fuerit, licite remanere possint,
—
misericorditer dispensare possilis, plenam ac liberam concedimus potestatem et facul-
tatem. The third bull has never been made public, and may have referred to the dis-
pensation of married priests, so that thej' might remain in the clerical office, or to com-
pacts to be concluded with Protestants on account of the ecclesiastical property confiscated
bj' them. —
Although these nuncios received such full power as early as August 31, j-et
the Emperor sent word to the bishops, of the date Brussels, 28th May, 1549, that this indul-
gence had been communicated to him only a few days before the sub-delegating instru- ;
ments are also dated the same time. That imperial letter contains, among other things,
this warning to the bishops (Sastrow, ii. 685) " Und dieweil eich auch befunden, dass
:
hievor der Sachen umb etwas zuviel beschehen sejm mocht," indem dass Etliche sich —
etwan mit mehrerm Ernst u. Strenge erzeigt, dann Gelegenheit dieser Zeit u. Lilufe er-
tragen u. erleiden konnten ob nun woll zu wunschen, dass all christliche Disciplin u.
:
— —
Zuchten der alten Kirchcn allenthalljen eingefuhrt werden mochte, nicht destoweni-
ger, dieweil die Sach vormals dermassen uberliand genommen, dass deren eben viel
seind, die auf ihrem gefassten Sinn u. Unverstand —
vast zu beharren gedenken, n. sich
davon schwerlich abwenden lassen wollen so sollt unsers Erachtens der Sachen mnb
;
so viel mehr dieulich u. furtreglich sejm, dass allenthalben solche Maass u. Beschei- —
denheit gehalten wurde, damit diejenigen, so sich abgesundert, wiederumb zu einem
rechten christlichen Wesen u. Wandel mehr mit gutem Willen unterwiesen u. geleitet,
dann durch ubermiissigen Ernst abscheucht gemacht wurden."
' In 1548 diocesan councils were held for this object in Paderborn, Mayence, Wiirz-
burg, Augsburg, Liege, and Treves in the next year in Strasburg and Cologne, and
;
provincial councils in Cologne, Maj-ence, Treves, and Salsburg. See Hartzheim Concil.
Germ. T. vi. Brauburger de Formula Reformationis, p. 29 ss.
;
'" Sattler's Gesch. v. Wurtemberg, iii. 273. Zahn's Reformationsgeschichte v. Wiir-

temberg, s. 189. Hartmann's Gesch. d. Reform, in Wurtemberg (Stuttgart, 1835), s. 98.
'^ Struven's Pfalzische Kirchenhistorie, s. 15.
'^ Comp. Sleidanus, ed. Am Ende, iii. 133. Salig's Historic der Augsb. Confession,
i. 583. Augsburg was first compelled ; see Paul
Gesch. v. Augsburg, s. 452.
v. Stetten,
On Nuremberg, see Carl Christ. Hirsch, Gesch. des Interim zu Niirnberg. Leipzig, 1750
—
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548, I99
the other hand, in northern G-ermany^^ the Interim encountered

the hvehest opposition;^* by the free cities, especially Magdeburg,
(cf. Riederer's Abhandlungcn aus d. Kirchcn- Biicher- u. Gelehrten-Geschiclite, St. i. s.
99) ; Strasburg, see Rohrich's Gesch. v. Strasburg, iii. 1 ; Ulm, see Melcli. Adami Vitae
tlieologorum. Vita Mart. Fi-eclit, p. 145 ; Reutlingen, see Eilsing's Relation wie cs mit
der Reformation Reutlingen bergegangen, s. 278 Kaufbeuren, see Wagenseil's
d. St. ;
Beitrag zur Gesch. Reform. (Leipz., 1830), s. 16; Ileilbronn, see Jiiger's Mittbeil. zm-
d.
Schwab, u. Franli. Reformationsgeschichte, i. 270. However, all changes were, for the
most part, partial and external. One of the papal legates Avrote to Cardinal Farncse,
dd. Mogunt., 1548 (Raynald. h. a.. No. 72), se peragi'asse superiorem Germaniara non
sine periculo infectos Luthcrana lue in perfidia obdurnisse, et paucos ad Religionem
;
catholicam reverses, spesque tenues eorum in castra Ecclcsiae traduceudorum affulgere,

nisi Caes. Majestas magis strenuam operam ad id contulerit; jacta quidem ab ea funda-
menta redintegrandae verae religionis in omnibus terris ipsi obuoxiis, aut in maxima
earum parte ; Ecclesiasticos et Monaclios, qui pulsi ab haereticis erant, suis bonis resti-
tuisse ; in Ecclcsiis principibus duo altaria excitari jussisse, — et in iis quotidie duo sacra
celebrari, sed paucos iis iutcresse ; compressis imperio illius adversariis Catholicos in
omnibus locis concionari posse, at quod majoris ponderis erat, non interdixisse Luthera-
nos a concionibus habendis, ac propterea illos majori quara antea dilligentia ac furore
habere conciones, impietatemque dift'underc et confn-mare, cum formidarent ne extin-
gueretur.
'^ Here the Interim was accepted only by Erich II., Duke of Calenberg (Schlegel's
Kirchengesch. von Nord-Deutschland, ii. 172) ; Duke Henrj' the younger, of Brunswick-
Wolfenbiittel, wlio was reinstated
in his lands, endeavored to introduce Catholicism en-
tire (ibid., s. 194); In East Friesland Countess Anna introduced a milder Interim, like
that of electoral Saxonj- i\\a East Frisian Interim ; see Gittermann's Reformationsgesch.
V. Ostfriesland, in Vater's Kirchenhistor. Archiv f. 1825, Heft ii. s. 142. —Tlie cities of
Hamburg, Liibeck, Bremen, Lilneburg, Brunswick, H.mover, Hildesheini, Giittingen,
and Eimbeck, after mutual consultations with the Emperor, rejected the Interim (Reht-
meyer's Stadt Braunschweig. Kirchenhistorie, iii. 18G, and the Bej'lagen, s. 31). To —
tlieimperial rescript, 30th June, 1548, by which tliej- were called upon to accept it, the
princes of Anhalt responded with a denial (Beckmann's Anhalt. Hist., v. 144 vi. 93). ;
The Count of Schwarzburg and the Counts of Mansfield promised to maintain as much
of it as was possible (fortges. Sammlung v. altcn u. neuen theolog. Sachcn, 1721, s. 3G7,
719). At a synod at Eisleben, called Jan., 1549, bj' the Counts of Mansiield, Stollberg,
Schwarzburg, Hohenstein, and Regenstein, the Interim was whollj' rejected (Bieck's
Drej'faches Interim, s. 87). The Archbishop of Magdeburg and Bishop of Halberstadt,
John Albert, did indeed call together his landed proprietors in Halle, Aug., 1548, and
demanded its immediate introduction, but without success see J. G. Kirchner's Nach- ;
richt von den wegen des Interims in Halle vorgefallenen Begebenheiten. Halle, 1748.
8.— The imprisoned Elector, John Frederick, could not be induced to accept the Interim,
either by threats or by severe treatment (see Joh. Forster's custodia u. liberatio dcs
durchl. Herrn Joh. Friedrich, etc., in Hortleder, Vom Deutschen Kriege, Th. ii. Buch
iii. cap. 88; Sleidanus, lib. xx., ed. Am Eude, p. 116; comp. the remarks of Minckwitz
in Schelhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten, iii. 1057). His sons, also challenged to accept, assem-
bled their superintendents in "Weimar, July 26, 1548 these declared against the Interim ;
(see der Prediger der jungen Herrn, Joh. Friedrichen Herz. v. Sachsen Sohncn, christlich
Bedenken auf das Interim, in Bieck's Drej'faches Interim, s. 102) ; thereupon it was
by the princes
also rejected (see Bieck, s. 71 ; cf. die Urkunden in Tentzel's Histor. Be-
richt V. Cyprian, ii. 500). — The
imprisoned Landgrave acted in a weaker way he ac- :
commodated himself and also exhorted his sons to accept it, yet it still
to the Interim,
found no favor in Hesse (Sleidanus, lib. xx. p. 118 Salig's Historic d. Augsb. Confes- ;
sion, i. 600 Rommel's Philipp d. Grossmuthige, ii. 530).

;
1* The first work against it was

"Bedenken aufs Interim des Ehrwiirdigen u. Iloch-
it was opposed and satirized in the most violent manner ;'^ even the
Elector of Brandenburg was not able to introduce it into his land.^"
The Elector Maurice, who at Augsburg had rejected every defi-
nite declaration, did, indeed, cause the Interim to be apparently
accepted, according to the advice of his divines, at a diet in Leip-
sic, Dec. 22,^' but with such alterations that the Lutheran doctrine
geluhrten Ilerrn PhilippL Melanchthonis IGten Jun., 1548" (printed in Magdeburg b}'
Andreas Kegel, rector in Eisleben, without consent of Melancthon see Bieck, s. 64): ;
the fullest and most respected was by the Hamburg Superintendent, Job. Aepinus, " Be-
kenntniss u. Erkliirung aufs Interim durch der Stiidte Lllbeck, Hamburg, Liineburg,
etc., Superintendenten, Pastorn, u. Predigern, 1549." 4. List of writings against the
Interim, in Bieck, s. 12.3. D:inische Bibliothek, v. 15 ; vi. 168. Walchii Biblioth. Theol.,
ii. 626.
'^ On
the satirical poems and the so-called Interimstbaler, sec Bieck, s. 128.
"
Immediately after his return from the diet he appointed a convention of the preach-
ers in Berlin the most of them refused the Interim (Nic. Leuthinger de Marchia Bran-
;
denb., lib. vi., in Krausii Scriptores de rebus March. Brand. Francof. ct Lips., 1729. 8.,
p. 218). Agricola now had to treat with individuals Nic. Leuthinger, father of the his-
:
torian, threw the Interim into the fire in his presence (iST. Leuthinger Oratio de vita et
obitu patris, 1. c. p. 1432). Thereupon Joachim followed the example of the Elector
Maurice, introduced a modification of the Interim, and eflected a union with him upon
it in Juterbock, Dec. 16, 1548 (in Hortleder, Th. ii. Bucli iii. cap. 87). The Emperor he
manifestly tried to deceive in bis letter of Jan. 11, 1549 (in Schmidt's Neuere Gesch. d.
Deutschen, Buch i. cap. 12) " Weil er die Gemilther des armen gemeinen Volkes etwas
:
hart darwider verbittert u. angehetzt gefunden, so habe er erstlich allgemach einen Ar-
tikel nach dem andern vorgenommen, die armen verfiihrten Gemilther berichten u. be-
deuten, so dann aber es in seinen Landen drucken u. publiciren, auch in seinera Hoflager
in alien Kirchen aufrichten lassen, u. zu halten geboten. Nun stehe er auch nocli in
der tiiglichen Arbeit u. Uebung das Interim in andern Kirchen u. Stiidten u. in seinem
ganzen Land anzurichten, u. nach seinem hochsten Vcrmiigen dariiber zu halten, finde
auch bej' seinen Unterthanen gute Folge u. Gehorsam." About the convention at Jiiter-
liock he writes, that he had there persuaded the Elector Maurice and his friends to ac-
cept the Interim only the Saxon theologians had some doubts about the canon yet
;
;
he hoped to set them aside. In fact nothing effectual was done bj' Joachim to carrj- out
the Juterbock Interim, so that the Emperor reproached him about it but satius duce- : —
bat, iram Caesaris obsequii figmcnto praecurrendum, quam negatione manifesta eundem
in patriam acrius incessendam armandum (Leuthinger, 1. c. p. 228).
" Maurice called a convention of divines and a committee of the estates at ISIimia,
July 1 (Expositio eorum, quae theologi Acad. Wittenbergensis de rebus ad religionem
pertinentibus monuerint. Witeberg., 1559. 4. Bl. Dd. 4), with the demand that they
;
should so decide that the Emperor might see, vos et nos propensos esse ad obedicntiam
subjectissime praestandam in omnibus, quae ad piam et christianam consensionem—
bona cum conscientia fieri possint (Expositio, Ee 2). The theologians,
faciant, et pie et
in their Opinion, held fast to the Lutheran doctrines, and then declared, as to the cere-
monies (Hh 3, b) si in rebus istis adiaphoris bono consilio eorum, quibus gubernatio
:
Ecclesiarum commissa est, aliquid deliberatum fuerit, quod ad concinnitatem aliquam

rituum, et ad bonam disciplinam faciat, in hoc concordiae et bono ordini non decrimus.
Nam de rebus per se mediis non volumus quicquam rixari, quod ad externum attinet
usum. Since, however, they foresaw only disturbances from all changes, they proposed,
ab Imperatore simpliciter absque disputatione et contrariis articulis peti, ut has Eccle-
sias in praesenti statu manere sinat (LI 2). Maurice rejected this as useless, and de-
manded, ne in iis, quae salva veritate—fieri possent, concedere recusarent (Mm). But
was essentially retained, and the Catholic constitutions and usages

were only allowed as adiaphora (Interim Lipsiense).^^ Yet this
as he was same time earnestly entreated by the Emperor, the King of Rome, and
at the
Mayence (Mm 2), he called a conference of the Bishops of Misnia and
the Elector of
Naumburg with his theologians in Pegau, Aug. 23, to see if they could not come to an
the ceremonies
agreement about the doctrines, if they were promised the introduction of
authority (Mm 4). The
considered as adiaphora, and the restitution of their episcopal
bishops accepted a draft made by the divines on Justification,
with an insignificant
alteration (Oo 6), and declared that it was then, slight as
the change M'as, in agreement
especially be-
with the Interim (Pp 2) further they would not enter into the matter,
;
cause thev had no papal dispensation sanctioning the Interim. Thereupon

Maurice, at
propositions for a mod-
a diet at Torgau, Oct. 18, laid before the theologians called to it
ification of the Interim (Qq 3) ; they answered these in part, but requested time to ad-
vise with other clergvmen upon the matters which might be allowed as adiaphora. At
the convention of theologians at Monchszelle, Nov. 16 (Vv 3), the counselors of the
Prince agreed with the divines about the modifications to be made, and prepared a doc-
ument (Yy 4, b), which was thereupon adopted in the project for union of the two Elect-
ors at Jiiterbock, Dec. 16 (see Note 16). This document, with an Introduction, and
prefaced by the articles on Justification agreed upon at Pegau, and with the
addition of
some concluding words, was laid before the diet in Leipsic, Dec. 22 (Ccc 6), sanctioned
by it, and then printed as the order of the diet.
The Elector, «n this basis, issued an
the Lipsi-
ordinance on Public Worship. The above order was called by the Flacians
cum Interim majus the ordinance, Lipsicum Interim minus (Ddd4. b. Bieck, s. 134, is
;
;
incorrect on this point).

See the Beschluss des Landtages zu Leipzig, in Bieck, s. 361
!•* " Unser Bcdenken
:
stehet darauf, dassman der Romischen Kais. Majestat, unserm allergnadigsten Herrn
Gehorsam leiste, u. sich also verhalte, dass Hire Majestat u. manniglich unser aller Ge-
muth zu Ruhe, Frieden u. Einigkeit geneigt —
vermerken nioge. Demselben nach lieden-
ken wir erstlich, dass alles, was den Adiaphoris d. i. in den Mittel-
die alten Lehrer in
dingen, die man ohne Verletzungen gcittlioher Schrift halten mag, gchalten haben, u.
bey dem andern Theil noch im Branch blieben ist, hinfort auch gehalten werde, u. dass
man darinne keine Beschwerunge oder Wegerunge suche oder furwende, dieweil solches
ohne Verletzung guter Gewissen wohl geschehen mag." First comes the article on Just-
ification, as agreed upon at Pegau. —
I. How lifan becomes just before God. "Wiewohl
Gott den Menschen nicht gerecht macht durch Verdienst eigcner Werke gleichwohl
;
—
wiirket der barmherzige Gott nicht also mitdem Menschen wie mit einem Plock, sondern
zeucht ihn also, dass sein Wille auch mit wfirket, so er in verstandigen Jahren ist. Denn
ein solcher Mensch empfilhet die Wohlthaten Christi nicht, wo nicht durch vorgehende
Gnade der Wille u. das Herz bewegt wird, dass er fur Gottes Zorn erschrecke, u. einen
—
Missfallen habe an der Siinde. Es hat aber Gott nicht allein seinen Zorn geoftenbaret,
sondern darl.ey hat er seine gniidige Verheissung, nemlich das Evangelium von seinem
Sohn gegeben, und ist sein cwiger unwandelbarer Wille, —
dass er gewisslich die
Siinde vergeben will, will uns seinen heil. Geist gebcn, anuehmen, verneuen, u. Erben
ewiger Seligkeit machen um seines Sohns willen, nicht von wcgen unserer Verdienst oder
Wiirdigkeit, so wir in diesem Schrecken u. Reue wahrhaftiglich glauben u. vertrauen,
dass uns um desselbigen Mittlers Willen gewislich die Sunde vergeben werden. Dieser —
Glaube ist nicht allein eine Erkenntniss, wie es in den Teufeln ist, oder in Menschen,
die in bosen Gewissen leben sondern dieser Glaube gliiubt samt andern Artikoln die
;
Vergebung der Siinden, nimmt die Verheissung an, u. ist im Herzen cin wahrhafciges
Vertrauen auf den Sohn Gottes, welches Trost u. Anrufung u. andere Tugenden mit er-
—
wecket. Und wird darum zugleich der heil. Geist in unser Herz gegeben, so wir also
die gottliche Verheissung mit Glauben fassen, u. uns damit trosten u. aufrichten. Und —
wiirket der heil. Geist alsdann im Herzen bestandigen Trost u. Leben, erwecket alle
iiothige Tugenden, mehret den Glauben, die Zuversicht, Hoffnung, zundet an die Liebe,
treibet zu rechter Anrivfung u. zu guten Werken, u. sind diese, die also Vergebung der
— :
202 FOURTH PEEIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
mitigated Interim, which, however, came only from the Protest-

ants, aroused even greater wrath among the strict Lutherans than
Siinden u. den heil. Geist etnpfahen haben, alsdann Erbeii der ewigen Seligkeit, um dcs
—
Heilandes Willen. Und wiewobl in menschlicher Schwachheit noch viel Zweifelns u.
Zappelns bleibet, so hat doch Gott dagegen seine Verhcissung gegeben, uns zu trosten u.
zu stiirlven, dass wir den Zweifel ubenvinden u. zu Gott Zuliucbt haben mogen. Und
dass St. Paulus spriclit ich bin mir nichts bewusst, aber darum bin ich nicht gereclit
:
hieniit lehret er nicht, dass man zweifelu soil, sondern will, dass wir bej-de Stucke ge-
wisslich schliessen soUen, das Gewissen soil recht stehen, u. dabey wissen, dass viel Ge-
brecheu in uns sej-ii, u. ob wii' gleich ohne Stinde nicht leben, dass wir doch Gott gefitllig,
u. eiuen gniidigen Gott haben um seines Sohns willen. —
Gleichwohl muss man darnc-
beu wissen, dass in diesem schwachen Leben viel boser Neigung im Meuschen bleiben,
u. er ohne Siinde nicht lebet. —
Darum obgleich ein ncuer Gehorsam angefangen, u.
die eingegebene Gerechtigkeit im Menschen ist, so ist doch nicht zu gedenken, die
Person habe darum Vergebung der Siinden, und sey nun also rein, dass sie keine Yer-
—
gebung der Siinden u. keinen Mittler bedarf. Es werden audi die Tugenden u. gute
Werii in solchen Versohneten Gerechtigkeit genennet, wie oben von der eingegebenen
Gerechtigkeit gemeldet, doch nicht in diesem Verstande, dass darum die Person Ver-
gebung der Siinde habe, oder dass die Person in Gottes Gericht ohne Sunde sey, son-
dern dass der Mensch durch den heil. Geist erneuert, u. die Gerechtigkeit mit dem Werk
vorbriugen kann, u. dass Gott ihm diesen schwachen angefangenen Gehorsam in die-
ser elenden gebrechlichen Natur um seines Sohns willen in den Gliiubigen will ge-
—
fallen lassen." II. Of Good Worhs. "Weiter von guten Werken ist diese Eegel ge-
wiss, dass diese Werk gut und ncithig se3'n, die Gott geboten hat, lauts der zeheu Ge-
bot, u. derselben Erkliirung in der Apostel Schriften genugsam ausgedriickt. So jemand, —
der in Gottes Gnaden gewesen ist, wider Gottes Gebot wissentlich handelt, der betriibt
den heiligen Geist, u. verleuret Gnade u. Gerechtigkeit, u. fiillt in Gottes Zorn, u. so er
nicht wiederum bekehret wird, fiillt er in die ewige Strafe. —So
die Wicdergeburt
ist audi
u. ewiges Leben an ihr selbst ein neues Licht, ist Gottesfurcht, ist Licbe u. Ereude in
Gott u. andere Tugenden, wie der Spruch sagt Diess ist das ewige Leben, dass sie dich
:
wahrhaftigen Gott erkennen, u. mich Jesum Christum. Wie nun. dieses wahrhafiige
Erkennen in uns leuchten muss, also ist gcwisslich wahr, dass diese Tugenden, Glaube,
Liebe u. Hoft'nung, u. andere in uns sej-n miissen, u. zur Seligkeit nothig 803-11 — Und die-
weil die Tugenden u. gute Werk
Gott gefallen, wie gesagt ist, so verdieiien sie audi
Belohnung in diesem Leben geistlich u. zeitlich uach Gottes Path, u. mehr Belohnung
im ewigen Leben vermoge gottlicher Verheissung. Und wird hiemit in keinem Wege
bestiitiget der Irrthum, dass die ewige Seligkeit durdi Wiirdigkeit unserer Werke ver-
dienet werde. Item dass wir andern unsern Verdienst mogen luitthcilen." So far the
—
Pegau Articles. III. Of the Poicer and Authoriiij of the Churches. " Was die wahre clirist-
liche Kirche, die im heil. Geist versammelt, in Glaubensadien erkennet, ordnetu. lehret,
das soil man audi lehren u. predigen, wie sie denn wider die heil. Schrift nichts ordncn
soil noch kann." — IV. Of the Church Officers. "Und dass dera Obersten u. andern Bi-
sclioffcn, die ihr bischoflich Amt nach Gottes Befehl ausrichten, u. dasselbige zu Erbauung,
u. iiiclit zur Zerstorung gebrauchen, unterworfen u. gehorsam se3'n alle andere Kirchen-
— —
diener." V. Of Baptism. Yl. Confrniation. " Dass die Firmung gelehret u. gehalteu
werde, u. sonderlich die Jugeiid, die erwadisen, von ihren Bischofen, oder weni es die-
selben befehlen, verhort ihres Glaubens, —
u. die Zusage, die ihre Pathen in der Taufe
fiir sie gethan — bekraftigen, u. also in ihrem Glaubeii vermittels gottlicher Gnaden con-
firmiret u. bestatiget werden mit Auflegung der Hilnde u. christl. Gebeten u. Ceremo-
—
nien." VII. Penance. —
VIII. Extreme Unction. "Wiewohl in diesen Landen die
Oelung in vielen Jahren nicht in Gebrauch gewesen, dieweil aber im Marco u. Jacobo
geschrieben stehet, wie die Apostel derer gebraucht haben ;
—
darum mag man hinfiir-
der solche Oelung nach der Apostel Brauch halten, u. iiber den Kranken christliche Gebet
u. Trostspriiche aus der heil. Sclirift sprechen, u. das Volk des also berichten, damit
man den rechtcu Yerstand faffe, u. aller Aberglaube u. Missverstand vorkoQimen u. ver-
CHAP. 1.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1548. 203
did that of Augsburg, and by means of the Interimistic Contro-

versies made the first rupture in the new Church.
Neither the proposal for Reformation nor the Interim attained
the object the Emperor had in view. The former was without
effect; the latter was opposed by the CathoHcs as an ill-advised
half raeasure,^^ and by the Protestants as the work of the devil.^"
hiitet werde."— IX.- Order of Church Officers.— X. Marriage. XI. Mass. "Dass die —
Messe hinforder in diesen Landen mit Lituten, Lichten u. Gefiissen, Gesangen, Klei-
dungen u. Ceremonien gehalten werde." The usual lists of praj-ers for mass and hj-mns
follows but, instead of the Canon, Consecration is introduced.— XII. Images.— Xlll.
;
Singing in Churches. "Dass man die horas canonicas, die gottseligen Psalm in den
Stifteu, u. Stiidten in den Kirchen, da es vorhin gehalten ist, singe."— XIV. Festivals.
—XV. Eating of Flesh. "Item dass man sich am Freytage, Sonnabend, auch in der
Fasten Fleischessens enthalte, u. dass solches als cine iiusserliche Ordnung auf der
Kais. Majestiit Befehl gehalten werde."— XVI. The 3Ianner of Lfe of the Church Offi-
cers. Many deviations from the Augsburg Interim are seen in that of Leipsic only in the
omission of definite statements. To these belongs what in Pegau was demanded of the
bishops (Expositio Nn 4 b): De extrema unctione ne ipsi quidem Episcopi consecra-
:
bunt oleum, si consideraverint, quales sint consecrationes et quam absurdae. Ne one-

rentur Canone. Nee onerentur invocatione Sanctorum.
'5 According to Sleidanus xxl., p. iii. p. 131, Robertus Episc. Abrincensis (Antidotum ad
Postulata de Interim. Lut|,d., 1548. 8.) wrote against it ; see the description in the Neue
Bej'trage v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen, 1759, s. 435, and the general of the Dominicans,
Franciscus Romaeus, in Rome. Catholic defenders, with the exception of G. "Wicelius's
Apologie (Cologne, 1549), did not venture to appear in print Pflug's Defense has onl}- :
recentlj' been published (\)y Chr. G. MiiUer, in Staudlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv f. alte
u. neue Kircheng. Bd. iv. St. 1, s. 104).
^^ On the effects of the Interim and of the Imperial Reformation, see the Declaration
of the States at the Diet of Augsburg, 1550 (the acts of tliis diet in MS. in Wolfenbiltel,
see Salig, i. G58), in Schmidt's Neuere Gesch. d. Deutschon, Buch. i. cap. 14. The spir-
itual Electors declared: " Wenn sie auch —
die Priidicanten, die sich nicht nach dem
Interim fiigen wollten, absetzten, so fanden sie keine andere u. die kathol. Geistlichen
;
diirften sie vermoge des Interim selbst nicht dazu brauchen. die vorgeschriebene Um
Reformation in das Werk zu richtcn, hiitten sie Provincial- u. Diocesan-Synoden ge-
halten dass sie aber ihren Zweck nicht ganz erreichet, seyen allerhand besondere Ex-
:
emtionem, Freyheiten, Dispensationem, Indulte u. andere Verhinderungon Schuld."

The secular Electors: "Ihre Landschaften u. Unterthanen widersetzten sich der Auf-
richtung des Interim um so mehr, weil sie glaubten, es sej' nicht allerdings der Schrift
gemiiss wollten sie nun Ernst fiirwenden, so hiitten sie sich Aufruhre, Rtimoren, u.
:
also ihrer Land u. Leut grosse Zerriittung u. schwerlich Verderben u. Abfalls zu be-
faliren." The Princes: "Die Ursachen der Nichtbefolgung des Interim wiiren haupt-
siichlich diese man habe auf hohen u. Particular-Schulen zu wcnig Fursehung gethan,
:
ufn die Jugend demselljen gemiiss zu unterweisen da nun audi die Priidicanten das
;
Volk nicht nur allein nicht zur Haltung desselben ermahnten, sondern audi ofFcntlich
dagegen predigten, so konne dasselbe nicht dafiir eingenommen werden. Auch sej-en
durch dasselbe zwar die Communion unter bej'den Gestalten u. die Priesterehen ge-
stattet allein da der Papst die Sache noch nicht formlich gut geheissen, so iiusserten
:
sich diejenigen, die diese Dinge verlangeten, der ganzen Declaration. Nebst dem sey
Mangel an katholischen Priestern, die im Stande wiiren, den Lenten den hinlanglichen
Unterricht darliber zu geben vor allem aber miissten alle KirchendLener ordentlich ge-
:
weiht, zu der Verwaltungder Sacramente fahig gemacht, von der ordentlichen geistlich-
en Obrigkeit gesendet u. den Bischofen unterworfen seyn. Der gemeine Mann werde auch
uicht wenig durch etlicher Geistlichen leichtfertiges u. argerliches Leben, dass der kaiser-
—
Meanwhile it appeared as though some durahle measures might

soon follow these preliminary arrangements, when Julius III.,
after the death of Paul III., succeeded him in the papal see, and
at once acceding to the desire of the Emperor, again called the
council to meet at Trent,^^ May 1, 1551 ; and this, too, in spite
of the opposition of the King of France."- The latter, accordingly,
at once greeted the reassembled council with a Protest (Sept. 1,

1551) ;^^ while it seemed as though the whole of Germany, on the
other hand, would have to submit to it. The Protestant princes,
summoned by the Emperor to send to this council, received only
demands the Emperor, at the
general promises"* in reply to their ;
same timej manifested such unusual earnestness,^^ that it appear-

lichen Reformation so u. nachgegarigen werd, davou abgehalten.
wenig gelebt Die
ungeachtet dcs kaiserlichen Verbots so viele Schmach-
letzte Ilinderniss sey endlich, dass
u. Schandbuchlein dagegen geschrieben, und unter dem Yolli ausgestreut wurden."
^' The previous negotiations in Pallavicini, lib. xi. c. 8 ss. Tlie Pope demanded as
condition (1. c. c. 9, No. 3), ut in illis Comitiis (in Augsburg, 1550) denuo stabiliret Cae-
sar firmiter Protestantium subjectionem per legitimas tabulas ab ipsis exhibendam. Ubi
id ab illis recusaretur, Concilio amplius locum non esse ;
— superesse, ut in eos Caesar
armorum vim exerceret. The Bulla resumptionis, of 14th Nov., 1550, in the Canones
et decreta Cone. Trid.
^^ See the correspondence in the Lettres et Memoircs d'estat, par Guil. Ribier (Paris,
16GG fol.), T. ii. p. 275 ss.
'^ Raynaldus, 1551, No. 28-33. Cf. the account of the roj-al plenipotentiary, the ab-
bot Jac. Amyot, in Judoci le Plat Monument, ad hist. Cone. Trid. spectant. collectio,
iv. 249.
-* The same which the evangelical electors had already made at the diet of 1547 (Sas-
trow, ii. 118 above. Note 1) were repeated by the Elector Maurice
; ; but he was not
listened to (Sleidanus, lib. xxii. P. iii. p. 210 ; Raj-naldus, 1550, No. 18).
^* Final decree of the diet, 13th Feb., 1551 (Neue Sammlung der Reichsabschiede
Frankf. a. M. 1747, ii. 611): "Wir —
wollen aus kaiserlicher Macht u. Gewalt alle die,
so auf dem Aenderungen in der Religion fiirgenommen,
Concilio erschienen, die haben
Oder auch andere, gnadiglich versichert haben, dass ein jeder frey ungehindert darzu
kommen, darauf erscheinen, dasjenige so er zu Ruhe und Sicherung seiner Conscienz u.
Gewissens fur gut und nothwendig acbt, fiirbriugen, u. wiederum von dannen Lis in
sein Gewahrsam frej' sicher abziehen und kommen mog. Zu dem gedenken Wir ini h.
Reich Oder doch in der Nahe, so viel immer miiglich, zu verharren, ob dem Concilio zu
halten u. zu befordern, damit dasselbig zu guter richtiger Endschaft gebracht werde.
Wir ersuchen, ermahnen, erinnern auch hiemit Churfiirsten, Fiirsten, u. Stande des heil.
Reichs, u. sonderlich die Priilaten geistlichs Stands, auch diejenigen, bey denen sich die
Neurung in der Religion erhalten, dass sie sich auf der Papstl. Heiligkeit Ausschreiben
zu dem fiirgenommenen Concilio geschickt machen, und gefasst erscheinen, damit sie
sich klinftiglich nicht zu beklagen, oder furzuwenden, als ob sie in dem ubereilt, u. ihre
Nothwendigkfeit fiirzubringen nicht zugelassen waren. Dann wir an unsorm Fleiss
—
niehts gedenken erwinden zu lassen, auf dass. bemeldte Stiind, bej^ denen in der Reli-
gion Neuerung fiirgenommen, oder der Augspurgischen Confession anhiingig gewesen,
und derselben Gesandten in solchem Concilio erscheinen mogen, dass sie darzu, darin
u. davon, bis wieder an ihr Gewahrsam gesichert u. vergleitet, auch nothdiirftiglich ge-
hort, und die ganze Tractation u. Beschluss gottseliglich u. christlich, alien Affect hin-
tangesetzt, nach gottlicher u. der alten Viiter heil. Geschrift u. Lehr fiirgenommen, ge-
;
CHAP. I.— GERMAN KEFORMATION. § 9. 1552. 205
ed as if the conquered party must abandon all resistance. Joa-

chim II., Elector of Brandenburg, who was trying to get the pa-
pal confirmation of his son Frederick as Archbishop of Magdeburg
and Bishop of Halberstadt, declared his submission to the council
through his embassadors.^^ The Germany and
states of southern
of electoral Saxony did, indeed, have confessions composed (Con-
fessio Virtembergensis, Confessio Saxonica"'), so as to insist upon
the Protestant doctrine ; their embassadors were heard in a private'
congregation of the council (Jan. 24, 1552), in which the Wir-
tembergers handed in their Confession,^® while the Saxon envoys
renewed the old demands of their lord.-^ From southern Grermany
came also Protestant theologians,^^ and Saxon divines journeyed
to Trent to defend their doctrines.-' ' But in this way no deliver-
handelt u. besclilosscn, u. audi ein christlich nutzliche Reformation der Geistlichen u.

Weltlichen aufgericlit, u. alle unrechte Lehreu u. Misbrauch der Gebiilir nach abgestellt
werden."
^^ See the documents in Raynaldus, 1551, No. 41 and 42.
'' Confessio doctrinae Saxonicarum Ecclesiarum Sj'nodo Tridentinae oblata, or, in the
original title, Repetitio confessionis Augustanae anno 1551 Wittebergae scripta et sub-
scriptione praecipuorum doctorum in ecclesiis et scholis confirmata (letzte Ausgabe v. -Jo.
Quodvultdeus Btirger. Lips., 1722. 8.), written by Melancthon see Camerarius De Vita
;
Melanchthonis, § 90 ; Burger, in the introduction to his edition ; Salig's Historie der

Augspurg. Confession, i. 667. — Confessio piae doctrinae, quae nomine illusti;. Princ.
Christophori Duels AVirteub. d. m. Jan., 1552, eongregationi Tridentini Concilii pro-
24.
posita e.jt (last published in Pfaffii Acta et scripta publica Ecclesiae Wirtembergicae.
Tubing., 1720. 4. p. 276), written bj- Joh. Brentius see Pfaff liber commentarius de
;
actis scriptisque publ. Eccl. Wirtemb., Tubing., 1718, 4. p. 24 ss. Salig, i. 673. Both ;
confessions were also published with the Augsburg Confession Confessiones fidei Chris-
:
tianae tres. Francof. 1553 and 1556. 4.

^^ Sleidanus (who came as the Strasburg embassador to Trent), lil). xxili. P. iii.
p.
287, 312 ss. The acts in Jud. le Plat Monum. ad hist. Cone. Trident, spectant., iv. 417
Syntagma eorum quae nomine 111. Princ. Christophori Duels Wirtemberg. in Sj-nodo
Trident, per legates ejus acta sunt. Basil., 1553. 8. (reprinted in Pfaffii Acta Eccl. "VVirt.,
p. 232).
-'Their Address in Raynald., 1552, No. 61, and translated from a manuscript in Salig's
Hist, des Trident. Concil.,ii. 130. The}' demanded that further decisions should be post-
poned until the arrival of the Saxon divines, that the decrees already made should be
again weighed, and that the bishops in the council should be released from their oath
made to the Pope. Reports about these audiences in Friderici Nauseae Ep. Viennensis
ad Regem Ferdinandum, dd. 30. Ian. in Planchii Anecdota ad hist. Cone. Trid. pert. nr.
X. (Gottinger Osterprogramm v. 1801) of the imperial embassadors to the Bishop of
;
Arras, in the Lettres et Memoires de FranQois de Vargas, de Pierre de Malvenda et de

quelques Eveques d'Espagne touchant le Concile de Trente, traduits de I'Espagnol, par
Mr. Mich, le Vassor. a Amsterdam, 1699. 8. p. 468, 482, 487, 501. The latter show the
great impression which was made bj' the addresses of the Protestant embassadors, and
the sj-mpathj' thej- found with manj' bishops.
=" 18th March, Sleidanus, xsiii., ed. Am Ende, iii. p. 323, where, too, their Instruc-
tions are given.
=' Camerarius in Vita Melanchth., § 92.
ance for Protestantism could be anticipated ; it came, unexpect-

edly, from another quarter.
The Elector Maurice, who had until then heen wholly devoted
to the Emperor, and had carried the ban into effect against the
refractory Magdeburg,^-^ all of a sudden lifted up the standard for
the oppressed Protestantism, the imperiled G-erman freedom, and

the imprisoned Landgrave. In March, 1552, he assailed the Em-
peror, lying sick at Innspruck ; his army increased mightily as he
advanced ; and the whole of Protestant Germany was gradually
uniting with him,^^ while the King of France,^* his ally, assailed
the imperial possessions in the Netherlands. As Maurice did not
stop for negotiations the Emperor was obliged to accept the Pas-
sau Treaty,^^ Aug. 2, 1552, whereby freedom was given to the
two imprisoned princes, and a religious peace, insuring liberty of
conscience,was guaranteed to the Protestants.
The diet, at which the last point was to be concluded upon,
was somewhat delayed, because the Emperor was kept in the
Netherlands by the French war, and because the wild Margrave,
Albert of Brandenburg, was filling all G-ermany with commotion f*^
to the latter Maurice fell a victim at Sievershausen, July 9, 1553.

Sinca many demands upon them might still be made by the Em-
by the conven-
peror, the Protestants prepared for the negotiations
tion of theologians at Naumburg,^'' May, 1554, Meanwhile Fer-
dinand was so hard pressed by the Turks, and the Emperor so
constantly employed with the French, that the latter was obliged
^- The imperial ban, July 27, 1547. All the writings belonging to this matter are in
Ilortleder Voni teutschcn Kriege, Tb. ii. Buch 4. How Magueljurg was taken in Nov.,
1551, see ibid., cap. 17 and 18.
^^ Hortleder, Tti. ii. Buch 5. Sleidaniis, lib. xxiv.
=* The League of 5th Oct., 1551, not ratified by the King till Jan., 1552, in the Ec-
cucil des Traites de paix, ii. 258.
=5 See it in Hortleder, Th. ii. Buch v. cap. 14. In. the treaty itself all that is said of
the religious peace is, that "soil die Kais. Maj. — innerhalb eines halben Jahrs einen
gemeinen Reichstag halten, darauf nochmals, auf was Wege, als nemlich, eines General-
oder National-Concilii, Colloquii oder gemeiner Reichsversammlung dem Zwiespalte der
—
Religion abzuhelfen gehandelt, u. also solche Einigkeit der Religion durch alle Stande
des heil. Reichs samt Ihrer Maj. ordentlichen Zuthun soil befordert werden." But a
concurrent treaty declared: "Da aber die Vcrgleichung audi durch derselbcn Weg
keinen wurde erfolgen, dass alsdann nichts desto Vv-eniger obgemeldter Friedstand bej-
seinen Kriiften bis zu endlicher Vergleichung besteben u. bleiben sollc."
^^ Hortleder, Th. ii. Buch vi.
-' Caraerarius in Vita Melanchth., § 98. Acts in Mel. Deutsche Bedenken, s. 377, and
in the Unschuld. Nachrichten, 1714, s. 541.
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 9. 1555. £07
to sacrifice his views to the exigency.^^ Although he could not

determine to be present at the negotiations which annihilated his
plan of many years, yet he gave to his brother Ferdinand, in his
place, unlimited powers. Under the presidency of the latter the
Diet of Augsburg was opened Feb. 5-, 1555, and there, on Sept.
25, the Religious Peace concluded.^^ Its general principles were,
that the princes were guaranteed a free choice between the Cath-
olic religionand the Augsburg Confession, and that the religion
of the subjects should depend upon that of the princes.*" The
'^ The extent of tlie preponderance of the Protestants is seen in two works, which are
manifestly satirical inventions of the times I. Sendbrief vom Bischof u. s. Geistlichen

:
von Koln an d. papstl. Legatcn in Augsburg, 1555 (in Schmidt-Phiseldek Repertor. der
Gesch. u. Staatsverfassung v. Deutschland, Abtheil. 5. Anhang, s. 41), concluding with
the proposal, " Dass Ew. Heil. die Sach dahiu zu richten bedacht, u. v. d. Lutterischen
dis allein erlangen u. erhalten mochte, damit sie uns, wie die Apostol. Romische Kirch-
en fiir die gricchisclic —geduldet, oder aber wie sie der Juden Sj'nagog leidet, — also audi
leiden u. gedulden, u. ob sie schon so gar mit uns nit stimmten, jedoch unsere Giiter,
Pfrunden u. Einkommeu verfolgen lassen wollten."— II. Consilium trivmi Episcoporum
de ratione stabiliendae Romanae Ecclesiae Paulo III. datum (in Wolfii Lectt. Memorabil.,
ii. 549in Brownii App. ad Fascic. rerum expetendarum et fugiendarum, -p. 644 the
: ;
same addressed to Julius III., and dated 1553). It is incredible how Brown, and even
is
the author of "Die Kathol. Kirche Schlesieus," Altenburg, 182G, s. 14, could have held
it to be genuine. It needs not even the arguments in le Plat Monum. ad Hist. Cone.
Trid. spect., ii. 595, but only the simple reading of the work, to descry its irony, which
is, indeed, often very witty and to the point. It is here said, and this is also further
proved at length in No. 1 Quod ad Gcrmaniam nunc attinet, nos (ut venmi tibi fatea-
:
mur) nullo pacto sperare possumus, iilam in tuam fidem imquam esse redituram. Quare
liortamur, ut omnem de ea speni abjicias, etc.
^" Christoph Lehenmann De pace Religion is acta publica et originalia. Frankfort,
1631. 4. J. A. Noesselt Diss, admiranda singularis providentiae divinae vestigia in vin-
dicanda per pacem Passaviensem et Augustanam Sacrorum Evangelicorum libertate
exponens, in his Opuscul. ad Hist. Eccl., fasc. iii. (Halae, 1817) p. 199. On the spirit
of this religious peace, see Ilenke's Magazin, iii. 596.
*" The instrument itself, in the form of an ordinance of the empire by King Ferdi-
nand, is in Lehenmann, s. 136. First a general state of peace is established in the Ger-
man empire. " Und damit solcher Fried, auch der spaltigen Religion halben, desto —
—
bestiindiger srhalten werden mochte so sollen die Kaiserl. Majestat, Wir, aucli Chuv-
:
fiirsten, Fiirsten, u. Stande des heil. Reichs keinen Stand des Reichs von wegen der
Augspurgischen Confession u. derselbigen Lehr, Religion u. Glaubens halben mit der
That gewaltigerweis uberziehen, beschadigen, vergewaltigen, oder in andere Wege wider
seine Conscienz, Wissen u. Willen von dieser Augspurgischen Confessions Religion,
Glauben, Kirchengebrauchen, Ordnungen u. Ceremouien, so sie aufgericht, oder noch-
mals aiifrichten mochten in ihren FLirstenthumben, Landen u. Herrschaften tringen,
oder durch Mandat, oder in einiger anderer Gestalt bescbweren oder verachten, sondern
bey solcher Religion, Glauben, Kii'chengebrauclien, Ordnungen u. Ceremouien, auch
—
ihren Ilaab, Giitern ruhiglich u. friedlich bleiben lassen. Und soil die strittige Re-
ligion nit anderst dann durch christliche, freundliche, friedliche Mittel u. Wege zu ein-
helligem christlichen Verstand u. Vergleichung gebracht werden. Alles bej' Kaiser-
lichen u. Koniglichen Wiirden, Fiirstlichen Ehren, wahren Worten u. Pon des Land-
friedens. Dargegen sollen die Stande, so der Augspurgischen Confession verwandt die
Rom. Kais. Maj. Uns u. Churfursten, Fiirsten u. andere des heil. Reichs Stande der
—
alten Religion anhangig glcichergestalt be^' ihrer Religion, —
auch ihren Ilaab, Gutern
Catholics demanded an exception to the first principle in the case

of the clerical princes ; the Protestants contended against the sec-
ond point for a long time. Since they could not come to an agree-
ment on these controverted matters, they at length, in order to
have a peace, contented themselves with the Declarations of tire
Emperor about them.''^

—unbescliwert bleiben — ^lassen. —
Doch sollen alle andere, so obgemeldten bej-den Ee-
anbangig, in diesem Frieden nit geme)'nt, sondern ganzllch ausgeschlos-
ligioneii nicht
sen seyn." On the cburdi propertj' confiscated bj^ the Protestants: "So sollen auch
seiche eingezogene Giiter, welche denjenigen, so dem Reich olin Mitteln unterworfen u.
Reichstaude seynd, nit zugehorig, u. deren Possession die Geistlichen zu Zeit des Pas-
sauischen Vertrags, oder seithero nit gehabt, in diesen Friedstand mitbegriflcu u. ein-
gezogen seyn, u. bey der Verordnung, wie es ein jeder Stand mit obberiihrten eingezo-
genen verwendten Giitern gemacht, gelassen werden. Daniit auch obber-
u. allbereit —
iihrte beiderseits Religionsverwandte so viel mehr in bestandigem Frieden bleiben mo- —
—
gen, so soil die geistljche Jurisdiction wider der Augspurgischen Confessionsverwand-
ten Religion, Glauben, Bestellung der Ministerien, Kirchengebriluchen^ Ordnungen u.
Ceremonien, so sie ufgericht, oder ufrichten mochten, bis zu endlicher Vergleichung der
— —
Religion nicht exercirt, gebraiicht oder geiibt werden, und also bis zu endlicher christ-
licher Vergleichung der Religion die geistliche Jurisdiction ruhen, eingestellt u. sus-
—
pendirt seyn u. bleiben. Es soil auch kein Stand den andern, noch desselben Unter-
thanen zu seiner Religion dringen, abpracticiren, oder wider ihre Oberkeit in Schutz u.
—
Schirra nehmen, noch vertheidiugen in keinen Weg. Wo aber unsere, auch der Chur-
fiirsten, Fiirsten u. Stande Unterthanen der alten Religion oder Augspurgischen Con-
fession anbangig, von solcher ihrer Religion wegen, aus unsern, auch der Churfdrsten,
—
Fiirsten und Standen des h. Reichs Landen mit ihren Wêib u. Kindern an andere Ort
Ziehen, u. sich niederthun wollten, denen soil solcher Ab- u. Zuzug, auch Verkaufung
ihrer Ilaab u. Giiter, gegen zimlichen billigen Abtrag der Leibeigenschaft u. Nach-
steuer, wie es jedes Orts von Alters anhero iiblichen herbracht u. gehalten worden ist,
unverhindert manniglichs, zugelassen u. bewilligt, auch an ihren Ehren u. Pflichten
—
allcrdingunentgolteu seyn. Und nachdem eine Vei'gleichungder Religion u. Glaubens-
sachen durch zimliche u. gebiihrliche Wege gesucht werden soil, u. aber ohne bestan-
digcn Frieden zu christlicher freundlicher Vergleichung der Religion nicht wol zu kom-
— —
men so haben wir diesen Friedstand ^bewilligt, solchen Frieden bis zu christlicher
; —
— —
Vergleichung stilt, fest u. unverbriichlich zu halten, u. demselben treulich nachzu-
kommen. Wo
dann solche Vergleichung durch die Wege des Generalconciliums, Na-
tional- Versammlung, Colloquien oder Reichshandlungen nicht erfolgen wiirde, soil als-
dann nicht destoweniger dieser Friedstand in alien oberziihlten Puncten u. Articuln bej-
Kraften bis zu endlicher Vergleichung der Religion u. Glaubenssachen bestehen u. blei-
ben. —
Nachdem aber in vielen Frej-- u. Reichs-Stadten die beede Religionen, nemlich
unsere alte Religion u. der Augspurg. Confession- Verwandten Religion, ein Zeithero im
Gang u. Gebrauch gewesen so sollen dieselbigen hinfiiro audi bleiben, u. in denselben
;
Stadten gehalten werden, u. derselben Fre}-- u. Reichs-Stadt Burger u. andere Einwoh-

ner, geistlichs u. weltlichs Stands, friedlich u. ruhig be}' u. neben einander wohnen, u.
kein Theil des Andern Religion, Kirchengebriiuch oder Ceremonien abzuthun, oder ihn
darvon zu dringen, unterstehen."
*' The Declaration in relation to the first point, the so-called Reservatum ecclesiasti-
cum, was adopted into the treaty itself: "Und nachdem bej- Vergleichung dieses Frie-
dens Stritt fiirgefallen, wo der Geistlichen einer oder mehr von der alten Religion ab-
treteu wiirden, wie es der von ihnen bis daselbst bin besessenen u. eingehabten ErzLi-
stumb, Bistumb, Pralaturn u. Beneficien halben gethan -werden soil, welche sich aber
beede Religionsstande nit haben vergleichen konnen demnach haben wir in Kraft hocli-
:
gedacliter Rom. Kaj'S. Maj. uns gegebenen Vollmacht u. Heimstellung erklart und
:
CHAP. I.— SWISS KEFORM. § 10. GEKItlAN SWITZERLAND; 209
§ 10.
HISTORY OF THE SWISS REFORSIATION TO 1555 (COMPARE § 6).
By the unfortunate Cappel "War (1531) the reformed cantons

not only lost their political superiority, but also their two chief
spiritual leaders; for Oecolampadius died, Nov. 23, 1531, of his
grief for these misfortunes and the death of Zwingle. Their places
were, indeed, taken bymen who worked in the same spirit Hen- :
was the successor of Zwingle, and the post of Oeco-

ry Bullinger^
lampadius was filled by Oswald Myconius ;" but the relations of
the cantons appeared to be altering in a way most unpropitious
to the Reformation. In Ziirich and Berne many voices were
raised in opposition to the governments, and especially against the
interference of the clergy in political affairs f and although there
gesetzt,thun auch solches hiemit -n-isscntlicli, also, wo ein Erzbiscliof, Bischof, Pralat,
Oder ein anderer geistliches Stands, von unser alten Religion abtreteu wiirde, dass der-
selbig sein Erzbisthumb, Bisthumb, Pralatur, u. andere Beneficia, auch damit alle
Frucht u. Einkommen, so or davon gehabt, alsbald ohn einige Verwiderimg u. Verzug,
jedoch seinen Ehren ohnnachtheilig, verlassen, auch den Capiteln, u. denen es von ge-
— —
meinen Recliten zugehort, ein Person der alten Religion verwandt zu wahlen u. zu
ordiien zugelassen seyn — sollen, jedoch kunftiger christlicher, freundlicher u. endlicher
Ycrgleichung der Religion unvergreiflich." In relation to the second point King Fer-
dinand decided in an accompanj-ing decree, 24th September (in Lehenmann, s. 122)
" Dass der Geistlichen eigen Ritterschaft, Stadt u. Communen, welche lange Zeit u. Jahr
hero der Augspurgischen Confession u. Religion anhangig gewesen, u. derselbigen Re-
ligion Glauben, Kirchengebrauchen, Orduungen u. Ceremonien offentlich gehalten u.
gebraucht, u. bis auf heut dato noch also halten u. gebrauchen, von deroselben ihrer
Religion, Glauben, Kirchengebrauchen u. Ceremonien hinfiiro durch jemand nicht ge-
drimgen, sondern darbey bis zu obberiihrter christlicher u. endlicher Vergleichung der
Religion unvergewaltigt gelassen werden sollen. Und auf dass solch unser Declaration
umb so viel destoweniger angefochten werden mocht, haben gemeine christliche Stande
— uns zu unterthanigen Ehren u. Gcfallen bewilliget, dass die Derogation in gemeinem
Religionfrieden dieses Reichstags (inhaltende, dass wider denselben Religionfrieden
— —
keine Declaration nit gegeben, noch angenommen werden, sondern unkraftig sej-n
soil) — obberiihrter unser
Erklarung und Entscheid unabbriichig, aber sonst bey ihren
Wiirden u. Kjaften bestehen u. gelassen werden soil."
^ Lebensgeschichte M. Heinr. Bullingers, Antistes der Kirche v. Zurich, by Sal. Hess,
2 Bde. Zurich, 1828-29. 8. (incomplete).
* Oswald Mj-conius, Antistes der Baslerischen Kirche, by Melch. Kirchhofer. Zurich,
1813. 8.
' Bullinger, iii. 254 " Vicl richtetend sich trotzlich uff, sagtend, der Tuffel hatte den
:
Zwingli u. viel sjmer Schryern hingefiihrt manch Biedermann habe schwygen miissen
;
n. habe nitt reden dorfen jetzund aber diirfe ein Biedermann auch reden 53- habend
;
;
wol gedacht, die Ij'denlosen PfafFen wurdent also das Schiff verfiihren, u. fiirohin miisse
es ein anders werden. Man sahe denocht jetzund wol, wer den rechten Glauben babe,
und wem Gott bj^gestanden sye. Etlicli woltend wetten, man wurde kurzlich zu Zurych
wiederum Mess halten. Etlich, die sich glychsnet hattend, als warend sie getriiwe
VOL. IV. 14
;
was, at the same time, a public profession of attachment to the

Reformation, yet the secret partisans of the old Church hegan to
work with new confidence.* To this were added divisions between
the Reformed cantons. The peace, which the Ziirichers were the
first to enter into, was considered as treasonable to the faith f on
the other hand, the conduct of the Bernese in the last war had
been displeasing and thus coldness and distrust
to the Ziirichers;
stole m
between the two great Reformed cantons.® The circum-
stances became still more perplexing when the Anabaptists began
to come forward more boldly among the Reformed, and thus fur-
nished, as it seemed, new evidence in favor of the Catholic com-
plaints as to the dangers of the Reformation ; nor would they let
themselves be instructed by the public disputations'' that were

held with them, the most important of which was that at Zo-
Friind Christi u. sj-nes Evangelii gsj'n, wolltend dess nit Namen met haben, stalltend
sich wider die PfafFen (als sy die nampten), u. redtend grusamer wider den Zwingli u.
synen Anliang, denn die offen Find gewesen warend." Ttie malcontents in the canton
of Zurich met at Meilen, on Lake Zurich, and gave to the Council, Nov. 28, a written
statement of their grievances, in which they demanded (Tschudi in the Helvetia, ii, 337
—
comp. Bullinger, iii. 283) " Dass Ihr der heimlichen Rathen, u. harverloffener PfafFen
:
u. Schwaben abstandent (dann uns will bedunken, dass der heimlich Rath, auch die
PfafFen u. andere ufriihrische Schreyer uns nit wol erschossen habeut), dessglychen der
PfafFen in ofFentlichen u. heimlichen Rathen miissig gangent, u. sich die PfafFen der
weltlichen Sachen ganz u. gar niit beladent in Stadt noch ufF dem Land, sender das
—
Gottswort verkiindent, darzu sie geordnet sind. Zum vierten, dass ihr nun hinfiir in —
iiwer Stadt Predikanten annemment, die friedsam syent, u. ufF Fried u. Ruh stellent, u. die
Uech u. uns, die gem Fried u. Ruh hattent, ofFentlich an der Kan-
ufriihrischen PfafFen, so
hinwegthuent, u. ufF dem Land unseren Pi-edikanten solliches auch sagent,
zel gottlosent,
dass sie uns das Gottswort verkiindent hit beder Testamenten, ii. sich die PfafFen, wie
obgemeldt, keiner weltlichen Sachen unterwindent noch beladent, in Stadt noch ufF dem
Land, im Rath noch darneben, sender Uech, unser Herren, lassent regieren, als denn
einer frommen Oberkeit zustaht, u. Ihr keinem PfafFen nun hinfiir kein Pfrund wj-fer
verlychent, denn von einem Jahr zum andern, u. auch ims ufF dem Land mit keinen
PfafFen iibersetzent, die einer Gemeind nit angenem syent." At last, however, the as-
surance "Ihr sollent ganzlich by aller Wahrhcit wiissen, dass Niemand des Gemtits
:
ist, von Gottswort zu wychen," u. s. w. Similar complaints were made b5'- the people
of Berne to the Council see the Schweizerischer Geschichtforscher, Bd. 7. Heft 1. (Berne,
;
1828) s. 132 : " Des ersten, des wir all gemeinlich u. einhellig ratig sind worden, antref-
fend das heilig gottlich Wort, by demselbigen zu belibcn, u. nachdem alsdann die —
Predicanten in Stadt u. Land ufF dem Cantzel vil ufF UfFruhr u. Blutvergiessen geschru-
wen, dardurch gross Uneinigkeit entstanden, sich desselbigen gar u. ganz zu mussigen,
ouch der Schmutz u. Scheltworten sich gar u. ganz abzethun, sunder uns allenthalben
niit anders denn das wahr, luter, eynig Gottswort nach Inhalt des Buchstabens on alien
ihren Zusatz zu verkunden." Comp. Miiller-Hottinger, vii. 440 ff.
* Bullinger's Leben, by Hess, i. 128.
' Hess, ubi supra.

« Haller, by Kirchhofer, s. 180.
' In St. Gall, 1532, Hottlnger's Helvet. Kirchengesch., iii. 6G2; in Berne, 1536, ibid.,
s. 730.
;
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORM. § 10. GERfilAN SWITZERLAND. 211
singen,^ July, 1532. The milder position which the Eeformed

assumed toward them,^ in order to rebuke the Catholic spirit of
persecution, only served to make them bolder.
The Catholic cantons at once made use of the superiority they
had gained. They restored by violence the Catholic Church in
the free districts of Bremgarten and Mellingen, Rapperschweil
and Gaster.^" The conquered party and the Reformation were
contemptuously assailed and lampooned. ^^ When Ziirich repelled
the wide-spread report thatit was about to return to the papacy^^
by the most decisive mandates^^ establishing the Reformation,

1532, it was met by a breach of the articles of peace on the part
of the Catholic cantons, and had to submit to fresh humiliation in
the treaty of Einsiedeln, 1533.^* These mandates, however, re-
^ Ruchat, Hist, de la Reform, de la Suisse, iv. 213. Kirchhofer, s. 178.

5 In Zurich, Hess, i. 209 in Berne, Ruchat, iv. 220.
;
1" BuUinger's Reformationsgesch., iii. 306. Hottinger's Helv. Kirchengesch., iii. 600
ff., 636. Ruchat, iii. 468 ss., 500,
•1 Hess, i. 121.
1- Biillinger, iii. 305 it was every where rumored, " in kurtzem wurde man in Ziirj^ch
:
wiederum Mess halten, und den Glouben der Romischen Kj-lchen ufFnen." Casp. Me-
gander Ep. ad BuUingerum, in Hess, 1. 157. Berne made a formal demand on Zurich
that it should publiclj' refute this rumor Kirchhofer, s. 175. ;
'^ Comp. Hess, i. 156 ff. Most important was the mandate of Wednesday after Trin-
itj-, 1532, against mass and pilgrimages, in Bullinger, iii. 315: "Wiewol wir vornaher
—
uss Grund bewithrter heiliger Gschrift den Jlissbruch der Biipstischen Mess u. Sacra-
ments, wie die bishar hj der Romischen Kilchen, nit zu kleiner Schmalerung und Ver-
—
kleinung des bitteren Lj'dens u. Sterbens Jesu Christi, brucht worden, abgethan, und
anstatt derselben den begriindten wahren Bruch des Nachtsmals des Herren ingesetzt —
ûnd so wir uns aber umb christenlicher Verschonung willen iiber die, so sich in dem
Sacrament der Danksagung u. christenlicher Gemeinsammi von uns absimderent, u.
nach Biipstischer Wyss anderswo zum Sacrament gond, noch bisher keiner usserlichen
Straf erliitert :
—
darus mit der Zj't, wo es gestattet wurde, vil Unriiwen, Spaltung u.
Absiinderung der Gmiidten u. burgerlicher Friindschaften grosslich zu ersorgen so :
—
gepiettent wir hierait vast ernstlich, —
dass sich menklich der Unseren des Sacraments
der Danksagung u. Nachtmals Christi nach christenlicher u. unserer Ordnung, wie es
die gottlich heilig Gschrift lehrt u. vermag, —gebruche. —Dann so jemands sollichs
iibersehen, sich in Empfahung
des Sacraments von uns siinderen, u. also die Christenen
Gemeinden verachten wurde, den woUent wir ouch als ein abgetheilt ungehorsam Glied
— halten, ihn nit by oder under uns gedulden, wandlen noch wohnen lassen, sonder von
Stadt und Land —
verwj-sen. Dann wir mit gottlicher Gnad, unverhindert der Triibsal
u. Unfaals, soGott vielleicht unserer Siinden halb iiber uns verhangt, des styffen Sin-
—
nes u. Gemiiths sind, dass wir by erkannter Wahrheit trostlich belyben, u. in unser
Stadt u. Land weder die Mess, biipstische Sacrament, noch iitzid des us Gottes Wort nit
Grund oder Handveste hat, wissen noch getulden, sonder Gott u. der Wahrheit Gstand,
Lob, Ehr, u. Piyss in die Ewigkeit geben."
>* Bullinger, iii. 329, 367. Hess, i. 164. The Ziirichers had, they said, broken the
treaty (Bullinger, iii. put them under obligation not to meddle by dis-
334, 339), for it
putation and argument with the Catholic faith also by sending to the Catholic cantons
;
epistles and public documents, with seals, declaring that Zurich had the true, indubita-
mained and in Berne, too, an oath, to main-

in force in Ziirich ;^^
tain the Reformation was taken by the whole canton, Novemter,
In the divided cantons the Catholic party was especially active.

In Solothurn, where the city was reformed only in a small pro-
portion, while the country was so by a large majority, the Refor-
mation was suppressed in 1533 with the aid of the Catholic can-
tons.^'' Appenzell adhered to its former decrees.^^ In Grlarus the
Catholic service was restored only in some of the churches ;^^ in
the city, Valentin Tschudi was able so far to allay the bitterness
of the parties that he and other clergymen could officiate in both
churches.^'^
ble Christian faith (cf. above, Note 39). At Einsiedeln the Ziiiichers (April, 1533, Bul-
linger, 341) were forced to confess that the}- had not thought, in issuing the man-
iii.
date, that it would be so hostile and hurtful to the Five Cantons, and if thej' had con-
would not have issued it. For the future they would be on their
sidered this that they
guard against such mandates as would do detriment to the confederacy' and the peace
of the land. In the second place, the Ziirichers were to take in hand and keep back the
mandates not 3-et sent out, and wherever they had not jet been proclaimed and read,
not have this done.
15 Hess, i. 166.
-« Haller, by Kirchhofer, s. 202.
'' Hottinger's Helv. Earchengesch., iii. 663. Euchat, iv. 247.
'^ Hottinger, iii. 644.
1' Hottinger, iii. 644 fF.
^" On
Valentin Tschudi, see Schuler's Huldreich Zwingli, Gesch. seiner Bildung
this
zum Reformator. 2te Ausg., s. 318 fF. His Erasmian tendencies are apparent in his
Letter to Zwingle, 15th March, 1530 (in Fuesslini Epistolae ab Ecclesiae Helvet. Refor-
matoribus vel ad eos scriptae. Centur. i. Tiguri, 1742. 8., p. 63 ss.) Quod vero hacte- :
nus signa tua sequi detrectarim, non, charissime frater, Papisticae leges me adeo detinu-
erunt, nee avarum illud jugum prostratum commovit, ut ejus me vindicem subscribe-
rem sed longe periculosissimum hoc bellum scientia duce, regnantibus privatis consiliis,
;
—
suscipere animus meus abhorruit. Caute enim providendum, ne, dum corrosas veteres
columnas dejicimus, totadomus nimio impetu aegre concutiarur, priusquam nova fulcra
admoveantur. Video enim, quosdam neglecta charitate tumultuario agmine grassantes
rei christianae plus detriment!, quam commodi convehere, quibus si non tandem per
Dominum capistrum imponatur, ut secundum Pauliim idem omnes loquamur, nulla spes
est futurae quietis. Caeterum cum inter duo mala, quod tolerabilius eligendum sit, licet
summe metuam gravia iucommoda, quae evenire possunt recluso ostio t?}s Kowoovia^ ;
praeseuti tameu malo prius occurrendura. Video enim hujus dissensionis praetextu,
quam tam pertinaciter de cortice, relicto nucleo, excitavimus, clam iri'epere neglectum
Dei, despectum magistratuum, violationem judiciorum, vitam quoque licentiosara: nam
tanto odio exacerbatis auimis perit aequitas, charitas extinguitur. Quid vero populo —
tam hostiliter diviso ultra expectandum quam desolatio ? Propterea saluti patriae pri-
mum consulendum, ne libertas tanto labore parta, nostra negligentia amittatur. Palam —
hactenus testatus sum, Christianismum in omnibus his ceremoniis non consistere sed ;
— illud unicum a nobis requiri, ut exuatur vetus ille homo, ac charitate amplectaniur
proximum. Hue, hue ego direxi, ceremoniarum causam reaedificatae relinquens chari-
tati non enim hae antiquatae me commoverunt, at commovit Koivwvia versa in privata
:
cousilia. Quod si aliter fieri nequit, valeant. Apud me plus valebit publica quies, quam
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORM. § 10. GERMAN SWITZERLAND. 213
In G-erman Switzerland the War of Cappel set bounds to the
Reformation ; but in the French cantons it now gained an effectu-

al entrance. William Farel had been preaching the Gospel from
1526 French parts of the cantons of Berne and Biel;^' next
in the
he established the Reformation in Neufchatel,"^ 1530 but in Gre- ;
neva he now found a much wider sphere for his energies. The
dukes of Savoy, supported by the bishops of G-eneva, had been long
struggling for the possession of this free city, surrounded on all
sddes by the Savoy territory. By the luxurious manners of their

court they had here gained adherents (the Mamelucs) in the same
degree that they had corrupted the morals of the city. The Gene-
vese who loved freedom (called Eidgnots, i. e., confederates) made
an alliance with the cantons of Berne and Freiburg, and with their
help restored, in 1526,^^ the freedom of the city, which had been
almost lost. From Berne, too, the Reformation made its way to
Geneva in 1528, and it advanced in spite of the opposition of the
Catholic Freiburg.^* There was first formed a secret Reformed
Church, which had to struggle with hard oppression and persecu-
tion. At the suggestion of the Bernese a religious conference was
held,^^ Jan. 29, 1534, in which Farel defended the Reformation;
immediately afterward public worship was allowed to the Reform-
ed. Freiburg now abandoned its alliance with Geneva ; the plots
of Savoy became more perilous ; the city was put under the ban,
and had to rely wholly upon the aid of Berne. The Reformation
then advanced with great rapidity, through the zeal of the preach-
ers Farel, Anton Froment, and Peter Viret. After another dispu-
harum cura, caet. As the Catholics now began to move anew, Tschudi quieted the
people in Glams. Being married, he did not i-ead mass but he was present at it, and
;
preached to both parties. So, too, his chaplain, Hans Heer. In 1542 the Catholics in
Linthal, who had no priests, asked the Reformed preacher, Brunner, to preach to them,
and to visit those that were
See Hettinger's Kirchengesch., iii. 648.
sick.
" Ruchat, i. 222; iii. 173. Das Leben Wilh. Farels, bj' Melch. Kirch-
391, 488; ii.
hofer (2 Bde., Zurich, 1831-33. 8.), i. 67. Etudes sur Farel, these par Charles Schmidt.
Strasb., 1834. 4.
" Ruchat, iii. 175 ; iv. 95. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 109.
'^ Histoire de Geneve, par Mr. Spon, ed. augm. a Geneve, 1730. 8. T. i. Hist, de Ge-
neve, par Jean Picot (Geneve, 1811. 8. 3 vols.). Hist, de Gen., par A. Thourel (Gen.
1833. 8.), T. i. [Les Actes et Gestes Merveilleux de la cite de Geneve (from 1522), par
Anthoine Fromment ; new edition by Gustave Revilliod, 1856. E. F. Gelpke, Kircbeor.
gesch. d. Schweiz, i. 1856. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen, D'Aubigne', vol. iv. J. Gaberel,
Hist, de I'Eglise de Geneve, 2 vols., published 1858. Comp. p. 10-12, above.]
" Ruchat, ii. 276 iii. 222 iv. 294.
; ;
^* The Acts were printed in French, 1534 in French and Latin, 1644, in 12. Extracts
;
in Ruchat, v. 97. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 175.

the papacy was abolished by the council, and the Refer,

tation^'^
mation adopted, Aug. 27, 1535."^ The next year the city gained
its most distinguished teacher, John Calvin^^ (Aug., 1536), who
was destined to have such an efficient influence upon the devel-

opment of all the Reformed Churches. After Berne had effected
the deliverance of Geneva, hard pressed by the Duke of Savoy, it
also conquered the Pays de Vaud,^^ Febr., 1536. Here, too, the
friends of the Reformation made their appearance and a dispu- ;
tation at Lausanne,^" Oct. 1, 1536, in which Farel, Viret, and Cal-

vin took part, was followed by a general adhesion to the Reforma-
tion.^^ Viret was left in Lausanne, to be its reformer and as ;
early as 1537 an academy was there formed for the training of

the clergy.^^
Though the Reformation, especially in consequence of the state
of civil affairs, had gained so rapid a victory in Geneva, yet there
were still in the city many who were secretly attached to the old
Church and there were others, infected by the corruption of mor-
;
als introduced under the Savoy rule, who hoped to obtain complete
license by the acceptance of the Reformation.^^ When the preach-

ers set themselves against this immorality by enforcing strict
church discipline, a slight quarrel between them and the Bernese
on church usages was made the occasion of getting rid of these
troublesome disciplinarians : they were banished by a decree of
the council in 1538.^^ But their loss was soon so deeply felt that
2« On the 30th May, 1535, Ruchat, v. 271. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 187.
s' Ruchat, V. 300.
^^ Calvin, in his Praefatio ad Psalmos, relates that he Tvas traveling through Geneva,
intending to spend only one night there, and at first withstood the appeals of Farel, do-
nee Genevae non tarn consilio vel hortatu, quam formidabili G. Farelli obtestatione. re-
tentus sum, ac si Deus violentam niihi e coelo manum injiceret. Quo terrore perculsus
—
susceptum iter omisi. Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 197. Das Leben Johann Calvins, bj-
Paul Henry (Hamburg, 1835), i. 161. [Cf. above, pp. 10-12.]
^^ Ruchat, v. 418. Viret, Reformateur de Lausanne, these par Henri Jaquemot.
Strasburg, 1836. 4.
^^ Farel's Theses here, in Ruchat, v. 603. Acts, in Ruchat, vi. 1. Farel, by Kirch-
hofer, i. 199.
'^ Measures of the Bernese government to promote the Reformation, Ruchat, vi. 324.
Edict, in which it was ordered to be introduced 24th Dec, 1536, in Ruchat, vi. 367.
=3 Ruchat, vi. 446.
^^ Calvinus : quasi nihil aliud esset Christianismus, quam statuarum eversio Hot- ;
tinger's Kirchengesch., iii. 722. Registres de la Rep. 4, Sept., 1536 Quelques uns d'en-
:
tre les principaux citoyens, et un grand nombre d'autres, ne pouvant point endurer les
ministres qui les reprennent de leurs vices, protestent devant le Conseil vouloir vivre
en liberte. Leben Calvins, by Henry, i. 196.
=* Farel, by Kirchhofer, i. 235. Henry, i. 199.
:
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFOEMATION. § 10. GENEVA. 215
Calvin, in 1541, was called back from Strasburg;^^ Farel remain-

ed in Neufchatel. Calvin had to undergo many a hard conflict,
especially with a party of fanatical free-thinkers, Libertines,
who called themselves Spiriticels ;^^ his life was at times in
-^ Heiirj-, i. 385.
^s Who manifestlj' still belonged to the sect of the Free Spirit ; see vol. ii. p. 590,
Note iii. p. 173. Cf. Calvini Instructio adv. faiiaticam et furiosam sectam Libertino-
;
rum, qui se Spirituales vocant, written in 1544 (Ejusd. Tractatus theologici Amstelod.,
1667, fol., p. 374). On the spreading of this sect it is there said, chap, iv., that a Flem-
ish man, Coppin, from Yssel, had first preached tliis doctrine for fifteen years, and that
then one Quintin, from Hennegau, had made himself still more famous, and propagated
the sect in France. Ant. Pecquet joined them, the same who, two j-ears before, had
tarried some time in Geneva. Cap. 7 peregriua et insolent! utuntur lingua, qua sic
:
cornicantur, ut nihilo plus perspicuitatis insit, quam in avium cantu. Non nego, quin
utantur communibus vocabulis, sed ita significationem eorum deforniant, ut nemo intcl-
ligat. — Id quidem malitiose agunt, ut possint clanculum velut ex insidiis idiotas circum-
veuire. Nemini enim revelant abominationum suarum mj-steria, quae sub illis verborum
tegumentis latent, praeterquam iis qui jam jurejurando sibi astricti sunt. Cap. 8 unus :
est ex praecipuis capitibus theologiae ipsorum artem simulandi, et sese transformandi

:
nosse oportere, quo facilius hominibus imponant. Quemadmodum nulla est ipsis religio —
coram idolis se prosternere, ita se omnibus superstitionibus Papistarum adhaerere simu-
lant, quod ex eorum opinione externa omnia in hominis Christiani libertate posita sunt.
Caj). 9 Semper hoc retinent principium scripturam in naturali sensu suo acceptam
: :
literam mortuam esse, atque occidere, ideoque missam esse faciendam, ut ad Spiritum
—
viviticantem veniamus. Conantur nos a Scriptui'is avertere, ut in imaginationibus suis
vagari, ant potius extra Scripturae fines errare cogant ut unusquisque somnia sua, et ;
diaboli praestigias loco verbi Dei sequatur. Cap. 10 Notandum est, eos nullum posse :
aliqua de re sermonem inchoare, quin nomcn Spiritus statim ab eis proferatur vixque :
biuas clausulas continuare possunt, quin subindc repetant. Nomen Spiritus ad omnia —
applicant, quoties ipsis commodum videtur, ut omnibus modis res suas agant. Cap. 11
Primum hoc statuunt Unicum esse tantum Spiritum Dei, qui sit ac vivat in omnibus
:
creaturis. —
Quum igitur unicum tantum spiritum statuunt, fingunt Angelos nihil aliud,
quara inspirationes aut motus, non creaturas essentia praeditas esse. Animarum nos-
trarum loco ajunt Deum vivere in nobis, vegetare corpora nostra, nos sustinere, atque
omnes vitales actiones efficere. Caj). 12 Diabolum, mundum et peccatum accipiunt
:
pro imaginatione, quae nihil est. Talemque liominem esse ajunt, quoad sit in ipsorum
secta reformatus. —
Docent non esse amplius inhaerendum opinationi, quum abolitum sit
peccatum stultumque esse, ac si aliquid foret, de eo amplius laborare. Cap. 13 Postea
: :
quam unicum Spiritum suo arbitratu finxerunt, destructis atque abolitis tum Angelorum,
tum Diabolorum, tum etiam animarum naturis, ajunt, solum hunc Spiritum efficere om-
nia. Quintin says Quod ego aut tu facimus, Deics efficit. Quod etiam Deus facit, ipsi
:
facimus. Nam in nobis est. Cap. 15 : Id praecipue sibi proponunt, ut sopiant consci-
entias, quo omni sollicitudine vacui homines, quicquid sese oft'eret, quicquid appetierint,
perpetrent. Cap. 16 : Posteaquam sic frena laxarunt omnibus, ut sinant unumquemque

vivere suo arbitratu, hoc praetextu, quod se a Deo regi sinant, ex eodem principio de-
ducunt, perperam de re aliqua judicetur. Cap. 17 (Dicunt) Christum non obi-
fieri, si :
isse in cruce, sed tantum opinationem. —

In eo constituimt redemptionem nostram, quod
Christus solum velut typus fuit, in quo contemplemur ea, quae ad salutem nostram re-
quirit Scriptura. —
Quum ajunt Christum abolevisse peccatum, sensus eorum est, Chris-
tum abolitionem illam in persona sua repraesentasse. Caeterum, ut imaginantur, nemo —
nostrum non est Christus ; quodque in ipso factum est, in omnibus effectum dicunt.
Cap. 18: Fatentur quidem nobiscum, nos Dei filios esse non posse, nisi renati simus.
Ac prima quidem facie idem nobiscum sentire videri possint, si tantum verba spectan-
—
peril, ^^ until his opponents were put down in an insurrection set

on foot by Ami Perrin, when they were finally subdued, 1555.^^
By the iron firmness of Calvin the morals of Greneva were wholly
changed.^^ Thus the city was indebted to the Reformation for
its freedom, its order and honorable morals, and its growing pros-
perity. The position and language of the city made it the centre
of the Reformation for the Romanic countries ; those driven thence
here sought protection.*" On the other hand, companies of preach-
ers were trained in Geneva, and for other lands too, especially in
the academy*^ founded in 1588. The French Reformed Church
received thence almost all its preachers.*^ Calvin had thus the
opportunity of influencing the development of many Reformed
tur. — Sed quum explicandum est, quid per ea significare velint, omnia pervertuiit.
Hoc enim principium sumunt nempe regenerationem esse restitutionem innoceiitiae, in
:
qua Adam, antequam peccasset, constitutus erat. Hunc autem innocentiae statum sic
accipiunt nihil dignoscere, nee inter album, quod ajunt, et nigrum discernere, quia
:
hoc Adae peccatum fuit, comedere de fructu scientiae boni et mali. Sic, ex eorum sen-
tentia, veterem Adamura mortificare nihil aliud est, quam nihil discernere quasi mali
cognitione sublata ac puerorum more naturalem sensum atque inclinationem sequi.
:
Cap. 19 Libertatem christianam deinceps ita extendunt, ut statuant, omnia homini sine
:
cxceptione licita esse. Totam legem abolere volunt, inquientes, nullam amplius ejus
habendam esse rationem, propterea quod in libertatem asserti simus. Cap. 20 Paulus :
admonet, ut unusquisque in ea vocatione, in qua vocatus est, permaneat (1 Cor., vii. 20).
— Infelices isti sententiam hanc evertunt, ut probent ac persuadeant omnibus, unum-
quemque oportere naturalem inclinationem sequi, atque sic agere et vivere, ut libebit,
—
aut e re sua esse videbitur. Tum viris turn mulieribus permittunt sese quibuscunque
visum fuerit, copulare. Idque matrimonium spirituale vocant, quum alter altero con-
—
teutus est. Ajunt matrimonium etiam solemni ritu initum coram hominibus carnale
esse, nisi spiritus ipsi bene conveniant, atque ideo christianum hominem minime ad id
adstrictum esse, sed id solum inter Christianos firmum esse debere, in quo utrique simul
cum altero bene est. Cap, 21 Eandem in bona confusionem inducunt, communionem
:
sanctorum esse dicentes, si nemo quicquam possideat tanquam suum sed unusquisque, ;
undecunque nancisci poterit, ad se rapiat. Cap. 22 Rident spem omnem, quam de :
resurrectione habemus, idque jam nobis evenisse dicunt, quod adhuc expectamus. Si
quaeratur, quomodo id intelligant nempe, inquiunt, ut homo sciat, animam suam spi-
:
ritum immortalem esse perpetuo viventem in caelis ; ac Christum morte sua opinatio-
nem abolevisse, eaque ratione nobis restituisse vitam, quae in eo est, ut nos minime
mori cognoscamus. Henry, ii. 398.
3' Thus in the case of Jacob Gruet, Spon's Hist, de Geneve (edit, de 1730), ii. 47.
Henrj', ii. 439. Process with Philibert Berthelier, see 1522. Spon, ii. 69. BuUinger's
Leben von Hess, ii. 97.
58See Calvin's Letter to Bullinger, loth June, 1555, in his Epistoll., p. 163. Spon,
ii. 72 ss. Trechsel's Michael Servet u. seine Vorganger. Heidelberg, 1839, s. 182.
^' See Farel's declaration in 1557, in Farel's Lcben, by Kirchhofer, ii. 125.
4° Henrj', ii. 420. Bezae Ep. ad Pastores Tigur., dd. 17. Dec, 1568 (Ejusd. Epistt.
Hanov., 1597, p, 152) in hanc potissimum Eeclesiam tamquam in portum quendam
:
multa naufragorum millia fuerunt et ejecta et recepta,

*' Spon, ii. 87.
*2 Beza, 1564, calls Geneva, Seminarium Ecclesiarum Gallicarum ; Hettinger's Kirch-
engesch., iii. 831.
CH. I.— SWISS REF. § 10. GENEVA. ITALIAN SWITZERLAND. 217
Churches in other countries, and of diffusing far and wide his

ecclesiasticaland doctrinal views so that he may be considered
;
as the second founder of the Reformed Church.

The Reformation spread by degrees also into the Italian Switz-
erland. From 1512 the Twelve Cantons possessed in common
the lordships of Lugano and Locarno the G-risons also had the ;
exclusive right to Veltlin and the lordships of Bormio and Chia-

venna (Cleves). Scattered accounts of the Reformation had reach-
ed these places somewhat earlier. But when the Inquisition ap-
pointed by Paul III., 1542, compelled the Italian adherents of the
Reformation to quit their native land,"*^ many of them emigrated
into these Swiss provinces, became preachers of the Reformation,

and established Churches. But there were uninterrupted conflicts
among them, partly because the Catholics were violently opposed
to them, and in part because the Italian refugees held and preach-
ed many peculiar doctrines. The G-risons established religious
freedom in their provinces in 1544, and also the equal rights of
both Churches in 1557,** without, however, being able to deliver
the Reformed from constant persecutions. In the lordships held
in common the Reformation was continually opposed by the Cath-
olic cantons, and only feebly defended by the Reformed ; so that
at last the little Church gathered in Locarno was obliged to wan-
der forth in 1555 the members of it were settled for the most
;
part in Ziirich.*^
Switzerland was not involved in the great struggle which the
Reformation aroused in Germany ; this was owing to the relations
which the Catholic cantons held to France, then favorable to the

German Protestants. Thus both parties refrained from taking
any part Pope had made a
in the Smalcald war, although the
very earnestdemand upon the Catholic cantons that they should
contend against the German heretics.*^ At the reopening of the
*' p. D. R. de Porta Hist. Reformationis Ecclesiarum Rhaeticarum, i. ii. 25. Thom.

M'Crie, Historj' of the Reformation in Italj-, p. 183. Ferd. Meyer, die Evangel. Ge-
nleinde in Locarno, i. 21.
** De Porta, i. ii. 49, 274. M'Crie, s. 296, 326, 333. Mej-er's Evangel. Gemeinde in
Locarno, ii. 198 ff.
*5 Die Evangel. Gemeinde in Locarno, ihre Auswanderung nach Zurich u. ihre wei-
tern Schicksale, bj' Ferd. Me5'er, 2 Bde. Zurich, 183G. On the various industrial arts
which thej- transplanted to Ziirich, especially in velvets and silks, see Meyer, ii. 140,
281, 330.
*« See § 8, Note 40. BuUinger, by Hess, i. 474.
:
Council of Trent in 1551, the latter did not take any part in
it. on account of the protest of the French.*^ There were, in-
deed, constant difficulties between the Catholic and Reformed

cantons ;*^ hut as both parties were about equally powerful, one
sword held the other in the scabbard and they both, slight ;
changes excepted, retained, from this time onward, the territories

of which they had possession.
§ 11.
RELATIONS OF THE TWO RELIGIOUS PARTIES IN GERMANY TO 1618.
The religious peace corresponded so entirely to the deeprfelt

necessities of Germany, that the disapproval
of it, immediately
expressed by Pope Paul IV., produced no effect.^ And when the
same passionate pontiff gave new vent to his rancor by opposing
Charles in his delegation of the imperial throne to Ferdinand,^ in
*^ Treat}' with France, 1549 ; Bullinger, bj- Hess, ii. 9. Papal invitation to the coun-
cil, ibid., s. 30 ; refused, s. 34.
*^ Thus when, 1555, the Catholic cantons demanded that the evangelical party should
swear name
to the confederac}' in the of the saints in the old waj- ; Bullinger, b}' Hess, ii.
267 ; F. Meyer's Evangel. Gemeinde in Locarno, ii. 48 when the Catholic cantons or-
:
dered, 1555, that the Bible translations sent out from Zurich should be expelled from
their region ; Mej-er's Gemeinde in Locarno, i. 451 ; ii. 56 : and when, accordingly, in
1556, Bibles were burned in Zug and Wallis ; Bullinger, bj' Hess, ii. 402, 415 Meyer,
;
ii. 61, 70.

1 As earlj' as Dec. 18, 1555, he wrote to King Ferdinand (Raynald., h. a. No. 51)
Vidit Serenitas Tua, quanta Nos et nostri proximi Praedecessores cui'a et sollicitudine
—procuravimus, ut Conventus Augustanus potius religionis rebus intactis dissolveretur,
quam ad Recessum veniretur tarn perniciosum, sicuti et Nobis, et Tua Serenitate et
Catholicis omnibus iuvitis tandem ventum est. On the same day ad Wolfgangum Ep.
Passav., 1. c. No. 53 quid alienius a fide catholica potuit deliberari, quam quae in Au-
:
gustae proximi conventus Recessu decretum fuisse accepimus ? Fei'dinand was com-
pelled to listen, at the beginning of 1556, to still more earnest representations from the
nuncio of the Pope, Delfiuus (see his Report in Pallavicini, lib. xiii. c. 14, No. 1) Rex :
vero cum sibi videretur et in iis concedendis, quae Catholicis officerent, ab aperta neces-
sitate omnis a se nota procul arceri, et in rebus sibi arbitrariis vel maximum Religionis
studium a se fuisse praestitum, respondit per commotioris animi sensum, quam modera-
tum ejus ingenium ferre consueverat. Id etiam fortassis accidit, quod jam apparerent
in Paulo argumenta animi male affecti in Austriacam familiam.
2 Ferdinand's upper chamberlain, Don Martin Gusman, who was to notify the Pope
of it, was not admitted as an imperial embassador the Pope laid the affair before the;
cardinals, whose opinion, as rendered, cori-esponded entirely with his views Thuani ;
Histor. sui Temporis, lib. xxi. c. 2 Raynaldus, 1558, No. 8. Comp. the reports of Car-
;
dinal Du Bellaj' on the procedures in the consistories, in Ribier Lettres et Memoires

—
d'Estat, ii. 623, 759. The Pope rememora la translation de I'empire de Grece faite par
les Papes, et le Privilege d'en faire election donne par lesd. Papes a la Germanic. II —
ne se trouveroit point qu'il fut en la puissance d'un Empereur de resigner I'Empire, n}'
::
CHAP. I.—GERMAN KEFOKjVIATION. § 11. FERDINAND I. 219
1558, he only effected the formal rupture of the honds by which

the empire had until now been bound to the papacy.^ It became
aux Electeurs d'accepter la resignation, et suivant icelle faire nouvelle election, incon-
—
summo Pontifice. Indignus est ekctus, comme qui a jure plusieurs Reces heretiques
sulto
—item a a son escieat mouvoir sou fils aisue (Maximilian) de fausses doctrines
fait
item souffre de long-temps prescher en sa cour a la Lutherienne item a laisse vacquer

:
dix ou douze ans les gros Eveschez sans y nommer, pour en prendre les fruits, et ce-
pendant y a laisse faire aux Lutlieriens ce qu'ils ont voulu item s'est usurpe plusieurs
:
Palais et Chasteaux des Eveschez et Monasteres iinalement s'est fait elire clandestine-
:
ment, refusant au Nonce du Pape sa suite, et s'est fait elire par heretiques, err/o dcjw-
nendus, si jam
esset ImiJerator. The Pope, as in the resignation of prelates, must first in-
vestigate, an justae causae sint resignandi, et se liberandi a juramenio jyraestito Sedi Apos-
iolicae, a quo non potest se solvere, nisi per Pontificem solvatur. Puis il eust fallu proceder
et examiner toutes autres choses, et mesmement de vita, morihus et idoneitate Ferdinandi.
With this also agrees the opinion of the cardinals, in Thuanus, as cited above. They
—
likewise add ob id Ferdinando opus esse poenitentia
: ; —
itaque mittendum ab illo pro-
curatorem cum plenis mandatis, quibus declaret, se iis, quae Francofurti acta sunt, ut
nullius momenti, renunciare, remque omnem Pontificis arbitrio permittere, caet. Even
after. Charles V. had died, Sept. 21, 1558, the Pope said to the French embassador (see
his Report to the King, 25th Dec, 1558, in Ribier, ii. 777), qu'il est mort Empereur,
aj'ant este sacre par le Pape, sans I'authorite du quel il ne pouvoit renoncer, ny ceder
sa dignite et dit davantage que Ferdinand n'a encore autre qualite, que celle de Roy
;
des Remains, obstant d'une part la nullite de la renonciation du defunt, et de I'autre

que I'Empereur mort, le Roj- des Remains ne luy succede pas indistinctement, mais
qu'il faut qu'il soit examine, et fasse foj', comme il s'est au precedent porte en I'estat de
Roy des Remains, pour estre promeu a I'Empire, ou depose de ladite dignite de Roy des
Romains, selon qu'il se sera dignement, ou indigneraent porte. Et par la veut conclure,
que I'Empire est aujourd' huj' vaquant, et comme en passant me toucha, que le feu Pape
Leon avoit eu envie de faire le feu Roy (Francis I.) Empereur.
^ Already, by occasion of the coronation of Charles V., it was proved bj' the Bishop
of Gurck, Hierouymus Balbus, De Coronatione, lib. sing., ad Carolum V., Imp., Lugd.,
1530 (also in Freheri Scriptt. Rer. Germ.), ex sola electione Caesarem jus plenissimum
imperandi consequi, ex coronatione nihil novi juris Caesaribus accedere. Now the zeal-
ous Catholic Vice-chancellor of the empire. Dr. George Siegmund Seld, addressed to
the Emperor a most remarkable document about it (reprinted in Goldast's Politische
Reichshandeln, Th. 5, s. 167). In the introduction he refers to the earlier pretensions
of the Popes, and then continues : —
" Jetzund so das Reich auf Ew. Maj. erwachsen, so
—
hebt man den alten verlegnen Zank wieder an, u. bedenkt doch hergegen nicht, dass
mittlerzeit, von den vorigen Babsten hei', die Sachen weit ein andere Gestalt gewonnen.
Dann da man vormals den Rom. Stuhl gar nahend angebetet, u. fiir Gott gehalten, da
wird derselbe jetzund von einem grossen Theil der Christenheit verachtet u. da man ;
vormals den Biibstlichen Bann ubler, dann den zeitlichen Tod gefiirchtet, da lachet
man jetzunder desselben u. da man vormals, was von Rom kommen, fiir gcittlich u.
;
heilig gehalten, da ist das romische Wesen u. Leben jetzund der ganzen Welt dermas-
sen bekannt, dass schier miinniglich, er sej' wer er wolle, der alten oder neuen Religion,
dafiir ausspej-et." Then the author goes on to show that the Emperor is under obliga-
tion to the Pope only as having the highest cure of souls that the Emperor is to decide
;
about the election of the Pope, has the right to call coimcils, to bestow ecclesiastical
benefices, and to depose godless Popes. On the other hand, the Pope has no rights
over the empire coronation by him is not necessar}'. Thei'eupon he refutes the accu-
;
sation of the Pope against the Emperor, and reproaches the Pope with manj- unseemly
doings. He advises that the Pope should be set right, and, in case he will not j'ield, an
—
appeal to a general council. Both parties now let the matter drop. Paul IV. died Aug.
18, 1559 ; the newly-elected Pius IV. declared at once, after consulting with the cardi-
220 FOURTH PERIOD.-DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
clear to all that a union of the two religious parties could no lon-
ger be expected. The Colloquy of Worms, appointed according to
the condition of the treaty, 1557, was dissolved before it began.*
The invitation to the Council of Trent, whose sessions were re-
sumed, was definitively rejected by the Protestants.^ Protestant-

ism was so even in Austria and Bavaria, that the strict
diffused,
Catholic rulers of these countries. Emperor Ferdinand and Duke
Albert, were compelled to make concessions by allowing the Eucha-
ristunder both forms, 1556 f in Silesia Ferdinand was compelled
to see the Reformed not only holding their ground, but also spread-
ing abroad farther and farther." Had the ecclesiastical reserva-
tions not existed Germany would have soon become wholly Prot-
estant. The Protestant princes, however, did not allow themselves
nals, Ferdinandum legibus creatum Imperatorem (Raj-nald., 1559, No. 42): but from
this time the papal coronation of the Emperor was no longer requested, and no right of
the Pope over the empire was acknowledged.
* Its historj', after the manuscript acts in the Wolfenbiittel librarj-, is in Salig's Hist,
d. Augsp. Confession, iii. 290 if. Some of the documents in Goldast's Polit. Eeichshan-
deln, s. 740 ff.
; v. Bucholtz's Gesch. d. Regierung Ferdinands I., vii. 359.
* Addressed to them by imperial and papal embassadors, particularly at the diet at
Nauml)urg, 1561 see Salig, iii. 684 ff., 691 ff. see J. H. Gelbke der Naumburg. Fur-
; ;
stentag. Leipzig, 1793, s. 15 ff., and the Acts, s. 78 ff., 119 ff. The further exposition
of the grounds of refusal there concluded followed, under the title " Griindlicher Bericht
u. wahrhaftig Erkliirung deren Ursachen, warum die Chur- u. Filrsten u. sonst die Stande
der Augsp. Conf. zugethan das verdiichtig, vermeint vom Papst Pio IV. verkiindigt Tri-
entisch Concilium nit haben besuchen wollen" (in Goldast's Reichshandlungeu, s. 194,
and his Polit. Reichshiindeln, s. 744), and it was handed to the Emperor in Frankfort,
1562, at the coronation of Maximilian. These were also further carried out in the work,
published 1564, in quarto, " Stattliche Ausfiihrung der Ursachen, etc." (also in Hortleder
Vom teutschen Kriege, Th. i. Bd. i. cap. 47).
*"
Ferdinand had issued a strict edict, Febr. 20, 1554 (to be seen in Raupach's Erlau-
tertes Evangel. Oesterreich, ii., appendix, s. 96), enjoining upon all his subjects to ad-
here to the old religion, and allowing the Lord's Supper under only one form. When he
afterward asked of the states of Lower Austria aid against the Turks, thej' handed to him a
supplication, Jan. 31, 1556 (in Raupach, i., appendix, p. 12), in which they asked for the
freedom of the evangelical religion. Ferdinand, pressed by the exigencies, allowed them
the Eucharist under both forms j-ct on the condition that, in other respects, they should
;
conform to the decrees and usage of the Roman Church (Raupach, i. 47. Sleidanus
lib. xxvi., ed. Am Ende, p. 536). Thus, too, Albert of Bavaria (who had twice heard
the Protestant preacher Pfauser, summa cum attentione, on a visit to the Palgrave in
Neuburg, Strobel's Be}'trage, i. 313), when he asked money of his states, bj- an edict of
March 31, 1556, allowed (Sleidanus, 1. c. p. 544), ut coenam Domini totara percipiant,
et diebus vetitis urgente necessitate carnes edant.
' To the mediate princes of Liegnitz, Brieg, Gels and Munsterberg, Teschen, Troppau
and Jagerndorf, and the citj^ of Breslau, which had long since declared for the Reforma-
tion, Ferdinand silentlj' granted the same rights, about ecclesiastical matters, which had
been conceded to the princes and cities of the empire by the religious peace. But Prot-
estantism also gained the upper hand among the knights and in the cities of the direct
principalities. Thus, 1556 in Schweidnitz, 1564 in Jauer Menzel's Neuere Gesch. d.
;
Deutschen, v, 244.
;:
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REF. § 11. FERDINAND I. MAXIMILIAN II. 221
to be restrained thereby from giving to the benefices lying nearest

them, and aheady gained to the Reformation, bishops or adminis-
trators out of their families f at the same time, they constantly
pressed at the diets for the complete abolition of such reservations,
that is, for freedom of religion.^ These negotiations, and many other
causes of complaint, were continually receiving fresh stimulus at
the diet by the collision between the two religious parties; but
they were not attended with perilous consequences so long as the
Emperor kept to an impartial medium. This impartiality was
maintained as well by the Emperor Ferdinand as by his son and
successor, Maximilian II. (1564-76) ;^ although the latter was
really inclined to the Reformation,^^ and conceded to the Austrian
^ Thus the mediate benefices of Brandenburg had electoral princes as administrators
Havelburg from 1551 Lebus, 1555 Brandenburg, 1560. The archbishopric of Bran-
; ;
denburg had always had Brandenburg princes as archbishops, of whom Sigismund was
the first Evangelical, 1553 Joachim Frederick reformed the benefice entirel}', 1566.
;
Thus, too, Saxon princes were designated to the Saxon bishoprics Naumburg, 1561 :
Merseburg, 1565 Misnia, 1581 the chapters, in 1582, made a covenant that they would
; ;
always remain, with their incumbents, attached to the heirs of the Elector Camin, in ;
1556, received administrators from the princely family of Pomerania Schwerin, from ;
1516, and Ratzeburg, from 1554, had bishops from the princely house of Mecklenburg
Halberstadt, Bremen, Liibeck, Verden, Osnabriick, and Minden received gradually evan-
gelical bishops, especially from the neighboring princely families, without, however, be=
ing exclusively attached to any one Eichhorn's deutsche Staats- u. Rechtsgeschichte,-
;
4te Aufl. iv. 149, 158.

' First at the diet at Ratisbon, 155C ; see B. G. Struven's ausfiihrl. Historic der Reli-
gionsbeschwerden zwischen denen Romisch-catholischen u. Evangelischen im teutschen
Reich (2 Theile. Leipzig, 1722. 8.), i. 275 ff. Hiiberlin's neueste teutsche Reichsge-
schichte, iii. 155 ff.
^° On the times of Ferdinand I. and Maximilian II., in Ranke's Hist. Pol. Zeitschrift,
Bd. i. (1832) s. 223 ff.
'' His first inclination

to it came from the teacher of his youth, Wolfg. Severus; see
Raupach's Evangel. Oesterreich, i. 31. Afterward he engaged in a confidential corre-
spondence with Protestant princes and theologians, and had an evangelical court preach-
er, Joh. Sebastian Pfauser (his life in Strobel's Bej'triige zur Literatur, i. 257), whom,
however, he was obliged to dismiss at the request of Maximilian (Raupach, i. 51 ff".),

but recommended to his intimate friend, Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg (Schelhorn's
Ergotzlichkeiten, i. 95), and the Palgrave Wolfgang (Strobel's Bej-triige, i. 303). In
Rome Maximilian was consequentlj' regarded as an apostate (see Note 2). As he did
not partake of the Catholic Eucharist for several years, and would only commune sub
utraque, this was one of the chief reasons whj" Ferdinand demanded such a permission
from the Pope (Literae secretiores Ferd. I. Rom. Imp. pro obtinenda Eucharistia sub
utraque in gratiam Maxim. II. ann. 1560 missae ad Pium IV. P. M., ed. J. A. Schmid.
Helmst., 1719. 4. reprinted in Gerdesii Scrinium antiquarium, vii. 89). The relations
;
between father and son were now in such tension that Maximilian even feared ho
should be compelled to flight; and for this event endeavored to secure a refuge with
Frederick II. of the Palatinate (Abrah. Sculteti narratio apologetica de curriculo vitae.
Emdae, 1625. 4. p. 8 Strobel's Beytrage, i. 301 f.) and Philip of Hesse (Rommel's Phil,
;
d. Grossmiithige, ii. 577 f.). In 1560 Stanislaus Hosius, Bishop of Ermeland, became
the papal nuncio at the imperial court, and sought to win the King back to Catholicism
nobility the free exercise of religion in the churches of which he

held the patronage.^^
In the latter years of this Emperor,^^ however, a change in the
(Bzovius, 1560, No. 6 ss. Raynaldus, 1560, No. 16 ss. Salig's Gesch. d. Trident. Con-
; ;
cils, ii. 179,Note comp. also the letters in Cypriani Tabularium Eccl. Rom., p. Ill and
;
129) but that he was deceived in his oft-expressed hope of success is proved by Maxi-
:
milian's later epistles to Dulce Christopher see his Con'espondence in Le Bret's Magazin
;
zum Gebrauch der Staaten- u. Kirchengesch., ix. 1. The chief reason -which kept him
from going over was found in the state of political affairs, especially in Spain he always
;
remained a decided opponent of all persecution for religion (Raupach, i. 148). Comp.
Haas, VermiscTite Beytrage zur Gesch. u. Literatur, Marburg, 1784, s. 1 v. Bucholtz's
;
Gesch, der Regiemng Ferdinands I., vii. 481.

^^ At first only verbally, and imder condition of remaining true to the Augsburg Con-
fession, and introducing a church order corresponding with it with this in view, Dav.
:
Chytraus was called to Austria (Raupach, i. 8G). Pius V. sent at once a legate, Cardi-
nal Commendon, to the Emperor, to procure a revocation of these concessions (Raupach,
i. 98 ii. 174, 192), and the latter was obliged to declare to him (Gabutius, de Vita Pii
;
v., Romae, 1605, p. 97), Pontificem omnibus execrationibus, ecclesiasticisque poenis in

eum animadversurum, ipsumque privaturum imperatoria Majestate, atque catholicis
Principibus in eum convocatis novum Imperatorem creaturum, nisi ejusmodi decretum,
si factum esset, illico rescidisset. The Emperor, however, gave that permission in a
formal A'.Titten assurance, 14th Jan., 1571 (Raupach, i. 125 ii. 199).
;
'^ The extent to which Protestantism had until now maintained a preponderating in-
fluence over men's minds may be seen in the remarkable document of the famous Gen-
eral Lazarus von Schwendi, 1574: "Bedenken an Kaiser Maxim. II. von Regierimg des
h. Rom. Reichs Freystellung der Religion," in Goldast's Polit. Reichshiindeln, s. 962
u.
ff. s. 968
It is there said, "Der Adel ist fast durchaus im Reich unter Kathol.
:
* u. Lu-
.
ther. Obrigkeiten der geanderten Religion zugethan, u. wo sie es nicht oft'entlichen sejni
dcjrfen, so seind doch heimlichen in Gemiithern, oder ist schon ein Theil der Rom.
sie es
Religion noch anhiingig, so ist es doch ein kalt halb Werk, u. wenig Eifers dahinten, u.
die Alten, so noch mit Andacht u. Eifer dahin geneigt, die sterben taglich hinweg, die
Jugend aber kann man also nicht zugeben, sondem da man schon Fleiss dabey thut, so
wills doch hey diesen Zeiten u. Exempeln u. Gemeinschaften nicht haften. Zudem so
reisst solche Veriindenrng unter den Geistlichen eben so wol ein. Also findt sich auf
den Stiften an mehr Oertern, dass ein guter Theil der Thumbherren der Augsburgischen
Confession nicht heimlich zugethan seya, u. dass die andem auch je langer je mehr neu-
tral u. kalt werden, u. dass sich in Summa schier Niemand unter ihnen um seinen Beruf
u. geistl. Stand recht annehmen will, sondem ist das meist um die Niessung der feisten
Pfriluden u. das gut miissig Leben zu thun. So stehets mit dem gemeinen Manne fast
also durchaus, dass er von dem alten Thun u. Ceremonien der Rom. Geistlichkeit nit
mehr halt, dann so weit er von seiner Obrigkeit darzu angehalten wird. Und siehet man
fast uberall, wenn die Predigt aus ist, dass das Volk aus der Kirchen lauft. Item, dass
auch fast uberall an den catholischeu Orten die Leute ihre sondere Lutherische oder
evangelische Biichcr haben, darinn sie zu Haus lesen, u. einander selbst predigen u.
lehren. Item so findt man aus der Erfahrung, da man schon die geanderte Religion
wieder abgestellt, u. die Catholische angericht, als zu Costanz u. andern mehr, dass man
doch auch durch sender fleissiges Zuthun der Geistlichen in so langen Jahren die Ge-
miither nicht wieder gewinnen, u. der Rom. Religion anhangig machen kann. So hat
auch solches bisher weder in Niederland, noch in Frankreich keine Gewalt, Obsieg, Straf,
TjTauney mogen zuwegen bringen, u. da man sich schon ein Zeitlang duckt oder leidt,
so brennen doch inwendig die Gemiither, u. warten u. hoffen auf ein bessere Zeit u. Ge-
legenheit, u. wollen ehe das Ausserst dariiber zusetzen. So mangelt es an den Mitteln
zu solchem Werk nicht wenig bey dem Stuhl zu Rom, dass er niimlich kein christliche
Reformation wolle zulassen, u. giebt sich derhalben gegen der Welt ganz bloss, als ob er
;:
CHAP. I.—GERMAN REFORBIATION. § 11. MAXIMILIAN II. 223
state of affairs was brought about by the increasing influence of

the Jesuits in the Catholic couritries of Germany.^* New life and
greater unity were thus given to the opponents of the Reformation
-while the Protestants were divided by violent conflicts, in conse-
quence of many of their princes becoming connected with the Re-
formed (Calvinistic) Church ; and they thus lost their command-
ing position. By the activity of the Jesuits the Reformation was
first suppressed in Bavaria.^^ Next, in 1575, followed the Abbot^^
nicht Gottes Ehre u. die Wahrheit, sondern nur sein eigen Geitz, Gewalt, Ehr, Reputa-
tion u. Vortheil suche. Uiid lauft unter andern auch diese grosse Verstockung u. Bliiid-
heit diessfalls bey ihme filr, dass er gar dem armen gemeinen Mann die christliche Ge-
bet, u. die Biicher des Evangelii, u. Gottes Wort in seiner Sprach an denen Orten, da er
Gewalt u. Oberhand haben mag, nicht will ziilassen, sondern untersteliet, ihn bey Ver-
lust des Lebens n. des Guts dahin zu dringen u. zu zwingen, dass er seinen lieben Gott
in einer fremden Spraclie muss anbeten, u. weiss nicht, was er bittet, u. vermeint also
nachmals die Religion allein durch Unwissenheit, u. mit iiusserlicher Andaeht, Zucht u.
Ceremonien zu erheben u. wiederzubringen, da doch die Grundfesten unsers christl.
Glaubens u. Heils nicht auf iiusserlichen Zwang u. Kirchendisciplin, sondern auf der
Erkantnuss u. Vertrauen an Gott stehet, u. Christus selbst, u. seine Apostel, u. ihre
Nachfolger die Gebot iind das Wort Gottes in gemeiner Sprach alien Volkei'n verkundi-
get u. gelehrt haben. Darum sichs dann abermals bej' jetziger Welt desto mehr argeni
u. stossen wird, u. lasst sich desto mehr ansehen u. muthmassen, dass die vorstehende
Veriinderung nicht am Ende, sondern noch kunftiglich, vde in den vergangenen Jahren
fortschreiten u. wurken werde, ii. dass Gottes heimlich Urtheil, Straf u. Fiirsehung mit
fiirlaufe." Comp. Ranke, Fiirsten u. Volker von Siid-Europa, iii. 8.
'* At first three Jesuits were appointed professors in Ingolstadt, viz., Jaj', Salmeron,
and Canisius, in 1549 (Winter's Gesch. d. Evang. Lehre in Baiern, ii. 167) in 1557 a ;
complete college was opened there 1559 in Munich. In Vienna they had a firm hold
;
in 1551; in Cologne, 1556; in Treves, 1561. The Cardinal Otto, Bishop of Augsburg,
gave to them, in 1563, the institutions for education which he had founded a seminarv, —
a gymnasium, and a university at Dillingen comp. Ranke, Fiirsten u. Volker v. Siid-
;
Europa, iii. 25.

1^ On the extent to which this reached, see H'istoria Soc. Jesu, P. i. (by Orlandini)
lib. si. p. 256, and P. ii. (by Sacchino) p. 321. In the j'ear 1558, at the instigation of
the Jesuits, an Inquisition was instituted, to consult about all accused of Lutheranism
in the light of thirtj'-one articles see "Die abgottische Artikel gestellet von einem Blonch
;
in Baj'eru, etc., mit einer kurzen Erinnerung Phil. Melanchthonis, 1558" (reprinted in
the Fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen, 1730, s. 405). Against these
articles Melancthon also wrote his Responsiones ad impios articulos Bavaricae inquisiti-
onis. Witteb., 1558. 4. (comp. Strobel's neue Be}'trage zur Literatur, iii. ii. 167). In
the j-ear 1561 all public officers were obliged to take oath to remain true to the Catholic
Church, accoi'ding to those articles. Then the same oath was imposed on all subjects
those that would not take it must sell their propei-tj' and forsake the countrj'. Jesuits
were sent round to camy out this order (Sacchino, 1. c). The violent acts which ensued
are described in the work: " Zwey Trost- u. Vermahnung-schriften an die verjagten
Christen aus dem Bayerland. Item ein Rathschlag Joannis Brentii," 1564. 4. (see Schel-
horn's Ergotzlichkeiten, ii. 287). Of the extent to which Munich was depressed, in conse-
quence of the emigration of many of its thrift}- burghers, is described in the letter of the
magistracy to the Duke, 14th Dec, 1570, in P. Ph. Wolfs Gesch. Maximilians I., and
see Zeit, i. 33, Note. —Ranke, Fursten u. Volker, ii. 37.
" Immediatelj' after he had introduced the Jesuits Haberlin's neueste teutsche Reichs-
;
gesch., ix. 371 Ranke, iii. 51.

;
of Fiilda, and the electorate of Mayence at Eichsfeld,^^ in spite

of the opposing imperial declaration about a religious peace ; even
the existence of such a treaty was denied,^^ Under the Em-
peror Rudolph II. (1576-1612) this Catholic reaction increased-;-,
greatly for though he loved peace, yet he was wholly under the
;
papal and Spanish influence, and he showed at once his opposition

to the Protestants by abolishing the evangelical worship in the
hereditary Austrian cities (1578).^^ Bishop Julius of Wiirzburg,
drove out all Protestants^" in 1586 ; other bishops and Catholic
cities of the empire were aroused to similar acts.^^ While in this
'
' Which was almost whollj' Protestant. Here, too, Jesuits were the soul of the re-
action, and erected at once a college in Heiligenstadt ; J. Wolf's Eichsfeldische Kirchen-
geschichte. Gottingen, 1816. 4., s. 176 ff.
'® See § 9, Note 41. At first the Abbot of Fulda replied to his Protestant subjects (see
Beschwei'de der Stadt Fulda, in Lehenmann De Pace Religionis, Buch ii. cap. ix. s. 260) :
"Desgleichen ware der Appendix u. Declaration des Religionsfriedens unerfindlich u.

in rerura natura nit gewesen, werde sich auch weder in der Miintzischen noch Cammer-
gerichts-Canzley einig Original oder Bekriiftigung befinden ; so auch schon 10 Origina-
lia bey Handen, wiirden sie in Rechten wenig gelten, dieweil der Religionsfried des Ap-
pendicis mit keinem Wortlein gedenkt, sondern inhiilt, dass keine Declaration von AViir-
den und kraftig sej'n soil." When the secular electors demanded, at the election of
Rudolph II., Oct. 15, 1575, that the Declaration should be mentioned in the stipulations,
the clerical electors responded (Lehenmann, ii. xv. s. 274), "dass sie der angeregten
Declaration halben vor der Zeit nichts, als erst diss Jahrs gehort, ihre Riith, so den Re-
ligiousfrieden anno 1555 helfen berathschlagcn u. schliessen, wiiren im Leben u. bey
Handen, u. hatten sich sich zwar wol zu erinnern, was gestalt bemeldter Frieden abge-
handelt, aber wie es mit der Erkliirung ergangen, ware ihnen verborgen." Thereupon
a hard strife sprung up but the Declaration was not received into the stipulations, and
;
the secular electors satisfied themselves with guarding the I'ights of Protestants by Prot-
estations. Haberlin's neueste Reichsgeschichte, ix. 341.
^' He confirmed to the nobilit}-, 1577, the religious freedom secured to them by Max-
imilian (Raupach's Evangel. Oesterreich, ii. 275). Meanwhile he had also allowed evan-
gelical worship to be celebrated in the imperial cities in his own houses very many of ;
the citizens had taken part in these services. This was not forbidden under Maximilian ;
but it was now prohibited, at first in Vienna, where Maximilian had expresslj- allowed
such service in houses (Raupach, ii. 283 Appendix, p. 157) next the prohibition was
; ;
made general (Raupach, i. 155 ii. 302). The Flacian, Josua Opitius, evangelical preach-
;
er in Vienna, had indeed caused a great excitement by his violent sermons (Raupach, ii.
285 f.). Those who applied for citizenship were to be examined on articles like the Ba-
varian (see Note 15), to set themselves right about their Catholicism see Raupach, ii. ;
307; Appendix, 187.

'° Haberlin's neueste Reichsgesch., xiv. 513. Ranke, Fiirsten u. Volker, iii. 119.
="'
In Paderbom, when under Bishop Heinrich (1577-85), Protestantism was widely
diffused, his successor,Theodore von Fiirstenberg, founded at once a Jesuit college, and
suppressed the Protestants they were wholly expelled in 1612 (Bessen's Gesch. des
;
Bisth. Paderbom. Paderb., 1820, ii. 89; s. 127). In Miinster, where there was still a
large number who favored Protestantism, Bishop Ernest of Bavaria introduced the Jes-
uits in 1588, and suppressed Protestantism (Geschichte Miinsters, nach den Quellen be-
arbeitet, by Dr. H. A. Erhard, drittes Heft. Munster, 1837). Salzburg was again made
Catholic by Archbishop Wolf Dietrich, after 1588 (Gocking's Emigrationsgeschichte v. d.
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 11. RUDOLPH II. 225
way one of the imperial declarations about a religious peace was

wholly disregarded, the other declaration —the so-called ecclesias-
tical reservation —was, on the contrary, enforced with great strict-
ness when the Elector of Cologne, Gebhard Truchsess von "Wald-

burg, in 1582, went over to the Protestant Church ; nor was any
attention paid to the appeal of the Protestant princes, who were
also weakened by internal feuds.^^
The tension between the two religious parties was still more
heightened by the Reformed Calendar of Pope Gregory XIII. in
1582 ;^^ as the Catholics accepted it and the Protestants rejected
it, there thus sprung up mutual hostilities, which were renewed
almost every day. Just occasion for solicitude was also given to
the Protestants by many works that were published, particularly
of the Jesuits, which not only calumniated the Reformation, but
also contested the validity of the religious peace.^* Nor were they
less disturbed by the rumors of the plans of their opponents for the
total suppression of Protestantism.^^ Some events occurred which

increased this solicitude. Margrave Jacob of Baden-Hochberg^''
aus Salzburg vertriebenen Lutheranem, i. 88) ; Bamberg by Bishop Neithard, 15G5

(Jack's Gesch. v. Bamberg, iii. 199, 212).
^^ Gebhard was deposed and put under the ban bj- the Pope, April
1, 1583 and Er- ;
nest of Bavaria put in his place bj- the cathedral chapter. Gebhard was thereupon ban-
ished, especiallythrough the Bavarian influence. Cf. Mich, ab Isselt (Catholic priest
about 1580 in Cologne, then in Hamburg, f 1597) Historia Belli Coloniensis, libb. iv.
Colon., 1584. 8. Gerh. v. Kleinsorgen (councilor of the electorate of Cologne in Werl,
1 1591) Tagebuch v. Gebhard Truchsess, or his Church History of Westphalia, 3ter Theil.
—
Munster, 1780. 8. Hilberlin's neueste Reichsgeschichte, xiii. Gebhard Truchsess v.
Waldburg, by F. W. Barthold, in Raumer's Hist. Taschenbuch. Neue Folge, i. (Leipz.,
1840) s. 1.
'' Haberlin's neueste Reichsgesch., xii. 640 ; xiii. 441.

^* So especially the treatise of Franciscus Burghardus (ratlier Andreas Erstenberger),
De Autonomia, i. e., von Frej'stellung mehrerley Religion u. Glauben. Miinchen, 1586,
4. Cf. Salig's Gesch. d. Augsp. Conf., i. 788. Schrockh's Neuere Kirchengesch., iv. 338.
'* Comp. the Practicae Romanae de Germanis Haereticis Extirpandis, Jan., 1573, bj'
Cardinal Charles of Lothringia, in Riesling's Beweis der Wahrheit der Evangelisch-

Luther. Religion aus den Kunstgriften der Romisch-Kathol. Kirche ihre Religion zu ver-
breiten. Leipzig, 1762. 8., s. 159. —De Statu Religionis in Germania consilium Romae
scriptum, written soon after 1600, in Strobel's Bej'trage zur Literatur, i. 179. On the
attempts to bring Protestant princes into the Catholic Church, the Elector August of
Saxon}-, Louis, Palgrave of Neuburg, William IV. of Hesse, see Ranke Fiirsten u. Vol-
ker, iii. 138 ; iv. 361.
^^ Induced by Pistorius, his physician in ordinarj-, who had already gone over, and
who stood in close connection with the Jesuits. The excitement was increased by the
colloquies which the Margrave set on foot: one at Baden, Nov., 1589, between Pistorius
and the Wiirtemberg divines, Andreae, Heerbrandt, and Osiander (see Acta des Collo-
quii, zwischen den Wilrtemb. Theologen u. Dr. Jo. Pistorio zu Baden gehalten. Tiiliin-
gen, 1590. 4.) and one at Emmendingen, June, 1530, between the Strasburg theologian,
;
VOL. IV. 15
;
226 FOURTH PEKIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
went over to the Catholic Church in 1590, and at once threatened

to suppress Protestantism in his territory
.^^
Archduke Ferdinand,
a pupil of the Jesuits,^^ since 1596 ruler of Steiermark, Carinthia,
and Crain, drove all the Protestants out of his country in 1598.^^
Maximilian, also trained by the Jesuits,^" Duke of Bavaria since
1598, in order to gain the Palgrave of Neuburg for the Catholic
interest,^^ appointed a colloquy between the Jesuits and the Prot-
estant theologians at Ratisbon, 1601 f^ his object was not attain-
ed, but the embittered feeling between the two parties was only
the more intensified. The Catholic preponderance was next shown
in a menacing way in the affair of the imperial city, Donauwerth.
Pappus, and Zehender, court preacher of the Margrave (Jo. Fechtii Hist. Colloquii Em-
niendingensis. Rostochii, 1094. 8.).
-' a Catholic July 5, 1590, on the 2d August commanded his evangelical
He became
jireacher and school teacher to leave the countrj- within a quarter of a year, and died
August 17 whereupon his land fell to his two Protestant uncles Haberlin, xv. 535.
; ;
-' After the decease of his father he came under the guardianship of Duke William V.
of Bavaria, and had studied, 1590 sq., in Ingolstadt under the direction of the Jesuits
Wolf's Gesch. Maximilians I., i. 93. William constantlj' impressed upon him, orally
and in writing, that the happiness and success of his government depended upon his
zeal for the Catholic religion, and that nothing but misfortune could result from a dif-
ferent course; Schmidt's neuere Gesch. d. Deutschen, Buch iii. cap. IG.
'''
F. Chr. Khevenhijllers, Count of Frankenburg, Annales Ferdinandei (9ter Th. Ke-
gensb. u. Wien, 1640, fol. 12 Bde. Leipzig, 1716 ff. fol.), Th. 5. Joh. Keppler's (then
inSteyermark) Leben u. Wirken von Freih. v. Breitschwert. Stuttg., 1831, s. 45 ff. G.
E. Waldau's Gesch. d. Protestanten in Oesterreich, Steyermark, Kiiruthen, u. Krain.
Anspach, 1783, 2 Bde. 8. Partisan for the Catholics is Cilsar's Staats- u. Religionsgesch.
V. Steyermark, B. 7.
^^ On the spirit of his education, see the Instructions of Duke William V. for the
court masters and preceptors of the prince, 1584, in Lor. "Westenrieder's Bej-tr. zur va-
terliind. Historic, iii. 146. P. Ph. Wolf's Gesch. Maximilians I. u. seiner Zeit (Miin-
chen, 1807 if. 4., Bde. 8, incomplete), i. 53.
31
Wolf, i. 440 ff.
'* The leading Catholic colloquists were Albert Hunger, pro-chancellor of Ingolstadt,
and the Jesuits, Jac. Gretser and Adam Tanner; the Protestants, .Jac. Heilbrunner,
court-preacher at Neuburg, and Aegidius Hunnius, professor in Wittenberg. The Cath-
olic edition of the acts Actorum Colloqu. Radsbonensis de norma doctrinae catholicae
:
et controversiarum religionis judice, ed. II. Monachii, 1602. 4. The Protestant: Col-
loquium de norma doctrinae et controversiarum religionis judice Ratisbonae habitum
mense Nov. anno IGOl. Lavingae, 1602. 4. Other writings, see in Walchii Bibl. Theol.,
iii. 882. Kirchenhistorie, s. 512, most complete in Senkenberg's Forts.
Struven's pfiilz.
V. Iliiberlin, Maximilian had previously sent to the Palgrave several calumnious

i. 36.
works against Luther, especially Conrad Andreae's (reallj' by the Jesuit Conr. Vetter)
Der unschuldige, demuthige, wahrhaftige, etc., Luther. Ingolst., IGOO. 4., in which
Luther was charged with the most horrible crimes, which liere seemed to be proved by
his own writings. When the Protestants accused the Jesuit of falsifying the passages
from Luther, he said that he was ready to have corporal punishment inflicted on him if
this was proved accordingly, after the colloqu}- a conference was held, in which the
;
calumniator was shown to be guilt}' of what was charged, in the presence of Maximil-
ian see Heilbrunner's Postcolloquium Ratisbonense.
;
Lauingae, 1607. 4. Wolf, i. 493.
CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFORMATION. § 11. RUDOLPH II. 227
This city, wholly evangelical, because it would not allow to the
Abbot of the Holy Cross (Zum heiligen Creuze) the revival of the
public processions long since abolished, was laid under the impe-
rial ban. Maximilian undertook to carry this decree into execu-
tion, transformed the free city into a Bavarian appendage, and
abolished all freedom of evangelical worship, 1607.^^
All complaints of the Protestants were fruitless.^* The Em-
3^ See the Report b}- Ulrich Grosse, tlien apothecary in Donauwerth, in Winckler's
Anecdota Historico-ecclesiastica Novantiqua, i. 367 Iliiberlin, xxii. 440 Wolf's Gesch,

; ;
Maximilians I., ii. 190.

2* The mutual complaints of the parties maj' serve as a basis for judging about the
circumstances these were presented at the Diet of Eatisbon, 1594 (see the Acts in Le-
;
henmann De Pace Religionis, i. 481 ; extracts in Struven's Hist, der Eeligionsbeschwer-

den, i. 373). The Protestants, in their r/ravamina, insisted that the conditions of tho
Religious Peace -were not observed, dass auch derselb wol zuweilen in einen andern
'
'
Verstand will gezogen werden, darzu dann der Papst u. seine Legaten u. Nuntii, so hin
u. wieder im Reich umziehen, auch jetzo noch bey dieser wiihreuder Reichsversammlung
zur Stelle seyn, nit wenig helfen. Denn es wird offentlich ausgeben, dass weil. Konig
Ferdinand hochlobliclistem Gedachtnus ohne piipstlichen Consens nicht gebiihrt habe,
eiu Religionfrieden zwischen den Stiinden im Reich zu trefFen, dass auch derselb liinger
nicht, dann bis nach vollendetem Tridentischen Concilio kraftig sej-n soil derhalben :
er numehr sein Eudschaft erreicht, u. liinger nit bindlich sej-e. Daliero dann die Augs-
purg. Confession unschuldig fiir ein verdampte Religion angezogen, u. die darwider in
das Reicli geschickte papstliche Bull mit angedroheter Execution wiederum offentlich
angeschlagen, auch die im Religionfrieden suspendirte geistliche Jurisdiction wider miin-
niglichcn wieder anfzurichten nnterstanden werden will. Wie dann der Papst u. seine
Nuncii ihre Jurisdiction durch die Jesniter ihrer im Reich angemassten Gewalt u. Bot-
niilssigkeit so weit extendiren, dass sie die andern zu excomniuniciren u. degradiren,
die Zeit u. Jahr zu veriindern sich unterstehen, auch wol die Kais. Maj. dahin bewegen
wollen, dass Ihre Maj. keinem geistlichen Stand seine Regalia leihen soil, er habe dann
des Papsts Confa-mation uber seine Election oder Postulation zuvor erlangt, zu welchem
Ende er dann audi die Juramenta u. Statuta auf den hohen u. andern Stiften, aiich Rit-
ter- u. andern Orden von Tag zu Tag dermassen gescharfet u. geiindert, dass den Evan-
—
gelischen aller Zutritt abgeschnitten wird. Uberdiess wird fiirgegeben, als sollten die-
jenigen, welche vor dem Religionfrieden nicht zur Augsp. Confession getreten, jetzo
dasselb nit fiirzunehmen Macht haben, u. derwegen keinem Stand, sonderlich den Reich-
stadten einige Reformation zu verstatten sein. Derohalben es bey etiichen Stadten da-
hingebracht, dass sie sich vermittelst Eids verbunden u. reversirt, bey der jetzigen
Romischen Religion zu bleiben, keinen evangelischen Burger in Rath zu ziehen, den
Biirgern kein Exercitium, wie flehendlicli auch von viel tausend Biirgern darum angc-
sucht wird, zu verstatten, wie in der Stadt Coin gcschieht, allda die evangelischen Bur-
ger mit neuen vom Rath angerichteten fiscalischen Processen geplagt, gethiirnet, uni
—
Geld gestraft, u. den Ubelthiitern gleich gehalten werden. Wie in gleichem auch bey
etiichen andern oberlandischen Stadten, als zu Schwiibischen Gmiind, wie auch der
Stadt Kaufbeurn u. andern fast dergleichen nnterstanden, da der frej-e Lauf des h.
Evangelii wider die Reichs-Constitutiones gehindert, auch priljudicirliche Decreta u.
—
Bescheid ertheilt. Es befinden sich auch die Evangel. Augsburgischer Confession ver-
wandte Stande in ihren u. Christi Mitgliedern in dem wider den Religionsfrieden nit
wenig beschwert, dass anstatt des fre3-willigen ungezwungenen Auszugs, so den Unter-
thanen zu einer sondern Wohlthat im Religionsfrieden gegonnet, sie die Untertbanen
auszuziehen u. dabe)' mit allem Ernst gezwungen werden, das Ihrig in einer engen
prafigirten Zeit, so Manchen unmuglich, mit Unstatten zu verkaufen, u. das Land wie
peror Rudolph was indeed obliged, after he had been compelled to
Ubelthater zu raumen, u. da sich ja einer seiner Gelegenheit nach in ein benachbart

evangel. Ort begiebt, wird ihme doch nit gestattet, uf seine verlassene Statt oder Feld-
giiter zu gehen, zu bauen, oder die gebaueten Frucbt ihres Gefallens einzubeim-
u. die
scben, sondern ihnen ihre Giiter noch darzu wider ihren Willen, auch zum Theil unbc-
wusst derselben in ganz geringen Wertii gesetzt, uud uberdiss die Nachsteur von den
Unterthanen mit Gewalt gefordert u. eingenommen werden, alles den Reichsordnungen
u. der Billigkeit zuwider. Wie dann auch diejenigen, welche schon zur Romisclien Re-
ligion treten, solcher harten Weis darbey zu bleiben verpflicht gemacht werden, dass,
wenn sie wiedcr zur Augspurg. Confession sich begeben, die Obrigkeit sie als Apostatas
u. Unchristen zum hochsten zu strafen Macht haben sollten, wie die Formulae jurandi,
avich derwegen bin u. wieder publicirte Mandata, darin den Evangelischen aller Handel
bey Straf der Confiscation ihrer Giiter verboten, ausweisen. So will man auch der Re-
ligion halben vertriebenen an andern Orten kein Schutz gonnen, u. die sie schutzen,
verfolgen u. anfeinden die Declaration des Religionfriedens, so weil. Kaiser Ferdinand
;
— gegeben, als unkriiftig anziehen u. deuten." They also complained that the evangel-
ical bishops had no seat in the councils of the empire ;that in the courts the Catholics
had a strong party majority that the council of the imperial court, consisting almost
;
entirelj' of Catholics, had cases illegallj'^ brought before it (comp. Ranke, Fiu-sten u.
Volker, iii. 408) that the incomes which should come from Catholic countries to clois-
;
ters under evangelical sway were kept back ; that the evangelical party in Catholic
territories were loaded with heavy pecuniary penalties that Catholic princes forbade
;
their subjects buj'ing and selling in the neighboring evangelical cities, etc. The Cath-
olics, on the other hand, in their rejoinder, maintained, in respect to the Religious Peace,
— —
"dass sie denselben bishero ufrichtig, mit unverfiilschtem Gewissen gehalten, auch
nit gemeint seyen, denselbigen in einige Disputation, Erklaren, oder in was Namen des-
—
sen Veriinderung bedacht werden konnte, fiir sich selbst zu Ziehen, oder Ziehen zu
lassen. —Es lassen sich auch die kathol. Stiinde wenig irren, wie es billig den andern
—
Theil auch so lioch nicht anfechten sollt, was von Ufhebung des Religionfriedens, ob
u. wie lang derselbig bestiindig sej-n soil oder konne, disputiret, besagt, oder beschrie-
—
ben wird. Wie nicht wenigers auch ihnen ganz u. gar kein Gefallens an dem unbe-
scheidenen Ausschreien geschieht, wollen es auch wissender Ding ungern verhangen,
do sie die Katholiscbe u. ihre Religion hin u. wieder uf der Gegentheil Canzeln unver-
laumdt, unausgediinzelt, u. ihre hohere Stand unverketzert, u. vor den rechten Anti-
christon ohnausgeschrien bleiben mochten." The spiritual jurisdiction was suspended,
the}- said, in Protestant countries, but not in the Catholic the latter still reverentially
;
acknowledged the Pope as the visible head of the Church. "Zu welchem Ende dann
die piipstl. Legaten u. Nuntii jezuweilen in das h. Reich verordnet werden, einzig der
Inspection halben, damit bej' der Katholischen Kirchen die unzertrennte Einigkeit u.
alte darbe}' herbracbte Ordnungen in bestilndigem Wesen erhalten werden, darilber sie
auch im Reich kein andere Verwaltung haben, oder jemand der Katholischen ihnen et-
was weiter dem h. Reich oder einigen desselben Stand zu Nacbtbeil einzuraumen ge-
meint, u. wird ihnen mit keinen Fugen zugelegt, dass sie die Zeit u. Jahr zu verandera
iinterstehen, sondern hat allein die Papstl. Heiligkeit die Tage der Zahl halben, der
Kirchen u. rnathematischen Nothdurft nach, mit Wissen der Kais. Maj. u. anderer Po-
tentaten (wie es Julius Casar gethan, u. andere lobliche Kaiser auch thun wollen) zu-
riickgezogen, u. also die Zeit oder Jahr, wie es von den Anklagern den Katholischen
fiir ein antichristische Notam will gedeutet u. fiirgerupft werden, keineswegs immutirt
oder verandert." The Catholic states were not required to replj' to the attacks in re-
spect to the nuncios, because "in Betrachtung auch dieserseits weniger nit gedult wer-
den muss, dass ihre Superintendenten ihrer Meinung nach viel Ordnung machen, u.
bisweilen ihre Herrn selbst u. deren Unterthanen, um deswillen sie den Katholischen
Ceremonien etwas nachgeben u. verhangen, oder anderer Ursachen halben, excommu-
niciren u. zuweilen dem Bosengar zuerkenneu." The regalia had been constantly giv-
en by the Emperor after the papal confirmation. The Catholic states were not bound
—
by the Religious Peace to concede aught to the Evangelicals. In Evangelical cities no

" so weiss
Catholic was endured. As to the Declaration of the Emperor Ferdinand,
man doch wol was es mit derselben fiir ein Mejuiuug habe, u. ist zu vielmalen, so wol
auch durch Ew. Kais. Maj. selbst erkliirt worden, dass man sich einer solchen Declara-
tion in wenigsten nicht zu behelfen hiltt, indem sich dann die katholischen Stande uf
den ausdrucklichen Inhalt des Religionfriedens in §. Unci soil alles das, etc., nochmaln
referini," in which all Declarations against the Religious Peace were declared to be
invalid. That the right to a seat was refused to some persons chosen bishops, because
they adhered to the Augsburg Confession, was in consequence of the spiritual reserva-
tions, etc. Besides this, the Catholic states brought complaints against the Evangelical
party. " Zum Ersten, obwohl gesetzt u. geordnet, dass kein andere Religion u. Glau-
ben, dann die beyde im h. Reich zugelassen u. geduldet werden solle so ist doch offen-
;
bar am Tag, u. der Kais. Maj. gar unverborgen, wie maucherley Secten, u. irrige.u.
verdammte Lehre mit dem Namen der A. C. sich jetzt bekleiden, u. unter solchem
Schein offentlich in Kirchen u. Schulen gepredigt u. gelehrt werden, so es doch der A.
C. sowohl als der alten Katliol. Religion stracks zuwider. Ob es aber nun geringer
Schulstrit u. Disputationes, oder Spaltungen in den Hauptarticuln seyn, referirt man
sich Kurze halben auf ausgangne Schriften u. Bucher, darinnen es viel
die hinc inde
anders laut, u. die Gelehrten, so davon ohne Aftection tractiren, selbst bekennen. Zum
Andern, ist nit die geringste Beschwernuss Katholischer Seiten, dass gegen den Inhalt
Religionfriedens von des andern Theils Predigern u. andern Dienern in Kirchen, Schu-
len u. taglichen Schriften, von den Herrschaften, u. dem gemeinen Volk der Kathol.
Religion vielerley uuerfindliche Lehren u. Zulagen, ohne alien Grund zugelegt u. ufge-
niessen, und gleich darauf von ihueu, den Augsb. Confessionsverwandten—fur abgot-
tische Idololatrae u. Unchristen ausgerufen, dem Tiirken u. Feinden verglichen, ja un-
milder angegeben, ausgeschrien u. verdammt werden, welchs ja zu anders nichts dienen
mag, dann die Gemiither sowol bey des h. Reichs Standen, den Oberkeiten, als den Un-
terthanen zu verbittern, gegen einander zu verhetzen, u. gefiihrliche Unruhen zu er-
wecken.— Auch nit ohne, dass selbig der Augsp. Conf.—uugleiche Lehren u. deren
Nachfolger sich anfanglich, die sie in Landen, Stadten u. Communen einschleifen, still
eingezogen, u. in politischen Dingen der Oberkeit willfahrig erzeigen so giebt aber die
:
Erfahrung, wenn sie durch ihre Practiken sich starken, zunehmen u. gewaltig werden,
wie ungestume sie ausbrechen, was Unruhe sie erwecken, was fur gefahrliche, abscheu-
liche Trennung, Zerruttung u. Vei-anderung des Religion- u. Profan-Wesens, Verhinder-
ung der Commercieu, Schmalerung des gemeinen Nutzes, iiberschwiingliche Theurung,
Ufruhrungen, Blutvergiessen, Verderbung u. Verwiistung, Land u. Leut gefahrliche
Veranderung der Oberkeiten u. Regimenten daraus zu gewarten seyen, dessen allein
die betrubte Niederland u. angranzende Ort nur zu viel offenbare Zeugnuss u. fast ge-
fahrliche Exempla so\f ol den Standen Augsb. Conf. als Katholischer Religion seyn konn-
ten. —
Zum dritten ist in dem Context des Religionfriedens ausdriicklich versehen u. ge-
ordnet, wenn ein Erzbischof, Pralat, oder ein ander geistlichen Stands von der alten
Religion abtreten wiirde, dass er das Erzbisthum, Bisthum, Prillatur u. Beneficium (fur-
behalten seinen Ehren) verlassen, u. davon abtreten sollte. Dem aber zu entgegen,
werden etliche ansehnliche Erz- u. Bisthum, Priilatur u. Beneficia, von den Augsb. Con-
fessionverwandten behalten, besessen u. genossen, darinnen die Katholische Religion
abgethan, u. die Unterthanen zu widriger Religion gerichtet, theils auch genothigt.
Zum vierten wird im Rel. friedcn bej' dem §. Weil aber der Stift u. Kloster halb dieser
Unterschied gemacht, erstlich dass die Stift u. Kloster dem Reich ohn Mittel unterwor-
fen, sie seyen vor oder nach dem Passauischen Vertrag mit der That occupirt, den Ka-
tholischen wieder restituirt werden sollen. Was aber die Stift, Kloster u. geistl. Giiter
anlangt, die dem Reich nit ohne Mittel unterworfen, wird dieser Unterschied gemacht,
dass diejenigen, so vorm Passauischen Vertrag verilndert, u. zu milden u. zu andern
Sachen angewendet worden, also bleiben mogen. Welche aber zu der Zeit des Passau-
ischen Vertrags noch in ihrem Wcsen entsetzt, u. doch bej' der Kathol. Kirchen Giiter,
dass dieselben darbej- kiinftiglich auch gelassen werden sollen. Nun ist ja unlaugbar,
sondern ofFenbar dass in vielen der A. C. verwandten Churf. u. Fiirsten, Grafen u.
Herrn Landen, auch Stadten viel Kirchen, Stift, Kloster, u. Gottshiiuser, so zur Zeit
des Passauischen Vertrags nit von ihnen eingezogen, sondera noch unverandert bej' der
alten Religion —gewesen, darum dieselben auch —darbey hatten sollen — gelasseu werden.
Uiid weiset die leidige Erfahrmig aus, wie uumilt an vielen Orten mit den dazumal noch
ubrigen Stiften, Kirchen, u. Klostern umgangen, do die alte Religion vei'boten u. abge-
schafft, die Kirchen verilndert, Altiir abgerissen, Baarschaft, Kleiuodia, Brief, Siegel u.
Register hinweggenommen, der lieben Heiligen Reliquien, u. Corpora Martjrum Christi
verunehrt, die heiligen Hostien mit FOssen getreten." Complaint was also made that
the Evangelical partj' forced pastors of their faith upon the people instead of Catholic
priests demolished Catholic churches deprived the Catholic clerg}^ of their stipends ;
; ;
that in the Evangelical cities of the Empire churches were taken from the Catholics, and
the Catholic religion oppressed or abolished ; that the Catholic subjects of Evangelical
princes were in many waj'S harassed and punished for worshiping in Catholic churches,
etc. — To these complaints of the Catholics the Evangelical party responded at the Diet
of 1598 (Lehenmann, i. 528 ; Struve, i. 395). To be particularl}- noted are the contra-
dictory statements about two points in the treaty for Religious Peace. First they speak
of the reservations about clerical (spiritual) affairs" Es wird sich in actis befinden,
:
dass ann. 52 in Aufrichtung des Passauischen Vertrags dahin ausdrucklich ist verhan-
delt worden, was in damalen fiirgeschlagenen ktinftigen Religiorifrieden gegen einem u.
dem andern Theil biindlich seyn, dasselb auch beydertheil u. aller Stiind, u. ordent-
lichen Zuthun der Kais. Maj. beschlossen werden sollen, derwegen dieser Vergleichung
zuwider nichts hat konnen noch sollen uf des einen Theils allein Anbringen u. Begehren
dem hernach ann. 55 ufgerichten Religionfrieden einverleibt oder zugesetzt werden. Ob
nun wol bisher fiirgeben, u. noch bestritten werden will, als sollten die Evangel. Stands
in solchen Vorbehalt auch gewilligt, u. auf damaln Rcim. Kon. Maj. vielfaltige Hand-
lung denselben ohnwidersprochen haben passiren lassen, so kann man doch Evange-
lischen Theils ein solches mit nichten gestiindig seyn dieweil aus der Evangel. Chur- :
u. Fiirsten Erklarung ann. 55 geschehen ausdriicklicli zu erkennen, welcher Gestalt

Ihre Churf. u. F. Gn. zu ernstlichstem diesen von ihnen unverwilligten Zusatz des Vor-
—
behalts aus dem Religionfrieden wieder zu cassiren begehrt, darbey sich ausdriicklicli
dessen bezeugt, dass sie Gewissens halben darum auch nicht zu willfahren, noch mit
solcher Willfahrung sich zu beschweren wiissten. Es miissen auch die Gegeutheil ge-
standig seyn, dass seithero bej' alien Reichsversamlungen zu Regensburg u. Augsburg,
etc., ann. 56, 57, 59, 76, solcher Erklarung u. Protestationis wiederholt worden. Zu- —
dem es der Evangelischen Erachten nach wider einander lanfen, u. nit zu vergleichen
seyn will, dass einem jeden, der sich zu der Religion Augsb. Conf. begiebt, solches an
Ehren, Haab, u. Giitern unnachtheilig seyn, u. dagegen, wenn einer im geistl. Stand
aus Gottes Erleuchtung von den rem. Misbriluchen zu der christi. evangel. Religion
sich begiebt, aller seiner Dignitaten u. Einkommen alsbald zu "Str^f de facto entsetzt
seyn soil. Und dieweil solches bey der ganzen Welt u. aller Posteritat anderst nicht
als fiir ein besonder schmiihhafte Macul u. Verdammung der Evang. Rel. kann verstan-
den werden, dass derselben Bekenner nit allein keiner geistl. Dignitiit oder Prillatur
fahig, sender auch die er zuvor gehabt durch Einnehmung u. Erkanntnuss evangelischer
Wahrheit deren als unwiirdig entsetzt seyn sollen, so haben die Evangelischen solchem
Vorbehalt sich billig zu widersetzen gehabt :
—
derwegen sie auch ohne Scheu bekennen,
dass sie sich bey solcher Widersprechung des oft angeregten Vorbehalts zu handhaben
schuldig erachten, u. ihrer christi. Evangel. Religion solchem Schimpf u. Spott ufzu-
tragen Gewissenshalben nachzugeben nit wissen, dessen sie auch bey ansehnlichen Erz-
u. andern Stiften in ruhiger Possession vel q. gelassen werden. Und haben sich die
Romische Religionsverwandten der Profanation halben gar nicht zu befahren sonder ;
—
uber dass sich die Evang. Stande zu Genugen erboten, solche Stift vermog ihrer ersten
Fundation unzweifeliche Intent zu ihrem rechtlichen Gebrauch, wahren Gottesdienst,
christlicher Aufzug der Jugend, u. zu andern christi. Ubungen dawieder zu richten, so
wiird' ihnen auch nit zuwider sej-n, noch ferner sich zu vergleichen, die besagte Profa-
nation zuvorkommen wenn allein sie uf ihrer Seiten die Sachen dahin abrichten, dass
:
ihnen nicht grossere u. abscheulichere Profanation der geistl. Stiftungen, Gefall u. Ein-
renounce Austria and Hungary in favor of his brother Matthias,^^

to grant concessions by letters patent, July, 1609,^*' to Bohemia,
which alone remained to him and Archduke Matthias was not
;
only forced to restore to the Evangelical party in Austria and

Hungary their impaired rights, but also to enlarge them, March,
1609.^^ But these favors were merely wrung from them by the
circumstances of the times, and could not remove the distrust of
the Protestants.
Thus the Catholic and Protestant states in Germany were con-
stantly assuming a still more hostile attitude. The antagonism
was strengthened by the controversy as to the succession in Jiilich-
Cleves. After the death of the last Duke, John Wilham, March
25, 1609, seven princes contended for the succession ; the elect-
John Sigismund, of Brandenburg, and Philip Louis,
oral prince,
Count Palatinate of Neuburg, took possession of the province in
consequence of the treaty of Dortmund, May 31, 1609,^** while the
kommen, deren sie in allem Uberfluss sitzen, ihren selbst geistlichen Rechten ii. Canoiii-
bus zuwider mit Wahrheit konnen vorgeruckt werden." Secondly, on the Confiscation
of the. Ecclesiastical Endowments : " Darauf wird kiirzlich geantwort, incivile esse tota
lege perspecta de aliqua ejus particula judicare. Sintemal der buchstablich Inhalt, u.
auch die Meinung des Religionfriedens des Orts also beschaffen, dass es den Aiigsb. Con-
fessionsvenvandten nicht allein diejenige geistliche Giiter, so sie zur Zeit des Passau-
ischen Vertrags schon ingehabt, in Iliinden l^Lsst, sondern auch was dergleichen Giiter
in ihren Herrschaftenii. Gebieten gelegen, u. keinem Reichsstand subjicirt, fiirders sich
deren anzu'nassen, zu ihren Kirchcn- u. Schul-Brauch oder dergleiclien niilden Sachen

u.
zu verwenden zugiebt. Dieweil dann in dem Religionfrieden klar u. ausdrucklich ver-
sehen, u. den Augsb. Confessionsverwandten Stiinden nicht weniger als den andern zu-
gelassen, die evangel. Religion vermog Augsb. Confession in ihrer Obrigkeiten u. Ge-
bieten anzurichten ; — so haben die Gegentheil leicht zu erachten, dass
sie zu Erhaltung
billiger Gleichheit in Religionfriedenmit Uubilligheit Evangelischer Oberkeit mit frey-
em Willen der Ihrigen das anzurichten zu benehmen unterstehen, darbey sie docli sich
auch mit grossem Zwang begehren handzuhaben, alles was ihrer Romischen Religion
—
im geringsten zuwider, mit grosser Verfolgung abzuschaffen."
^^ Schmidt's Neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, Buch iii., cap. 13 und 17.
3« See below,
§ 14, Note 23.
5' In Hungarj^, at his coronation, November 19, 1608, he was obliged to concede equal
religious freedom to Catholics and the adherents of the Augsburg and Helvetic Con-
fessions. In Austria the estates had assembled with arms upon the Ens in Horn, and
demanded the abolition of the religious oppressions as practiced under Rudolph (see
Note 18), and also, particular!}', religious freedom for the cities and market-places of
the princes of the land. By the mediation of the Moravian estates the matter was at
last adjusted, and Matthias gave the Capitulation-Resolution of Marcli 19, 1609 (in Rau-
pach's Evang. Oesterreich, i.. Appendix, p. 52), in which Maximilian's guarantees (Note
12) were confirmed. In relation to the cities and market-places there was only an oral
promise given to the Moravian embassadors but the free exercise of Protestant worship
;
was confirmed to those cities on the Ens which could show that they had a right to it.
Compare Raupach's Evang. Oesterreich, iv. 172; Schmidt, Buch iii. cap. 20; Haberlin,
xxii. 572, 38 Haberlin, xxiii. iii.
;
232 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV, I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
Emperor favored the claims of electoral Saxony. A large part of

the Protestant states^^ had already formed the Evangelical Union
at Ahausen,*" May, 1608, with Frederick IV., Elector of the Pa-
latinate, at theirhead and this Union had entered into a league
;
with France, February 11, 1610, at Hall, in Suabia.*^ In oppo-

sition to this was formed the Catholic League,'*^ under Duke Max-
imilian of Bavaria, by the treaty of Munich, July 10, 1609. An
agreement made between these two leagues at Munich, October
14, 1610, could not long insure peace f^ and after the Count Pal-
atine, Wolfgang William of Neuburg, had become Catholic,^* in
order to obtain the whole province of Jiilich, with the help of the
'^ That is, the Palatinate, Wiirtemberg, Baden, Hesse Cassel, and Anhalt, besides the
counties and cities. Saxony, Hesse Darmstadt, Brunswiclt, Pomerania, and Mecklen-
burg did not join, on account of their hatred to Calvinism, to which several of those
states were attached and electoral Saxony approximated verj- closelj' to the Emperor,
;
moved also bj- its jealousy against the lead which the Palatinate had among the Protest-
ant states. The extent of the embittered feeling of the Lutherans against the Calvinists
maj' be seen in a formal opinion of ^gidius Hunnius and David Seleis, two theologians
of electoral Saxonj", in which they counseled Duke Frederick William, at that time the
administrator of the affairs of that state, not to assent to the Protestant grievances, as
drawn up and presented to the Diet of Ratisbon, 1594 (see Note 34 ; the document is in
Haberlin, xix. p. xviii.), unless " he were allowed to add a protestation that this did not
implj' assent to their Calvinistic doctrine." " Dieweil einmal Reichskundig, was vor
Irrthum u. Greuel hinter der Calvinischen Lehre stecken, u. wie dieselbe dem allein se-
ligmachenden Wort Gottes, audi der christl. Augsb. Conf. handgreiflich zuwider dass ;
man demnach vielmehr ipso fiicto, als nuda protestatione von ihnen in diesem Werk sich
zu separiren schuldig, allermeist aus folgenden Griinden u. Ursachen. Dann erstlich
ist miinniglich unverborgen, wie Gott in seinem Wort befehlt, falsche Lehre u. derosel-
ben offentliche Vertheidiger facto zu fliehen, u. in Glaubenssachen auch ab omni specie

—
hujusmodi consociationis sich zu hiiten. Wie konnte man auch mit gutem Gewissen
recht sagen, dass sich die Calvinische sub eodem scripti titulo vor Stande der Augsb.
Conf. dargeben, so doch sie derselben nicht nur in einem oder zweenen, sondern per ac-
cumulationem errorura nunmehr in 6 oder 7 articulis offenbarlich zuwider. Dann sie —
die Papisten desto weniger den Religionsfrieden zu halten sich schuldig werden erken-
nen, dieweil man andere verworfene Secten in die gemeinschaftliche Augsb. Conf. u.
—
den darauf fundirten Religionsfried ziehen wollte. Es wiirden auch durch diesen Actum
die Sacramentirer in ihrer gottlosen Lehre trefflich gestiirkt werden," u. s. w.
*" Griindl. Nachricht von der Evangel. Union in Ph. E. Spiess Archivische Nebenar-
beiten u. Nachrichten, Th. 1 (Halle, 1783), s. 72. Haberlin, xxii. 537.

*' Haberlin, xxiii. 267.
*^ The ground had been already laid by the three ecclesiastical electoral princes in
1606. Besides them and Bavaria, onlj' bishops and abbots assented Haberlin, xxii. 701
;
Wolf's Gesch. Maximilians I. u. seiner Zeit, ii. 421.

*3 Hiiberlin, xxiii. 323. Wolf, ii. 631.
** Struven's Pfalz. Kirchenhistorie, s. 532. Wolf, iii. 487. Some contemporaneous
reports and documents, see in the Fortges. Sammlung von alten u. neuen theolog. Sachen ,
for the 3'ear 1722, s. 376, Henke's Magazin, ii. 178. It is remarkable that the Jes-
and in
uit, Jac. Reihing, his court preacher, who composed a work in defense of this change,
went over to the Protestant Church in 1621, and then became professor of theology in
Tubingen ; Wolf, iii. 494.
CHAP. I.— GERMAN KEFOKMATION. § 12. THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 233
Spaniards and of the League, the two parties took up arms and
assumed a hostile attitude toward each other.
§ 12.
THIRTY YEARS' WAR.

Haberlin's neuere teutsche Reichsgeschiclite, continued bj- R. K. Fre3'h. v. Senkenberg,
Bd. 24-27. F. Schiller's Gesch. des 30 jiibr. Krieges. Leipz., 1791, 2 Th. (Werke,
Bd. 14 u. 15), continued by K. L. v. Woltmann. Leipz., 1809, 2 Th. (also in the Sup-
plementen zu Schiller's Werken. Leipzig, 1823. Bd. 5 u. 6). K. A. Menzel's Gesch.
des 30 jahr. Krieges in Deutschland (in his Neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, Bd. 6-8).
Dr. J. W. D. Richter's Gesch. d. SO jiihr. Krieges aus Urkunden u. andern Quellen-
schriften, B. 1. Leipzig, 1840. [Alfred Michiel's Secret History of the Austrian Gov-
ernment, and its Systematic Persecution of the Protestants. Lond., 1859. Elizabeth
Stuart,von Dr. Soltl, 3 Bde. Hamb., 1840. Geschichte Kaiser Ferdinands II., von
F.von Huther, i.-ix. SchalThausen, 1854-58. Gfrorer, Gustav. Adolpbus. Chap-
man, History of Gustavus Adolphus and the Thirty Years' War, 8vo. Lond., 1856.]
Bohemia cast the flaming brand into the combustible materials

that had been gathered together. The Utraquists, irritated in
many ways, though they formed the majority, at last revolted in
1618. Upon the death of the Emperor Maximilian, which soon
ensued, they would not recognize his successor, Ferdinand,^ and
gave their crown to Frederick V., the youthful electoral prince of
the Palatinate. The support, however, which he received from
his father-in-law, James and from the Protestant
I. of England,
Union, was insignificant. Ferdinand,^ on the other hand, had pow-
erful aid from Spain and the Catholic League and thus his general, ;
Maximilian of Bavaria, after the battle of the White Mountain,

October 29, 1620, in a short time overrun the whole kingdom.
Ferdinand inflicted the severest punishments, and, with the help
of the Jesuits, abolished Protestant worship in Bohemia^ and in
" See below, § 14, Notes 24-26.
' The Pope sent to him a consecrated dagger with the Jewish formula of incantation
— Tetragrammaton alpha et omega, agla. Sabaoth (Miscellanea Lips. xi. 41) a remark- ;
able omen about Rome as it then was !
^ The soul of this and the following reformations was Carl Carafa, papal nuncio at
the imperial court. (The Instructions given to him, April 11, 1621, are in Miinter's ver-
mischte Beytriige zur Kirchengesch. Kopenhagen, 1798, s. 127. Compare Ranks, Fiir-
sten u. Volker, iv. 387.) Two Relations by him are still extant the one is a Latin :
manuscript on his work in Bohemia (Ranke, iii. 459 iv. 403) the other, printed in
; ;
Latin, comprises his whole agency as nuncio Car. Carafa Ep. Aversani Commentaria
:
de Germania sacra restaurata sub summis PP. Gregorio XV. et Urbano VIII. regnante
Aug. et Piiss. Imp. Ferdinando II. Colon. Agripp. 1639. 8. (On a similar work of Ca-
rafa, in Italian and in manuscript, see Ranke, iv. 417.) At iirst, regard had to be paid
to Saxony, which had given faithful help to the Emperor, and the persecution seemed
Austria.* The Protestant Union was dissolved f the lands of the

Palatinate were seized, the Lower Palatinate by Spain, the Upper
Ly Maximilian, upon whom also, in 1622, was conferred the elect-
oral authority belonging to the Palatinate.^ The Catholic Church
was every where re-established by force.' In the pursuit of the
troops of the Palatinate many other German countries had been
overrun and oppressed,^ and Grerman freedom seemed to be en-
dangered ; on this account the department of Lower Saxony re-
sorted to arms, under the lead of King Christian of Denmark,

1625. He was conquered by Tilly and Wallenstein, and Den-
mark was forced to conclude the Treaty of Liibeck, May 12, 1629.
With the increase of the imperial army it became more apparent
that the purpose of the Emperor was to bring about the entire
preponderance of the Catholic religion.^ When the north of Ger-
to be aimed only at the Calvinists. The circumstances of the times are characteristicallj'
set forth in a private letter of the imperial confessor, the Jesuit Martin Becanus, to the
court preacher of electoral Saxonj',Hoe von Hoenegg, March 17, 1621 (Fortges. Samm-
lung Alten u. Neuen theol. Sachen, 1747, s. 858) Nunc igitur vellem amice ac fami-
V. :
liariter cum Rev. ac Nob. Dominatione Vestra conferre, an non expediret, ipsas literas
Majestatis penitus tollere ac abolere propter has causas 1. quia a spiritu Calvinistico
:
profectae sunt; 2. quia magna ex parte dederunt occasionem rebellioni; 3. quia juste
nietuendum est, ne novam rebellionem concitent, nisi aboleantur; 4. quia ex earum
abolitione nullum fiet praejudicium aut nostrae Romanae, aut Vestrae Augustanae con-
fessioni. Inio tarn nostra, quam Vestra Confessio magno periculo liberabitur, si com-
muni consensu tollatur illud idolum rebellium Calvinistarum. Haec privatim propono.
SiRev. ac Nob. Dominatio Vestra non probat has rationes, non repugno. Si autem pro-
bat,quod mihi est gratius, rogo, ut pro suo in S. Caes. Majestatem pio affectu conetur
Optimo modo inducere Serenissimum Electorem, lit in abrogationem seu abolitiouem cle-
nientissime consentiat, etc. Comp. below, § 14, Notes 27, 28.
According to his vow, renewed at a pilgrimage in Maria-Cell (Carafa, p. 103), he
*
first began, 1623, to forbid Protestant worship in the imperial cities (1. c, p. 162); in
1624, to expel all Protestant preachers, even those of the estates, from Upper Austria
(1. c, p. 182). After an insurrection of the peasants, which thence ensued, had been
quelled, 1626, the nobilitj' of Upper Austria were commanded, 1627, either to become
Catholic or to leave the country (p. 288). In the same 3-ear all these regulations were
extended to Lower Austria (p. 320 sq.). Comp. the Decreta, appended to Carafa, p. 174
sq. Raupach's Evang. Oesterreich, i. 274 iv. 419 ; Appendix, p. 237.
;
* Hiiberlin-Senkenberg, xxv. 43.
^ Ibid., s. 249. The valuable Heidelberg Librar}' was given to the Pope by Maxi-
milian Leo Allatius carried it to Rome ibid., s. 279 Ranke, iv. 393.
; ; ;
' Acta u. Actitata, welcher sich bej' der in Chur- u. Filrstl. Pfalz angestellten Refor-
mation gebrauchet, 1638. 4. Struven's pfalzische Kirchenhistorie, s. 556. How the Up-
per Palatinate was divided into stations by the Jesuits, and their doings therein, see Ca-
rafa, p. 318 ; Kropff Hist. Soc. Jesu in Germania superiori, iv. 271.
^ Thus the department (circle) of Suabia (Hiiberlin-Senkenberg, xxv. 168) ; then, aft-
er 1623, the department (circle) of Lower Saxonj', in which Tilh' pursued Count Ernest
of Mansfeld and Duke Christian of Brunswick ibid., p. 269, 356.
;
' Already in 1626, in the Suabian circle, the Protestants were commanded to restore
the property of the Church Carafa, p. 268

; Struven's Religionsbeschwerden, i. 661.
;
;;
CHAP. I.— GERMAN EEFORMATION. § 12. THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 235
many had also come under the authority of the imperial hosts, the
Edict of Restitution was issued, March 6, 1629, defining the Cath-
olic position on all the contested questions in respect to the relig-
ious peace. ^^ But when this was carried into execution its pro-
visions were further extended," so as to allow of no doubt that it
was intended to effect the entire extermination of Protestantism

in Germany.'^
Count John of Nassau-Siegen had previously catholicized his province, in spite of all
the reversalia earlier given ;
Hiiberlin-Senkenberg, xxv. 517. In 1628,
Carafa, p. 234 ;
in many cities of tlie empire, churches were taken away from the Protestants and given to
the Catholics ;
Memmingen, etc. Kauf beuern was
thus in Hall in Suabia, in Strasburg, ;
made wholly Catholic (Wagenseil's Beitrag zur Gesch. der Reformation. Leipzig, 1830,
s. 39) and Hagenau see Struven's Eeligionsbeschwerden, i. 675 Haberlin-Senkenberg,
; ; ;
xxv. 633. Conip. the imperial decrees in Carafa, Decreta, p. 11 ss.

'" In Londorp der Rom. K. Maj. u. des h. R. R. Acta publica, iii. 1047. Khevenhul-
ler's Annales Ferd., xi. 438 in Latin in Carafa, app., p. 3. The Emperor here decided
:
of his own authority states had not had the right, after the Pas-
: 1. That the Protestant
sau treaty, to appropriate the ecclesiastical benefices which were under their lordship.
2. Protestants, in like manner, had claimed possession of archbishoprics and bishoprics,
in contradiction to the proper ecclesiastical authorities. 3. The declaration of King Fer-

dinand was invalid, according to which Protestant subjects were to enjoy religious peace
in the states under spiritual princes. In accordance with these decrees the courts were
to decide imperial commissaries were to be sent into the empire to restore all church
;
property that had been illegally appropriated. Moreover, the religious peace was to
avail only for the Catholics and the adherents of the unaltered Augsburg Confession
all other sects were to be no longer tolerated. All opposition to these decrees was to be
punished with ban and forfeiture. The most distinguished imperial councilors advised
against this decree thus Count Collalto (Khevenhuller, xi. 183), and Khevenhiiller
:
himself, who even believed that the Emperor had been misled bj' the craft of Richelieu
(xi. 427). Carafii, the papal nuncio, was especially active in this matter ; see Carafa,
p. 350 : licet tot tantaeque difficultates emerserint, quantae et a me et a multis aliis mi-
nistris multorum mcnsium labore superatae sunt, etc.
" Thus in Augsburg the Protestant service was whollj-- abolished; see Hiiberlin-Sen-
kenberg, xxvi. 51. In Wurtemberg those foundations and cloisters were appropriated
which, at the time of the Interim, had only for a short time had Catholic occupants
Sattler's Gesch. von Wurtemberg, iv. 5. —
Archduke Leopold William, who was already'
Master of the Teutonic Order, Bishop of Strasburg and Passau, and Abbot of Murbach,
also became Archbishop of Magdeburg and Bremen, Bishop of Halberstadt, and Abbot
of Hersfeld; Menzel, vii. 171, 186.
'^ This fear was especiall}- enhanced by the polemics of the Jesuits, now becoming
very violent. The most sensation was made a work lilie that of Burghard (§ 11, Note
bj-
24): Pacis compositio — in Com. Aurjustae anno 1555 edlta, quam jureconsuUl quidam ca-
tholici —quaestionihus Lorenz Forer, the Jesuit, was re-
illustrarunt Dilingae, 1629. 4. ;
puted to be its author. This work, besides much polemical matter on doctrinal points,
interpreted tlie provisions of the religious peace in a manner most unfavorable to Prot-
estants. Aequaline jure Confessionistae religione sua, tempUs, mini-
Cf. cap. vi. qu. 31 :
steriis, Resp. Nequaquam. Nam Catholici ex anti-

ceremoniis utuutur, quo Catholicif
quissima et immemoriali possessione jus acquisitum habent fidei, religionis, Ecclesiarnm
suarum : Confessionistae autem se noviter intruserunt; et cum repelli non possent, tole-
rati sunt, etiam promissione facta propter necessitatem. Igitur Catholici nihil a Confes-
sionistis acceperunt, sed jure suo proprio ac pristine utuntur: Confessionistae autem,
quibus nullum jus competit, ea solum detinendo habent, quae ipsis expresse concessa
— :
Meanwhile the growing preponderance of the Spanish- Austrian

power had long since awakened the jealousy of France. In the
struggle on the succession in Mantua, the Italian princes had join-
ed themselves to France from fear of the Spanish dominion and ;
thus even Pope Urban VIII. was led by political entanglements

to unite with France, and so, indirectly, with the German Prot-
estants.^^ In alliance with France,^^ Gustavus Adolphus, King of
Sweden, and the deliverer of the Protestants, appeared upon Ger-
man soil, June 24, 1620. The sacking and barbarous treatment
of Magdeburg by Tilly, May 10, 1631, brought the hesitating
Protestant princes to a decision ; Hesse, Brandenberg, and Saxony
joined with Sweden. was defeated at Leipsic, September
Tilly
7, 1631 ; Gustavus Adolphus marched through the Rhenish prov-

inces, penetrated into Bavaria, freed the oppressed Protestants,
and thus enlarged the hosts of his confederates. And although
he fell, as a conqueror in the battle of Liitzen, against "Wallenstein,
November 6, 1632 ; although the conflict afterward raged for a
long time with all the horrors of a religious war, and made a large
part of Germany a desert ; and although the fortunes of war some-
fuerunt. Quicquid autem concessum non reperitur, prohibitum censeri debet. — Confes-
sionistae praeter aut contra jus singulari fruuntur permissione et indulgentia ipsis con-
cessa, non sine Catholicorum praejudicio acdamno. Tales autem concessiones strictam
interpretationem habent. Religionem catholicam in Imperio tenere, et
Qu. 37, p. 168 :
subditos suos ad eandem compellere, communi jure omnibus concessum est at vero ca- :
tholicam religionem mutare, et novam sectam Lutheranam introducere, atque subditos

ad eandem compellere, generali lege prohibitum est, lis exceptis, quibus id indulgentia
permissum. Qu. 44 The declaration of King Ferdinand in favor of the Protestant sub-
:
jects of the spiritual electors was surreptitious first produced at the Diet of Ratisbon,
;
1576. Cap. xi. qu. 67 The protestation of the Cardinal and Bishop of Augsburg, Otto,
:
against the religious peace had the effect of making it invalid in the bishopric of Augs-
burg, and the episcopal jurisdiction in this bishopric had not been at all suspended.
The polemics which the Jesuits had been for a long time carrying on against Protest-
antism and the religious peace (Salig's Gesch. d. Augsb. Conf. i. 767) now became verj-
animated. B}' order of the Elector the Leipsic theologians wrote "Nothwendige Ver- :
theidigung des heil. Rom. Rcichs Evangelischer Churflirsten u. Stande Augapfels, nem-
lich der wahren, reinen —
Augsp. Confession, u. des auf dieselbe gerichteten hochver-
ponten Religionfrieds," 1628. 4. With this began a long series of quarrelsome writings,
in the titles of which this metaphor of the "apple of the eye" was repeated to satiety
"Brill auf den Evangel. Augapfel durch Andr. Fabricium, 1629. 4. Evangelischen
Augapfels Brillen-Butzer. Leipzig, 4. Ausbutzer des genandt Evangelischen Brillen- :
Butzers. Dillingen, 1629. 4. Wer hat das Kalb ins Aug geschlagen ? Dillingen, 1629.
4. Dillingischer Kalber-Artzt. 1629. 4., u. s. w." Comp. Menzel, vii. 194.
12 Ranke, Fursten ii. Volker, iii. 528 ff. Menzel, vii. 236.
1* As early as 1629 there were negotiations al:out it in 1630 ; it was regarded as estab-
lished (Ranive, iii. 553), and Jan. 13, 1631, formally abolished; Hiiberlin-Senkenberg,
xxvi. 252. A. F. Gfriirer's Geschichte Gustav Adolphs, Konigs v. Schweden, u. seiner
Zeit. Stuttgart u. Leipzig, 1837. 8.
CHAP. I.—GERJIAN REFORMATIOX. § 12. THIRTY YEARS' WAR. 237
times wavered, and Saxony separated herself from the confeder-

ates by the Peace of Prague, May 30, 1635 yet still the Protest- ;
ant cause, supported as it was by Sweden, France, and the United

Netherlands, attained at last a decided victory over the Imperial
and Spanish arms. Negotiations for peace were begun in 1645
in Miinster and Osnabriick the victories of Turenne and "Wran-
;
gel gave them urgency and they resulted at last in the Peace
;
of Westphalia,'^'-' October 14, 1648. Protestantism in G-ermany

obtained equal rights with the Catholic Church, and an import-
ant increase of power. In the north of Germany many foun-
dations were secularized in favor of Protestant rulers ;^^ of the
Catholic princes, only Bavaria maintained the advantages it had
acquired." The Religious Peace was confirmed, and the contro-
versies on particular points brought to a close by more exact state-
ments and additions. In all affairs of the empire both religious

parties were to have entirely equal rights.^® The right of refor-
'^ A. A. (Adam Adami, Benedictine, at last titular Bishop of Hildesheim,

f 1G63) Ar-
cana pacis Westphalicae. Francof. 1G98. 4. (best edition Adam Adami relatio historica
:
de pacificatione Osnabrugo-Monasteriensi, cura J. G. de Meicrn. Lips., 1737. 4.) Job.

Gottfr. V. Meiern (privy councilor in Hanover, f 1745) Acta pacis Westplialicae publica.
Hanover u. Gottingen, 1734-36. G Tlieile, fol. Also a Register, by J. L. Walther. Got-
—
tingen, 1740. fol. Tiie two instruments of the peace have been often published in the
:
Latin original in J. J. Schmaussen's Corpus juris publici S. R. Imp academicum, new

edition. Leipz., 1794. 8., p. 741 ss. J. St. Putter's Geist des Westphal. Friedens. Gottin-
gen, 1795. 8. R. K. Freih. v. Senkenberg's Darstellung des Osnabriiclt- u. Miinsterischen
od. sogen. Westphalischen Friedens. Frankf. a. 51., 1804. 8.
'^ Sweden received Upper Pomerania and Riigen, a part of Lower Pomerania, Bre-
men, and Verden. To compensate for their claims to these lands, Brandenburg received
the benefices of Magdeburg, Halberstadt, Camin, and Minden Mecklenburg had those
;
of Schwerin and Ratzeburg Brunswick the alternativa successio in Osnabriick and the
;
cloisters of Walkenried and Groningen Ilesse Cassel received the abbej^ of Hcrsfeld.
;
' Bavaria retained the electoral dignity of the Palatinate, the Upper Palatinate, and
'
the barony of Chalm and a new (the eighth) electorate was erected for the Palatinate.
;
After the extinction of the Bavarian house this last electorate was to cease, and the Pa-
latinate line succeed to the Bavarian dignity and possessions.
'* After confirming the treaty of Passau and the Augsburg Religious Peace (Instrum.
Pacis Osnabr., Art. V. § 1), it goes on Quae vero de nonnuUis in Articulis controversis
:
hac Transactione communi partium placito statuta sunt, ea pro perpetua dictae Pacis
declaratione, tarn in Judiciis, quam alibi observanda, habebuntur, donee per Dei grati-
am de Religione ipsa convcnerit, 7ion attenta cvjusvis sen Ecclesiastici seu Politici, inira
vel extra Iinperium, quocunque tempore interjjosita contradictione vel protestatione, quae
omnes inanes et nihil vigore horum declarantur. In reliquis omnibus autem inter utrius-
que Religionis Electores, Principes, Status omnes et singulos sit aeqnalitas exacta mu-
tuaque. According to § 51 and 53, the deputations and courts of the empire were to
be filled bj' both parties, with an equal number of members. § 52. In causis Religionis,
omnibusque aliis negotiis, ubi Status tanquam unum corpus considerari nequeunt, ut
etiam Catholicis et Augustanae Confessionis Statibus in duas partes euutibus, sola ami^
cabilis compositio lites dirimat, non attenta votorum pluralitatc.
mation in the states was confirmed in general terms, though Hm-

ited so far as this —
that the rights of each rehgious party in the
domain of the other were to be defined according to the rule of
January 1, 1624.^^ All these regulations were likewise to hold
equally good for the Reformed (Calvinists), who were now for
the first time favorably acknowledged.^" On the other hand, the
*' I. p. 0., Art. V. § 2. According to § 14, all bona ecdesiastica immediata are to fall
to and remain under the religious partj- which had them in possession January 1, 1624 ;
and accordingly (in § 15) the Reservatum eccleslasticum was to be in force in future.
§ 23. Quot Capitulares aut Canonici die I. Jan., anni 1624, uspiam vel Augustanae Con-
fessionis vel Catholici fuerunt, totidem illic ex utraque religione erunt semper, nee de-
cedentibus nisi ejusdem religionis consortes surrogentur.-Êxercitium vero religionis in
mixtis Episcopatibus ita restituatur et permaneat, uti et quatenus id 1624 palam recep-
tum permissumque fuit. § 25 and 26: also all the mediate church property was to re-
main with the religious party that had it in possession Januarj^ 1, 1624. § 30. Quum
Statibus immediatis cum jure Territorii et Superioritatis ex communi per totum Imperi-
um hactenus usitata praxi etiam jus reformandi exercitiura Religionis corapetat, ac du-
dum in Pace Religionis talium Statuum subditis, si a religione Domini Territorii dis-
sentiant, beneficium emigrandi concessum ;
—conventum est, hoc idem porro quoque ab
utriusque Religionis Statibus observari, nullique statui immediato jus, quod ipsi ratione
territorii et superioritatis in negotio Religionis competit, impediri oportere. § 31. Hoc
tamen non obstante Statuum Catholicorum Landsassii, Vasalli et Subditi cujuscunque
generis, qui sive publicum sive privatum Aug. Conf. exercitium anno 1624 quacunque
—
anni parte habuerunt, retineant id etiam inposterum una cum annexis, quatenus ilia
dicto anno exercuerunt, aut exercita fuisse probare poteruut. § 34. Placuit porro, ut
illi Catholicorum subditi Augustanae Confession! addicti, ut et Catholici Augustanae
Confessionis Statuum subditi, qui anno 1624 publicum vel etiam privatum Religionis
suae exercitium nulla anni parte habuerunt, nee non qui post pacem publicatam dein-
ceps futuro tempore diversam a Territorii Domino Religionem profitebuntur et amplec-
tentur, patienter tolerentur, et conscientia libera domi devotioni suae sine inquisitione
aut turbatione privatim vacare, in vicinia vero, ubi et quoties voluerint, publico Religi-
onis exercitio interesse, vel liberos suos exteris suae Religionis scholis, aut privatis domi
praeceptoribus instruendos committere non prohibeantur. § 35. Sive autem Catholici
sive Augustanae Confessionis fuerint subditi, nuUibi ob Religionem despicatui habeantur,
—
nee a mercatorum, opilicum, aut tribuum communione, multo minus publicis coemite-
riis, honoreve sepulturae arceantur. § 36. Quod si vero subditus, qui nee publicum nee
privatum suae Religionis exercitium anno 1624 habuit, vel etiam qui post publicatam
pacem religionem mutabit, sua sponte emigrare voluerit, aut a Territorii Domino jussus
fuerit, liberum ei sit, aut retentis bonis aut alienatis discedere, retenta per ministros ad-
ministrare, et quoties ratio id postulat, ad res suas inspiciendas —libera et sine literis
commeatus adire. § 37. Conventum autem est, ut a Territoriorum Dominis illis subdi-
tis, qui neque publicum, neque privatum exercitium religionis suae dicto anno habue-
runt, —terminus non minor quinquennio illis vero, qui post pacem publicatam Religio-
;
nem mutant, non minor triennio, nisi tempus magis laxum et spatiosum impetrare potu-
erint, ad emigrandum praefigatur. Accordingly, the right of reformation, on the part
of the princes, could be applied (§ 30) only in respect to tlie religion which had no pub-
lic worship in 1624 (§ 31). If the prince tolerated it, it must be in accordance with the
provisions in § 34, 35 he might also force its adherents to emigrate so § 36, 37.
; ;
P. O., Art. VII. § 1. AH the rights resulting from the present, as well as from
^^ I.
—
the Religious Peace, were to be also conceded iis qui Reformati vocantur. Quoniam
vero controversiae Religionis-, quae inter modo dictos Protestantes vertuntur, hactenus
—
non fuerunt compositae, adeoque illi duas partes constituunt, ideo de jure reformandi
CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 12. PEACE OF WESTPHAL. 239
Emperor would not allow the peace to be extended to his heredi-

tary lands ; only the mediate Silesian principalities had their pre-
vious religious rights confirmed to them.^^ As a protest on the
part of the Pope was of course to be anticipated, it was deprived
of all influence beforehand,^- and so had no effect whatever when
it actually came.^^ Although the Protestant churches had still to
inter utramque ita conventum est, ut si aliquis Princeps vel alius Territorii Dominus
vel aliciijus Ecclesiae Patronus posthac ad alterius partis sacra transierit, aut Principa-
tum, aut ditionem, ubi alterius partis sacra exercitio publico de praesenti vigent, nac- —
tus fuerit, —
ipsi quidem Concioiiatores aulicos suae Confessionis citra subditorum onus
aut praejudicium secum atque in Residentia sua habere liceat. At fas ei non sit, vel
publicum Religionis exercitium, leges aut constitutiones ecclesiasticas hactenus ibi re-
ceptas immutare, vel templa, scholas, hospitalia, aut eo pertinentes reditus, pensiones,
stipendia prioribus adimere, suoruraque sacrorum hominibus applicare, vel juris territo-
rialis, Episcopalis, Patronatus aliove quocunque praetextu subditis Ministros alterius
Confessionis obtrudere, ullumve aliud impedimentum aut praejudicium directe vel indi-
recte alterius sacris afferre. Et ut haec conventio eo firmius observetur, liceat hoc mu-
tationis casu ipsis communitatibus praesentare, vel quae praesentandi jus non habent,
nominare idoneos Scholarum et Ecclesiarum Ministros, a publico loci Consistorio et
Ministerio, si ejusdem cum praesentantibus vel nominantibus sunt religionis, vel hoc
deficients, eo loco, quern ipsae communitates elegerint, examinandos et ordinandos, at-
que a Principe vel Domino postea sine recusatione confirmandos.
^' I. P. 0., Art. V. Silesii etiam Principes August. Conf. addicti, Duces scil.
§ 38.
in Brieg, Liegnitz, Miinsterberg et Oels, itemque Civitas Vratislaviensis in libero suo-
rum ante bellum obtentorum jurium et privilegiorum, necnon Aug. Conf. exercitio ex
gratia Caesarea et Regia ipsis concesso manutenebuntur. § 39. Quod vero ad Comites,
Barones, Nobiles eorumque subditos in reliquis Silesiae Ducatibus, qui immediate ad
Cameram Regiam spectant, tum etiam de praesenti in Austria inferiori degentes Comi-
tes, Barones et Nobiles attinet, quamvis Caesareae Maj. jus refomiandi exercitium Re-
ligionis non minus, quam aliis Regibus et Principibus competat tamen ad interven-
; —
tionem Regiae Majestatis Sueciae, et in gratiam intercedentium Augustanae Conf. Sta-
tuum permittit, ut ejusmodi Comites, Barones et Nobiles, illorumque in praedictis Sile-
siae Ducatibus subditi ob professionem Aug. Conf. loco aut bonis cedere aut emigrare
non teneantur, nee etiam prohibeantur dictae Confessionis exercitium in locis vicinis
—
extra territorium frequentare. § 40. Praeter haec autem Sacra Caes. Maj. ulterius
pollicetur, se illis, qui in his Ducatibus Aug. Conf. addicti sunt, pro hujus Confessionis
exercitio tres Ecclesias propriis eorum sumptibus extra civitates Schweiniz, Jauer et
Glogavium prope moenia — aedificandas —concessuram. § 41. Et cum de majore Reli-
gionis libertate et exercitio in supra dictis et reliquis Caesareae Maj. et Domus Austria-
cae regnis et provinciis concedendo in praesenti Tractatu varie actum sit, nee tamen ob
Caesareanorum Plenipotentiariorum contradictiones convenire potuerit; Regia Maj. Su-
eciae et Aug. Conf. Ordines fiicultatem sibi reservant, eo nomine in proximis Comitiis
aut alias apud Suam Caes. Maj., pace tamen semper permanente et exclusa omni vio-
lentia et hostilitate, ulterius respective amice interveniendi et demisse intercedendi.
" I. P. 0., Art. V. § 1 see above. Note 18.
;
" By the bull, Zelo domus Dei, d. 26. Nov., 1648, published 3d Jan., 1651 in Bow- ;
Rom. Pabste, edition of Rambach X., ii. 21. Sane cum intimo doloris sensu
er's Hist. d.
—
accepimus, quod per plures pacis Osnabrugis necnon alterius pacis Monasterii inita- —
—
rum articulos gravissima Religioni catholicae illata fuerunt praejudicia. Etenim pac-
—
tionibus inter alia bona ecclesiastica aliaque ab haereticis occupata illis eorumque suc-
cessoribus in perpetuum addicuntur ; haereticis Augustanae, ut vocant, confessionis libe-
rum suae haereseos exercitium in plerisque locis permittitur, et locorum pro aediiicandis
encounter much oppression and craft, yet they attained, within

certain limits, a legally impregnable position, and adequate means
to insure and defend their rights.
§ 13.
ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS IN SWITZERLAND TO 1648.
In the year 1624 the Swiss Reformed Church rejoiced in the

concurrence of several events of a favorable character. The prin-
cipality of Sax joined the Reformation ;^ Savoy, in its treaty wdth
Berne, was obliged to give pledges that it would not make any
religious changes^ in the districts of Thonon, Ternier, and Gex,
which it received back ; the evangelicals of Glarne, after many
attacks, were also recognized by the Catholic cantons.^ In Switz-
ad hunc effectum templis assignatio promittitur ipsique cum catholicis ad publica mu-
;
nia et officia, ac ad nonnullos Archiepiscopatus, aliasque dignitates et benefieia ecclesi-

astica, precumque primariarum Ferdinando in Imperatorem electo a praefata Sede apos-
tolica concessarum participationem admittuntur Annatae, jura pallii, confirniationes,
;
menses papales, et hujusmodi jura et reservationes in bonis ecclesiasticis dictae Confes-

sionis Augustanae excluduntur confirniationes electionum, seu postulationum praeten-
;
soriim Archiepiscoporuni, Episcoporum aut Praelatorum ejusdem Confessionis potestati

saeculai'i attribuuntur ;
plures Archiepiscopatus, Episcopatus, Monasteria, —et alia bene-
fieia etbona ecclesiastica Principibus haereticis eorumque haeredibus, etiam sublata
denominatione ecclesiastica, in feudum perpetuum sub dignitatis saecularis titulo conce-
duntiir; contra pacem hujusmodi ullumve ejus articulum nulla jura canonica vel civilia,
— juranienta, aut concordata cum Romanis Pontificibus, ullave alia statuta, sive politlca,
sive ecclesiastica, decreta, dispensationes, absolutiones, aut alias exceptiones allegari,
audiri, vel admitti debere disponitur ; numerus septem Electorum Imperii olim aposto-
lica auctoritate praefinitus, sine nostro et sedis praefatae beneplacito augetur, et octavus
Electoratus in fiivorem Carol! Ludovici, Comitis Palatini Rheni, haeretici, instituitur;
aliaque multa, quae pudet referre, orthodoxae religioni sedique praefatae Romanae, et
inferioribus Ecclesiis, caeterisque praemissis summopere praejudicialia et daranosa de-
cernuntur. Et quamvis Ven. Frater, Episcopus Neritonensis, noster et Sedis praefatae
— — —
nuncius fuerit palam nostro nomine protestatus, ejusmodi articulos esse irritos,
nullos ;
—
ac notissimi juris sit, quamcunque transactionem seu pactionem in rebus ec-
clesiasticis sine praefatae Sedis auctoritate factam nuUam nulliusque roboris et moment!
existere attamen quo efficacius praemissorum indemnitati consultum sit
:
praedictos —
;
— utriusque pacis articulos, caeteraque in dictis instrunientis contenta — ipso jure nulla,
invalida, injusta, damnata — omnino fuisse, esse et in perpetuo fore neminemque ad ;
illorum, — etiamsi
juramento vallata sint, observationem teneri, atque perinde ac si —
nunquam emanassent, pro non extantibus et non factis perpetuo haberi debere, tenore
earundem praesentium decernimus et declaramus. Et nihilominus ad abundantiorem
— —
cautelam articulos praefatos aliaque praemissa potestatis plenitudine penitus damna-
mus, reprobamus, cassamus, annuUamus, viribusque et effectu vacuamus.
'
Hottinger's Helvet. Kirchengesch., iii. 887.
= Hottinger, iii. 899.
^ had been suggested to the canton by the Catholics to expel
Just after it all the Re-
formed preachers, and to tolerate only Catholic worship Hottinger, iii. 855. ;
CHAP. I.— SWISS REFORMATION. § 13. 156i TO 1648. 241
erland, however, as in Germany, a more decided Catholic antag-

onism now began show itself. After 1569 this new zeal was
to
especially stimulated by Charles Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan
(t 1584), who visited in person the Catholic cantons, and endeav-
ored to unite them for the suppression of heresy ; his agency was
particularly directed to the Italian part of Switzerland.* Through
him the Jesuits, too, obtained foothold in Lucerne, 1574, and in
Freiburg, 1586,^ and here, as in Germany, opened an uninterrupt-
ed warfare against the Reformation.^ As, however, the Jesuits in
the poor country districts did not find enough aid to propagate
their plans,and as the old Swiss monks and clergy were too rude
to be of much
avail, Borromeo introduced the new order of the
Capuchins, which soon' became widely diffused, and appointed
the most numerous and zealous champions of Catholicism that
were to be found in Switzerland. Besides this, he founded in Mil-
an the Collegium Helveticum^ in 1579, for the education of mis-
sionaries for Switzerland. At last, for conducting these various
operations, ho procured the establishment of a standing nuncio
for Switzerland,^ in 1579. By this means, as the Catholic can-
tons soon afterward conceded to this nuncio spiritual jurisdiction^"
(1580), the papal influence was unusually advanced. A new
zeal took possession of the Swiss Catholics. Jacob Christoph,
Bishop of Basle, made himself secure, in 1590, by a league with
the Catholic cantons," and then soon expelled all the Reformed
worship from the places (Laufen and Zwingen) under his control.^^
In 1586 the Catholic cantons pledged themselves by the Golden
or Borromean League, to be steadfast in the Catholic faith, to
hold by and protect each other in the same,'^ and in 1587 made
* Hottinger, iii. 900, 916. De Porta Hist. Reform. Eccl. Rhaet., ii. 1. Mej-er's Evan-
gel. Gemeinde in Locarno, ii. 264.
^ Hottinger, iii. 907, 915.
În Freiburg they set up a printing-office for this purpose Hottinger, iii. 930. ;
' The first cloister in Altdorf in Uri,

1580 then, 1581, in Stanz in Unterwalden ; 1586,
;
in Schwyz 1588, in Lucerne ; 1590, in Appenzell ; 1593, in Baden, etc.

; Hottinger,
iii. 914.
^ Hottinger, iii. 911.
' Hottinger, iii. 912.
" Hottinger, iii. 935. L'Histoire de la Vie du Pape Sixte V., traduit de ITtalien de
Greg. Leti (a Paris, 1690), ii. 49.
" Hottinger, iii. 910.
>2 Hottinger, iii. 918.
-3 Hottinger, The document
iii. 931. is in Lauffer's Beschreibung Helvetischer Ge-
schichte, x. 331.
VOL. IV. 16
;
a league with Spain, in view of a possible religious war.^* Aroused

by them, the Catholics in Appenzell began to persecute their Re-
formed brethren and peace in this canton was only restored by
;
giving up the outer district of Rhoden exclusively to the Reform-

ed worship, and the centre to the Catholics, and afterward, in 1592,
by conceding to both parts a separate central authority.^^ French
Switzerland was constantly threatened by Savoy with civil and
ecclesiastical subjection. The chief ecclesiastical instrumentality
in this matter was that of Francis of Sales, provost and, from
1602, nominal Bishop of Greneva, but having his seat in Annecy.^^
He especially labored for the conversion of the Reformed in the
districts ceded by Berne to Savoy and, as milder measures did
;
not prove sufficient, he influenced the Duke, in 1596, to suppress

the Reformed worship by violence, setting aside the earlier treaty."
In accordance with his advice, the Duke, in 1602, caused the city
of G-eneva to be attacked by a fanatical multitude assembled by
a jubilee-indulgence but this shameful plot did not succeed,^^ and
;
Geneva afterward found protection against the schemes which

were constantly set on foot for its destruction,^^ partly in the jeal-
ousy of France toward Spain and Savoy, partly in the aid of the
Reformed cantons, especially Berne. Still more perilous was the
position of the Reformed in Italian Switzerland. The Canton
of the Grrisons, though the Reformed preponderated, was divided
as to religion ; in its Italian portions, particularly in Veltlin, Ca-
tholicism was greatly preponderant. Besides this, its position be-
tween Spanish Milan and Austrian Tyrol made it of importance to

these great powers, struggling for the supremacy in Italy. Thus
it became the object of various ecclesiastical and political intrigues
and in consequence, ecclesiastical and political divisions were fo-

mented and came into conflict. From Milan constant efforts were
going forth to arouse a fanatical Catholicism in the Italian princi-
'* The document is in Dumont Corps Diplomatique, v. i. 459.

>* Hottinger, iii. 948, 962.
^* La Vie de S. Francois de Sales, par M. de Marsollier. 2 Tomej. Paris ed., 5.
1748. 12.
»' Marsollier, i. 252.
'^ Thuanus, lib. 129. Spon's Hist, de Geneve, ii. 371. Hence in Geneva the annual
festival of thanksgiving called VEscalade.
" To this belonged especially the plan of Pope Gregorj- XV., to unite France and
Savoj-, in order to destroy Geneva (1622, 1624). See Eanke's Fursten und Vcilker, iv.
394, 402.
CHAP. II.— REFOESIATION. § 14. IN BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA. 243
palities.^'' The final result was a horrible massacre, by which the

Catholic inhabitants of Vletlin, in July, 1620, exterminated the
Reformed living among them ; at the same time, they renounced
allegiance to the authorities of the Canton of Grrisons.^^ There-
upon the Italian principalities were seized by Spain, while Austria
took possession of those districts of the canton that bordered on
the Tyrol, and there, too, in 1621, suppressed the Reformed wor-
ship.^^ But as in this way the important geographical connec-
tion between Grermany and Italy fell under the Spanish- Austrian
power, France and Venice took up arms for the Grisons; and
thus, though the Swiss took no direct part in the Thirty Years'
War, there sprung up here a contemporary struggle closely con-
nected with it. The German part of the Grisons regained its old
freedom ; but by the Treaty of Milan, 1639, the canton received
back its Italian districts only under the condition that no other
worship but the Catholic should be tolerated,^^ The Reformed
were totally expelled from Wallis as early as 1626, after long per-
secutions.^*
SECOND CHAPTER.
THE REFORMATION IN OTHER LANDS.
§ 14.
IN BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA.

LAnton Gindely, Bohmen u. Mahren im Zeitalter der Reform., 2 Bde. Prag., 1857.
Franz Palask}', Bohinens Geschichte, 3 Bde. 1854. Tomek, Geschichte Bohmens.
Pescheck, Gesch. der Gegenreformation in Bohmen. Dresd., 1844. Ehwalt, Die
alte u. neue Lehre d. Bohm. u. Mahr. Briider. Danzig, 1756. The Reformation and
Anti-Reformation in Bohemia, 2 vols. 8vo. London. K. A. Miiller, Fiinf Biicher vom
Bohmischen Kriege.]
'" The religious equality conceded in 1557

(§ 10, Note 44) was at once violently op-
posed: see De Porta, Hist. Ref. Eccles. Rhaet. I., ii. 280. As early as 1583 a plan for
the extinction of the Reformed was discussed between the Catholics of Vletlin and the
Spanish Governor of Milan. Borromeo also had part in this ; see his letter to the nun-
cio Spezzani, of May 24, 1584, in De Porta, ii. 33. Instigated and led by the priests,
an insurrection broke out, which, however, failed of its purpose, as the Reformed were
prepared for it ibid., p. 38.
;
21 Hottinger, iii. 1017. De Porta, ii. 289.

^^De Porta, ii. 451. Haberlin's Neueste Teutsche Reichsgeschichte, xxv. 161.
" De Porta, ii. 603.
" Hottinger, iii. 1039.
244 FOURTH PEEIOD—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
Luther's Reformation nowhere aroused more cordial sympathy

than in Bohemia. Both Calixtines and the Bohemian Brethren
rejoiced in this new support in their conflict with Rome, and the
latter also welcomed the doctrines with which, for the most part,
they agreed. By letters and messengers both parties soon greet-
ed the Reformer.
Luther, however, still found much to criticise in the views of
the Brethren,^ and endeavored to set them right by his treatise
" On the Adoration of the Sacrament," 1523.^ At first the Breth-
^ Luther spoke out more at length about the Bohemians in the explanation of
first
some articles of his sermon on the Venerable Sacrament of the Holj^ Bodj' of Clirist, in
the beginning of the j'ear 1520 (in Walch, six. 554). Here he talies the part of the
Calixtines, althbugh still holding the communion fuh una to be allowable but he de- ;
clares the Picards, or Brethren, to be heretics, because, as he had seen in one of their
boolis, they "did not believe that the flesh and blood of Christ were truly present, be-
sides some other heretical matters." To the same effect, in June, 1520, in his Appeal to
the Christian Nobility of the German Nation, No. 24 (see § 1, Note 60) yet he here ;
speaks of the error of the Picards dubiouslj'. Thereupon two deputies of the Brethren,
John Horn and Mich. Weiss, came to him, in 1522 (Comenii Hist. Frat. Bohem. ed.
Buddeus, p. 22), by whom he was brought to a more favorable view, and led to distin-
guish between their real belief and its imperfect doctrinal expression see Ep. ad Spa- ;
latinum, dd. 4. Jul., 1522 (de Wette, ii. 217) Picardi apud me legatos habuerunt, de
:
fide sua consulentes : inveni ferme omnia sana, nisi quod obscura phrasi et barbara
utuntur pro Scripturae phrasi. Deinde quae me movent, sunt, quod parvulorum bap-
tismum nullius fidei et fructus asserunt, et tamen eos baptisant, et rebaptisant ad se
venientes ex nostris ; deinde septem sacramenta ponunt. Nam caelibatus sacerdotalis
inter eos placet, cum non necessarium faciant, sed liberum. Adeo nusquam est in orbe
puritas Evangelii. An et fidei et operum sanara habeant sententiam, nondum liquet,
valde enim dubito de Eucharistia nihil falsum video, nisi fallant verbis, sic nee de
:
Baptismo.
^ Luther desired of the deputies (Note 1) that the Brethren would express their doc-
trine about the Lord's Supper in a more distinct manner in a special treatise. There-
upon thej- sent to him their Catechism, in a Latin translation prepared by their Senior,
Lucas (in German in Ehwalt's Die alte u. neue Lehre der Bohmischen und Mahrischen
Brilder. Danzig, 1756, s. 355). Luther first took exceptions to the position "that
Christ is not in tlie Sacrament independentlj' and naturallj', and that the Sacrament is
not to be adored;" and on this account he wrote his essay " Vom Anbeten des Sacra-
ments des heil. Leichnams Jes. Chr. an die Briider in Bohmen u. Miihren, Waldenses
genannt" (in Walch, xix. 1593). He here acknowledges their excellences with great
regard and friendship, but states to them frankly the doctrinal points on which he still
takes offense. [These refer not onlj' (1) to the Sacrament, but also (2) to their having
children baptized in view of their future faith (3) particularly to their doctrine about
;
faith and works, that " to believe in God means to follow God in love and good works ;"
(4) to their seven Sacraments ; (5) that they insisted that ministers should remain un-
married, and in case of marriage quit the office. Yet he concedes that many things may
mean difterentl}' in Bohemian from what they seemed to do to liim in Latin. He also rec-
ommends stronglj' the study of Greek and Latin on the part of the ministrj'.] S. 1624:
" Aufs erste, was ich am Sacrament des Leibes Christi an euch Fehl habe, gnug dro-
ist
ben angezeigt (comp. § 3, Note 22). Wiewol wirs noch nicht in den Schwang bringen
mcigen bej' uns, dass wir so sittig u. christlich das Sacrament handelten unter bej-der
Gestalt, u. solche Uebung der Lehre u. Liebe u. sittigs Leben unter uns aufrichten, als
—
CHAP. II.—REFORMATION. § 14. IN BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA. 245
ren by Luther's views ;^ but at last they changed

felt repelled
many things after his hints, and he responded to this docility by

publishing,* in 1533, the Confession which they had handed in to
wir von euch horen. Es ist noch grilue mit uns, u. gehet langsam von statten bittet :
aber fur uns." 2. "Dass ihr die jungen Kinder taufet auf zukilnftigea Glauben, den
sic lernen sollen, wenn sie zur Vernunft kommen, uicht auf gegenwiirtigen." The chil-
dren, he held, were endowed with faith through the faith of the Church. 3. Their ex-
planation of faith " In Gott glauben sey mit Liebe u. guten Werken Gotte nachfolgen."
:
4. "Dass ihr noch aus der papistischen Kirche habt sieben Sacramente, so doch die
Schrift nicht mehr dann die zwey, die Tauf u. den Tisch des Herrn, hat." 5. That they
their " Diener oder Pfleger, die sich bej' uns Priester u. PfaiFen heissen,'" " ehelos zu blei-
ben anhielten." " Wiewol ich das gerne gehurt habe, dass ihr niemand wehret ehelich
—
zu werden, aber das Predigtamt miisse er lassen." " Das sind die Stilcke, die mir an
euch bewusst noch etwas mangeln an der lautern Lehre des Evangelii, unter welchen
ich das grosste achte, dass ich vom Glauben u. Werken erzahlet habe. Denn wiewol .
ich nicht weiss, ob ihr recht oder unrecht haltet ; so sehe ich doch wohl, dass ihrs nicht
kliirlich dargebet. —
Es mag aber auch wohl sein, wie die Euern sagen, dass euer Ding
gar viel bass in eurer Bomischen Sprache laute, denn ihrs zu Latein geben konnet da- :
rum vielleicht etliche Stiicke anders von uns vcrstanden werden, denn ihrs haltet.
Wenn ichs bej- euch erlangen konnte, wollte ich bitten, dass ihr die Sprachen nicht also
verachtet, sondern weil ihr wohl konntet, cure Prediger u. geschickte Knaben allzumal
liesset gut Lateinisch, Griechisch u. Ebriiisch lernen. Ich weiss auch fiirwahr, dass wer
die Schrift predigen soil u. auslegen, u. hat nicht Hiilfe aus Lateinischer, Griechischer,
u. Ebriiischer Sprache, u. soil es allein aus seiner Muttersprache thun, der wird gar
manchen schonen Fehlgriff thun.— Hiemit befehle ich euch Gottes Gnaden, u. bitte de-
miithiglich, euere Liebe woUe diess mein Schreiben nichtin Veracht aufnehmeu, als
hiitte ich euere Fehl Lust gehabt zu riigen sondern weil ihr wisset, dass man euch fiir
;
die argesten Ketzer hiilt, ich Zeugniss gebe, wie gar viel niiher ihr seyd dem Evangelio,
—
denn alle andere, die mir bekannt sind. Weil ich hcire, dass von Gottes Gnaden bey
euch so ein feiner, ziichtiger ilusserlicher Wandel ist, dass mann nicht so scliwelget,
frisst u. siiuft, flucht u. schworet, pranget u. offentlich iibel thut, wie bej' uns sondern ;
ein jeglicher sich seiner Arbeit niihren muss, —

u. auch niemand darben lasset habe icli
:
mich nicht mogen enthalten, u. aus christlicher Pflicht euch anzeigen, was mich dunkt,
das noch an eurem inherlichen Wandel des Glaubens u. der Lehre Mangel habe, welchen
ich gerne aufs allerlauterste sehen u. horen wollte. Denn wir, die wir mitten in Sodo-
ma u. Gomorra u. Babj-lonia wohnen, nicht sehen, wie wir mochten einen solchen fei-
nen, zi'ichtigen Wandel auswendig anrichten, Gott helfe uns denn bass so haben wir ;
doch die rechte, lautere Lehre des Evangelii, als einen hellen Lichtstar, mitten unter
diesem verkehrten u. unschlachtigen Geschlecht der Finsterniss, den wir jedermann mit-
theilen, u.wiederum von jedermann auch gebessert werden wollten welches wir audi:
von euch gewarten. Die Gnade unsers Herrn Jesu Christi sey mit euch. Amen."
^ In the year 1524 John Horn was again sent as a deputy to Luther, in order to in-
quire into the ecclesiastical order of thenew church but they separated unsatisfied
;
(Comenius, ed. Buddeus, p. 22). Among the Brethren was published a Bohemian reply
to Luther's exceptions (Extracts in Joh. Hederici Examinatio Capitum Doctrinae Fra-
trum. Francof. ad Od. 1850, 8vo in German in Carpzov's Religionsuntersuchung d.
;
Bohm. u. Mahr. Bruder, s. 715 ff.).

* The original Confession, written in Bohemian, liad been translated into German by
Michael Weiss, with several alterations favoring the Zwinglian doctrine of the Lord's
Supper and thus it was first printed at Zurich in 1532. The elders, dissatisfied with
;
this, caused a new translation to be prepared, which was issued at Wittenberg, 1531 :
" Rechenschaft des Glaubens, der Dienst u. Ceremonien der Bruder in Bohmen u. Miih-
ren, welche von etlichen Pickarden, u. von etlichen Waldenser genannt werden, sammt
einer nutzlichen Vorrede Dr. Martin Luthers" (the Preface is also in Luther's works,
—
the Margrave George of Brandenburg in 1532 ; and in the Preface

he expressed much regard for them, and showed great leniency
toward their pecuUar dogmatic formulas.^ Thus he regained the
confidence of the Brethren, and was often visited and questioned
by them.^ Following the example of the German Protestants in
Augsburg, the Brethren also handed in a Confession of Faith'' to
by Walch, xiv. 306). A new translation is the Apologia verae doctrinae eorum qui vul-
go appellantur Waldenses vel Picardi, oblata D. Georgio March. Brand, nunc demum
multis in locis aucta et recoguita anno 1538. Viteberg. 4. reprinted in Lydii Waldensia,
I., ii. 92. In the time between the first and this revised translation occurred the discus-
sions of the Brethren about the Iteratio haptismi of those who were converted from
Rome : rebaptism had been until now a custom with them, but it was abolished.
this
In the Apologia, in the Preface, f. 2, and Pars IV. De Baptismo aquae, f. 77, there is a
long discussion of the reasons which had previously led them to adopt rebaptism, and
for its present abolition. The fides Christi is, after f. 25, illius misericordiae, nostri gra-
tuito miserentis, habenda fiducia. Fol. 69 Sacramenta quemadmodum sunt res exter-
:
nae sensiles et terrenae, ita etiam ad extemos corporeosque sensus percellendos, a qui-
—
bus mens et intellectus omnia recipiunt, instituta quorum quidera quaedam ab ipso
:
Christo, quaedam vero ab Ecclesia tradita sunt. —

Quae vero institutionis Christi sunt,
haec apud nos modis omnibus praestare, ac incomparabiliter magis ad rationem salutis
requiri. That the bread and wine in the Lord's Supper are trulj- the body and blood of
Christ, is often insisted upon but it is further explained, f. 101 verso Quod si quis ad-
; :
huc mentem nostram in iis requirat audireque velit, dicimus, credimus et asserimus, cor-
pus Christi hie esse vere, spiritualiter, efiicaciter, sacramentaliter, sed non corporaliter,
sive sensibiliter corporibus, sed bene spiritibus ac mentibus nostris.
* Luther here says that for a long time he could not understand the explanations of the
Brethren about their doctrine, because they made use of entirelj' different expressions.
But after much discussion with them about their doctrine of the Lord's Supper, he had
ascertained that they agreed with him that in the Sacrament the true body and blood of
Christ were received. " Da ich das Stiicke befand, ward ich gelinder gegen ihrem Thun,
well sie doch sonst von der heil. Dreyfaltigkeit, von Christo, von dem ewigen Leben, u.
von alien Artikuln des Glaubens nicht unrecht lehreten noch hielten, u. beschloss, well
sie nahe bey der Schrift geblieben, dass man sie gar unbillig Ketzer gescholten hatte,
sonderlich bey den Papisten." He published this book to promote agreement with the
Brethren. "Denn wiewohl ich obgenannter Briider Weise zu reden nicht weiss anzu-
nehmen so will ich sie doch auch wiederum nicht tibereilen, noch so eben zwingen,
;
nach meiner Weise zu reden, sofern wir sonst der Sachen eins werden u. bleiben, bis dass
Gott weiter schicke nach seinem Willen. Denn weil sie ihre Lehre in einen solchen
Methodon oder Ordnung gefasset haben, desgleichen weder der Papst noch alle die seinen
nicht haben ; —
so haben doch wir auf unserm Theil eine heller u. gewisser Weise, von —
der Gnaden u. Vergebung der Siinden zu reden, weil wir die Werke u. Glauben so rein
u. richtig von einander scheiden, u. einem jeglichen sein eigen Art u. Amt zuschreiben.
Derhalben befehle ich dies Buchlein zu lesen u. zu urtheilen alien frommen Christen, u.
bitte, dass sie mit uns allesammt beten wollen Gott unsem Vater um Eintrachtigkeit
der Lehre u. des Glaubens u. ob jemand ware, dem nicht gnug in diesem Buchlein ge-
:
schehen ware, der wollte das anseben, wie sie sich demiithiglich erbieten, u. wenn sie
schon nichts anders damit verdienen, so ists doch billig, dass man sie das zubrochen
Rohr u. glummend Tocht sej-n lasse. Denn wir alle selbst auch noch nicht so ganz u.
voUkommen sind."
^ Thus in 1535 some Brethren were with him ; see his letter to their Senior, Benedict
Gube, April 18, 1535 (de Wette, iv. 599), also 1536 and 1542 ; see Comenius, ed. Buddeus,
p. 23, 25.
^ Prooemium Confessionis ann. 1573, in Camerarii Hist. Narratio de Fratram Orthod.
^
CHAP. II.— REFORMATION. § 14. IN BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA. 247
King Ferdinand in 1533. However, they only acquired that si-

which had been long conceded to them on account
lent toleration
of the circumstances of the times.
Among the Calixtines, too, the doctrine of Luther soon gained
an entrance.^ An assembly of the Estates in January, 1524, as-
sented to articles which provided for the continuation of the ref-
ormation begun by Huss, in the way set forth by Luther.^ And

the opposing party, which was strongest in Prague, effected the
abolition of these articles, in July, 1524,^*^ and the renewal of the
validity of the old compactata ; yet the number of the Lutheran
Calixtines greatly increased, and the only difference between them
and the Brethren consisted in their not adopting the strict church
discipline of the latter.^
Thus, at the period of the Smalcald war, the largest part of Bo-
hemia was attached to the Reformation. In the attack on the
Elector of Saxony all these Utraquists likewise saw that their
own faith was in peril. Hence their estates denied to King Fer-
dinand the aid of their troops they assembled of their own mo-
;
tion, prepared an army, and united with the Elector.^'^ After the
defeat of the latter, they were also obliged to submit." There-
Ecclesiis in Bohemia, p. 270 confessionem banc Ecclesiarum nostrarum, reliquis plenio-
:
rem, Bohemica lingua a nostris conscriptam anno 1535, exhibuerunt Regi Ferdinando —
II. Domini, qui Ecclesiis nostris conjuncti sunt et in sua ditione locum nobis concedunt.
Qui Rex et accepit et respondit Dominorum nostrorum legatis benignissime, eaque con-
fessio mox linguam latinam conversa, ut Vite-
typis expressa bohemice, et paulo post in
bergae t3'pis exprimeretur. Confessio Fidei ac Religionis Baronum ac Nobilium regni
Bohemiae Seren. ac Invict. Romanorum Bohemiae, etc., Regi Viennae Austriae sub anno
Dom. 1535, oblata. Witeberg, s. a. 4, with a Preface by Luther, reprinted in an Ap-
pendix to Lydii Waldensia, tom. ii (also in Niemej'er, Collectio Confessionum in Eccle-
siis Reformatis publicatarum, p. 771).
* Letters of two Utraquist clergj'men to him, 1519 see above, § 1, Note 50.
; Luther's
Admonition to the Bohemian land assembly, July 10, 1522, in de Wette, ii. 225.
' See Libri de Casibus et Seditionibus in Communitate Pragensi regnante D. Ludovi-
00 Rege Hungariae. These make the seventh book in G. B. Pontani a Braitenberg Bo-
hemia Pia. Francof. 1608, fol. p. 94. See those articles, ibid. p. 98.
1" The counter articles set forth by the magistracy of Prague see in Bohemia Pia, p.
;
103. On these controversies between the strict Utraquists and the adherents of the Ger-
man Reformation, see Von Bucholtz, Gesch. der Regierung Ferdinands I., iv. 439.
^'^
The envoj's of the Brethren, who came to Luther in 1542, related (Comenius, ed.
Buddeus, p. 25), quomodo Hussiticae per Bohemiam et Moraviam Ecclesiae paulatim
in Lutheranismum transeundo, doctrinam quidem Evangelii recipiant, in vitae tamen
christianae studio nihil emendent. Remque illam detrimento cedere Ecclesiis nostris •
—dum licentiosi alibi quoque purum Evangelium sine disciplinae jugo haberi posse jac-
tantes, ut se nobisnemo amplius adjungat, nonnulli etiam recedant, efficiant.
^^Menzel's neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, iii. 74 fF. Von Bucholtz, Gesch. der Re-
gierung Ferdinands I., vi. 341.
" Menzel, iii. 211. Von Bucholtz, vi. 404.
upon Ferdinand (1547) gave orders that in the royal domains in

future only Catholics and Utraquists, after the standard of the
compactata, should be tolerated, but not the Picards. or Brethren.
Many of the latter now emigi'ated to Poland and Russia but the;
larger part contrived to maintain their ground in Bohemia and

Moravia.^*
The Calixtines, too, would not be brought back to the compac-
tata, but adhered in part to the Lutheran, in part to the Swiss
Confession.'^ Next, when the Jesuits, from 1552, came into Bo-
hemia taking the lead in fighting against the Reformation,'^ they
insisted that these compacts should be enforced ; while the Calix-
tines struggled, on the other hand, to have them done away. Max-
imilian behaved very circumspectly toward the latter," but
II.
could not wholly protect them against the persecution of the Cath-
olics, newly stimulated by the Jesuits.'^ "When, in 1575, the Ca-
lixtines and Brethren united,'^ and handed to the King at the Diet,
'* Adr. Regenvolscii Sj-stema Historico-chronolog. Ecclesiarum Slavonicarum Traj.

ad Rhen. 1652, 4, p. 194. The Edict read, Ut omnes Picardi, qui nee Romanae, nee Bo-
hemicae, i. e. Calixtinae Ecclesiae subjici vellent, divenditis suis bonis intra dies 42 om-
nibus regiis possessionibus excederent. Illi enim, qui in fundis degebant Baronum et
equestris Ordinis virorum, nequaquam exterminati sunt. Lochner's Entstehung u. erste
Schicksale der Brudergemeinde (Nurnberg, 1832), s. 54 ff. Von Bucholtz, vi. 432.
'^ Regenvolscius, p. 70. Succedebant porro Calixtinis in Bohemia et Moravia non
solum Lutherani sive Augustanae Confessionis, sed etiam Helvetici seu Helveticae Con-
fessionis socii. Lutherani passim, Helvetici in ditionibus Nobilium et civitatibus qui-
busdam coetus suos habebant. —
Utrique loca et templa Calixtinorum occupabant, et in
plerisque ritus eorum externos sequebantur. Omnes autem isti Evangelici, tam Fra-
tres, quam Calixtini, iique postea alii Lutherani, alii Helvetici, nominabantur vulgo sub
utraque, nempe specie, coena Domini utentes, eoque titulo a Pontificiis, qui sub una,
discriminabantur.
^^ First 1552, Colloqui in Prag, Balbinus Epit. rerum Bohem. lib. v. c. 12, p. 593.
'
' Thus he conceded on the petition of the estates sub utraque, that in the confirma-
tion of landed privileges the compactata be omitted see Die andere Apologia der Stan-
;
de des Konigreichs Boheimb, so den Leib u. Blut imsers Herrn u. Heilands Jesu Christi
unter beider Gestalt empfahen, aus der Bohm. Sprach in die Teutsche versetzt, ann. 1619.
4. (particularly important on account of the 135 documents appended, pp. 121-505), s.
130.
'^See the document on grievances of 1575, in the Andere Apologia, s. 136.
^'After the precedence of the Consensus Sendomiriensis, agreed upon in 1570 be-
tween the Brethren, the Lutherans, and the Reformed in Poland. Comenius, ed. Bud-
deus, p. 41 : Anno 1575, celebravit Maximilianus comitia Pragae, ordinesque Regni sub
utraque sjTicretismum sub communi unius confessionis tessera inire permisit, frustra id,
quanquam omni nisu, tam Jesuitis quam Pseudo-Hussitis impedire tentantibus. Cum
enim supplicibus suis libellis protestation ibusque inter alia inseruissent, Ordines sub
utraque non esse in fide unanimes, sed fovere inter se Piccardos, Calvinistas, Luthera-
nos Ordines, ut consensum testari possent, confessionis communis conscribendae inive-
:
runt consilium, electris ad haec theologis certis, illisque ex Baronum, Nobilium, et Ci-
vico Ordine inspectoribus datis. His ergo magistri Pragenses obtulerunt libros M. Hus-
CHAP. II.—REFORMATION. § 14. IN BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA. 249
for his assent, a common confession, ^° Maximilian, in view of the

opposition of the Catholic estates, did not venture to give more
than an oral pledge.^^ Under the government of Rudolph, which
immediately followed (1576), the Jesuits obtained a preponderating
influence. Now the compactata alone were held to be valid and ;
there was much oppression of all that went beyond them, espe-
cially of the Brethren.^" By a letter patent, forced from the Em-
peror by the circumstances (January, 1609), entire legal equality
with the Catholics^^ was indeed given to all the adherents of the
Confession of 1575; but still, even in the reign of the Emperor
Matthias (from 1611) there were many violations of that religious
si, veterumque Bohemorum de religione fticta sj-noclica et comitialia decreta. Qui Aii-
gustanam confessionem erant amplexi (magna jam Ordinum pars), obtulerunt eandem
confessionena suam, sicut et suarn illi qui ex fratribus erant. Conferebant ergo in sin-
gulis fidei articulis et sensum, et loquendi formulas singularum partium, exprimebant-
que formulis talibus, quibus quaelibet pars subscribere posset et vellet, ad particularcs
nimis subtiles et scholasticas quaestionum differentias non descendeudo. Comp. Die
Documente in Z. Theobaldus, Hussitenlcrieg. Niirnberg, 1621, in the Appendix.
^^ It was originally written in Bohemian, and published first in German at Amberg,
1609, 8vo (also in the Appendix to Theobald), and in Latin at Frankfort, 1619 (also in
Niemej-er, Collectio Confessionum, p. 819). It is called the Bohemian, and also the
Augsburg Confession, because held by those in Bohemia who sympathized with the
Augsburg Confession. See Kcicher's Die drej' letzten und vornehmsten Glaubensbe-
kenntnisse der Bohm. Briider. Frankf. u. Leipz. 1741, 8vo ; in the Historical Preface,
p. 70. — This common Confession should not be confounded, as is often done, with one
that was previously handed in to the Emperor by the Brethren; for the Confession
given to King Ferdinand in 1535 (see Note 7) was revised in Bohemian in 1564, then
translated into German and presented to King Maximilian. Thereupon it was rendered
into Latin, provided with a Proemium of the date 1572 by the clergy of the United
Brethren, and published with an approving preface bj-- the theological facultj^ of Witten-
berg, in two editions, one Latin and the other German, at Wittenberg, 1573, 8vo. (Comp.
the Proemium to this edition; also given in Camerariiis, p. 271.) The Latin edition
may also be found in the Appendix to Lj-dii Waldensia, ii.
=^1
See the guarantee about their Confession of the Estates sub utraque, in the Andere
Apologia, s. 130.
22 Die andere Apologia, s. 9. In particular, the archbishop demanded that the priests
sub utraque should be consecrated by him, and take a wholly Catholic ordination vow
Andere Apologia, s. 140).
(see this in the
" Der Majestatsbrief v. Jahr 1609, aus einer Bohm. Urkunde ubersetzt, mit Anm. von
Joh. Borott. Gorliz, 1803 comp. Schmidt's Neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, Buch iii.
;
cap. 21. HaberMn's neueste teutsche Reichsgesch., xxii. 601. By this their own Con-
sistory was guaranteed to the Utraquists, the University of Prague given
up, the choice
of defensorcs allowed,and the provisions of the treaty of Augsburg extended to them.
" Es sollen auch wider den obbemeldeten errichtcten Religionsfrieden,
u. wider die von
Uns ihnen, den Stilnden snh utraque, ertheilte fcste Sicherung keine Befehle, u. nichts
was ihnen irgend worin die geringste Verhinderung oder einige Abander-
dergleichen,
ung verursachen konnte, weder von Uns, Unsern Erben u. nachfolgenden Konigen in
Boheim, noch von sonst jemandem an sie ergehen, auch von ihnfn nicht angenommen
werden. Wenn aber auch des etwas erfolgen, oder von wem immer angenommen
wer-
den mochte, soil es keine Kraft baben," etc.
250 FOURTH PERIOD—DIV. II.—A.D. 1517-1648,
pledge.^'* At last the Archbishop of Prague and the Ahhot of

Braunau, by seizing the newly-built evangelical churches, occa-
sioned a general insurrection (1618).^^ Matthias died during these
disturbances, and the Estates refused to acknowledge as king his
successor, Ferdinand II.,^° known to be a fanatical Catholic, and
committed theircrown to Frederick V., the young Elector of the

Palatinate. "When he was defeated, and Bohemia plundered by
the armies of Ferdinand, the land lost not only its civil, but also
its ecclesiastical freedom. Under the direction of the Jesuits, the
regulations against all became more strict
that were not Catholics
from year to and ended in 1627 with a demand enforced
year,^^
upon all, either to become Catholic or to quit the country. Ec-
clesiastical commissions went from place to place, and saw to it
that the order was enforced.^^ Many yielded, at least externally,
to the necessity ;
great crowds wandered to Saxony, Poland, and
Prussia ; but not a few were still enabled to maintain themselves
in their fatherland, and to be true to their old faith, though with
the greatest secrecy.^^
§ 15.
POLAND, PRUSSIA, AND LIVONIA.
In Poland,^ where the Hussite opinions had already in former
^* See Die andere Apologie, s. 19. Pelzel's Geseh. der Boh'men Prag ; u. Wien, 3te
Auf}., 1782, Th. 2, s. 680. Menzel's neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, vi. 159.
25
Die andere Apologie, s. 28, 109. Menzel, vi. 164.
26 Notes 28 and Compare Wolf's Maximilian,
See § 11, 29. iii. 664; iv. 224.
2' Under direction of the papal nuncio, Car. Carafa : at first, from fear of Saxonj-, it
seemed as though the persecution of the Utraquists would be confined to the Calvinists ;
but it soon became general see § 12, Note 3. At first, 1620, the Jesuits were restored;
:
1621, all Calvinistic ministers were expelled as rebels {Carafa Germania Sacra Restaura-
ta, p. 98 me pro muneris mei ratione diligenter instigante. Comp. the Decreta in the Ap-
:
pendix, p. 62, 63) 1622, the University of Prague was manned with Catholics (Pelzel, ii.
;
741) in spite of all the representations of Saxony, at the repeated urgency of the nun-
;
cio, the Lutheran preachers were expelled (Carafa, p. 134 sq.) 1623, the Emperor him- ;
self came to Prague, and encouraged this worlc of conversion (Carafa, p. 153 sq.) 1624, ;
decrees were issued that only Catholics could become citizens, and marrj' (Carafa, De-
creta, p. 75, 78).
=8 The imperial Instruction, in Carafa, Decreta, p. 86. Compare (J. A. Comenii) His-
toria Persequutionum Ecclesiae Bohemicae, s. 1. 745 ff.
1648, 12. Pelzel, ii.
2' See Carpzov's Religionsuntersuchung, s. 241. Especially' in the Duchj' of Fried-

land, in the district of Wsetinen, and under the barons of Zerotin and Waldstein.
' Adriani Regenvolscii (a fictitious name it was a Reformed preacher, Andreas Wen-
;
gierski), Systema historico-chronologicum Ecclesiarum Slavonicarum Ultrajecti, 1652.

4. Stanisl. Lubieniecii, Equitis Poloni, Hist, Reformationis Polonicae. Freistadii, 1685.
CHAP. II.—REFORMATION. § 15. POLAND, PRUSSIA, AND LIVONIA. 251
times, here and there, found some followers, the Lutheran Refor-
mation also gained many adherents, in spite of all opposition, par-
ticularly in the cities and among the nobility. These were most
numerous in the German cities of Polish Prussia. Elbingen de-
clared for the Reformation as early as 1523 ; in Dantzic there
was a violent attempt to make it predominant in 1525, which
was suppressed by the King, without, however, destroying the at-
tachment to it. Thorn soon followed these examples.^
In the Grand-mastership of Prussia,^ on the contrary, the Ref-
ormation spread without hinderance. As early as 1523, at the
suggestion of the Grand - master, Albert of Brandenburg, two
preachers were sent by Luther to Konigsberg in the same year ;
George von Polenz, Bishop of Samland, and soon afterward Erhardt

von Quels, Bishop of Pomerania, embraced the Reformation Al- ;
bert himself renounced the Teutonic Order in 1525, confessed tlie
Reformation, and took Prussia as a secular duchy in fief from

Poland, at the peace of Cracau, April 9, 1525. Thus the Ref-
ormation was in a short time generally accepted, and Albert, in
1544, founded the University of Konigsberg to sustain and pro-
mote it.*
In Livonia the Reformation was preached quite as early,^ and

soon spread over the whole land, Riga taking the lead, favor-
ed by the lords of the land, who had been independent of the
Unitarianism). Salig's Historie der Augsb. Confession, ii. 515.

8. (this refers chiefl}' to
Die Schicksale der Polnischen Dissidenten, Hamburg, 1768-70. 3 Th. 8. Chr. G. v.
Friese's Kirchengeschicte des Konigreichs Polen (2 Theile. Breslau, 1786. 8.), Th. 2.
[Yalerian Krasinski, Histors' of the Reformation in Poland, 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1838 its ;
Historj', Constitution, and Literature, Lond., 1855. Dunham's Historj' of Poland, in

Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopedia, 1841. J. Fletcher, Historj' of Poland, Lond., 1831. N. A.
De Salvandy, Histoire de Pologne avant et sous Jean Sobieski, 2 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1841.
J. Lelevel, Histoire de Pologne, 2 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1844. R. Roepell, Geschichte von
Polen Hamb. 1841. Fasti Polonici, 1624 sq., published at Breslau, 1854.]
;
^ Hartknoch's Preuss. Kirchenhistorie, s. 658.
3 Christ. Hartknoch's Preuss. Kirchenhistorie. Frankf. a. M. 1686. 4. D. H. Ar-

noldt's kurzgefasste Kirchengesch. des Konigreich's Preussen, 1769. 8. Georg v. Po-
lenz, der allererste evang. Bischof, v. Dr. Bockel, in Stiiudlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv
f. alte u. neue Kirchengesch., iv. 355. Der Dom zu Konigsberg in Preussen, von Gebser
u. Hagen. Konigsb. 1835 (Abth. 1, Gesch. der Domkirche u. des Bisthums Samland,
with a full account of the reform in the dukedom of Prussia, bj' Gebser. [Comp. George
von Polentz, der erste evangel. Bischof, von George v. Polenz. Halle, 1858.]
* D. H. Amoldt's ausfiihrl. u. mit Urkunden versehene Historie der Konigsb. Univer-
sitat. 2 Th. Konigsb. 1746. 8.

5 F. K. Gadebusch, Lievlandische Jahrbiicher, Th. 1. Riga, 1780. 8. L. A. Gebhardt's
Gesch. V. Liefland, Esthland, Kurland, u. Semgallen (allgem. Welthistorie, Th. 50),
s. 477.
252 FOUETH PEKIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
Grand-master of the Teutonic Order since 1521 ; this, too, in spite
of all the efforts of the Archbishop of Riga.^
Under these circumstances King Sigismund, who died in 1548,

with all his prohibitions, could not prevent the progress of the
Reformation in Poland His son and successor, Sigismund
also.
August, was inclined to the Reformers ;' but at first, on account

of the power of the bishops, he could not change any thing in the
existing laws. This obstacle, however, was removed in proportion
as the nobility declared themselves, in increasing numbers, to be
on the side of the Reformation.® At the diet at Petrikow, in 1555,
the representatives of the country went so far as to demand a na-
tional council to adjust the religious disputes, the result of which,
^ As early as August, 1523, Luther addressed a piinted epistle to the confessors of the
Gospel in Riga, Reval, and Dorpat (in de Wette, ii. 374).

His two court preachers, J. Cosmenius and Laur. Prasnisius, were attached to the
''
Reformation, as was also the Franciscan, Franc. Lismanius, confessor of the widowed
Queen Bona (Regenvolscius, p. 124). The King held the Institutions of Calvin in spe-
cial esteem (Salig, ii. 572). Calvin dedicated to him, 1549, his Comm. in Epist. ad He-
braeos ; he here says, among other things Con-uptum deformatumque Dei cultum,
:
quia innumerae in ejus locum superstitiones irrepserint, intelligis gi'atiam Christi mul- :
tis tenebris indigne obrutam, vim mortis ejus imminutam, ipsum fere laceratum ac dis-
cerptum, eversa funditus salutis fiducia conscientias misere, imo horrendum in modum
:
vexatas fuisse atque cruciatas, a sincera rectaque Dei invocatione in varias perplexas-
que ambages miseros homines abductos, Ecclesiam crudeli tj'rannide oppressam, deni-
que nuUam Christianismi partem sinceram relictam esse. Hac te intelligentia, o Rex
nobilissime, non frustra a Deo fuisse credibile est, quin ministrum ad res magnas ele-
gerit. Ac ne innoxius piorum sanguis de inclj'to Poloniae regno vindictam exposcens,
tantam ejus felicitatem nunc retardet ne qua gutta funderetur hactenus, mirifica Dei
:
indulgentia factum fuit. Ea fuit dementia et mansuetudine felicis memoriae Rex Sigis-
mundus Majestatis tuae pater, ut quum saevitiae contagio tot Christiani orbis regiones
occupasset, ipse puras manus Jam vero Tua Nobilitas, adeoque eximii
continuerit.
quique inter tuos proceres non modo Christum se illis offerentem facile admittunt, sed
—
cupide jam ad eum aspirant. Agedum ergo, Magnanime Rex, faustis Christi auspiciis
curam cum regia tua celsitudine, turn heroica virtute dignam suscipe ut aeterna Dei :
Veritas, qua et ejus gloria, et hominum salus continetur, quacunque imperium tuum pa-
tet, jus suum Antichristi latronicio ereptum recuperet. Calvin exhorts the King still
more earnesth- to begin th^ reformation in Non. Dec, 1554 (Calvini Epis-
an epistle dd.
tolae Genev, 1575, p. 139). He received a gracious response, as appears from his letter
to the King, 1555 (1. c, p. 167): Ex litteris, quas M. V. mittere dignata est, intelligo,
meam sedulitatem gratam fuisse, nee fastidio vel contemptu rejectum fuisse meum illud
scriptum. —
Imo quia M. V. illud se humaniter excepisse, et libenter se inspexisse testa-
tur, et ubi liberius otium contigerit, sibi in animo esse attentius singulas ejus partes me-
ditari, plus inde fiduciae ad iterandum scribendi officium ofterri mihi visum est. In the
year 1556 Melancthon also wrote to the King, and sent to him the Augsburg Confession ;
see the letter in Lubieniecii, Hist. Ref. Pol., p. 91.

* Lochneri Comm. qua enarrantur Fata et Rationes earum Familiarum Christ, in Po-
lonia, quae ab Ecclesia Rom. Cath. alienae fuerunt inde ab eo tempore, quo Fratres Bo-
henii eo migraverant usque ad .Consensus Sendomiriensis tempus in the Acta Societatis
Jablonovjanae nova, T. iv. fasc. ii. (Lips., 1832. 4.) p. 25 ss.
;
CHAP. II.—KEFORMATION. § 15, IN POLAND. 253
without doubt, would have heen the general introduction of the

Reformation f and Rome had to use all the means at its com-
mand to prevent it.^° Now, too, the King expressly conceded re-
ligious freedom" to the Dantzic (1556), Thorn, and El-

cities of
bingen (1558), and granted admission to all public dignities to the

evangelical nobles of Lithuania (1563).^^
The whole of evangelical Livonia in 1561 was united with Po-
land by a treaty with the chief commander, Gotthard Kettler, in-
suring its religious freedom ; Kettler received, on the other hand,
Courland and Semgallen as a secular dukedom and Polish fief,
and here, too, made the Reformation predominant.^^

In the train of the Reformation, however, its divisions gradually
penetrated into Poland. Its first adherents followed Luther alone
but afterward many of them turned to the Zwinglian doctrine
of the Lord's Supper and when the "Wittenberg Concordia^'' had
;
died out, the Augsburg and the Swiss Confessions were also sep-
arated in Poland.^^ Thither, too, came, in 1548, the Brethren'^
' Eegenvolscius, p. 77.

" The King demanded of the Pope, through embassadors : 1. The celebration of tlie
mass in the mother tongue ; 2. Communion under both kinds ; 3. Permission of the
marriage of priests ; 4. Abolition of the annates ; 5. A national council to rectify abuses

and to adjust religious disputes du Cone, de Trente, liv. 5, c. 23, ed.
; see Sarpi, Hist,
Courayer, ii. 154. The Pope, 1556, sent Alo3'sius Lipomanus, Bishop of Verona, as leg-
ate to Poland (see the Acts in Eaynald, 1555, No. 55 ss.), who, however, at the diet had
to put up with hearing himself greeted by the deputies with a Salve progenies viperarum
(Lubieniecius, p. 76). The Pope wrote to the Archbishop of Gnesen (Raynaldus, 1555,
No. 61) Illud quidem, de quo actum fuerat, ut Concilium vestrae Nationis Episcopo-
:
rum isthic haberetur ad componendas de fide et religione controversias, nullo modo a

—
nobis probari potuisset. Neque enim in Conciliis Provinciae aut Nationis alicujus de
fidei religionisque catholicae dogmatibus disceptari ac statui quidquam, vel Majorum
nostrorum instituta, vel juris ratio, et Sacrorum Canonura decreta patiuntur: de his
enim rebus in oecumenicis generalibusque Conciliis agendum, ut quae ad omnes perti-
nent ab omnibus approbentur. Lipomani bj' his severitj' provoked hatred, and did
not bring much to pass more was achieved by his successor, Joh. Franz Commendon,
;
who came to Poland in 1563 (see his Instructions in SchelUorn's Ergotzlichkeiten aus
der Kirchenhist., ii. 749).
^' Lengnich's Gesch. der Preussischen Laude unter Konig Sigism. Augusto (Danzig,
1723, fol.), ii. 156.
'-Fundamenta liberae Religionis Evangelicorum, Eeformatorum et Graecorum in
Regno Poloniae, 1764, fol. App. A. (Wernsdorfs), Erweis der Gerechtsamen der Dissi-
denten in Polen. Berhn, 1772. 8., s. 48.
'^ See Note 5.
K. L. Tetsch's Kurlandische Kirchenhistorie bis zum Ableben Gott-
hards ersten Herzogs v. Kurland, 3 Theile. Riga, 1767-70. 8.
'* See
§ 8, Note 26.
15 According to Eegenvolscius, p. 120, the Swiss Confession first appeared at Cujavien
in 1544.
1^ See § 14, Note 14. preacher, from
Their first church was in Posen, and their first
^
:
expelled from Bohemia, who, however, in 1555, retaining their

church government, attached themselves to the Reformed.^^ Next,
the Unitarian Italians, especially after they had been expelled
from G-eneva, in 1558, found much access to the Polish nobility,^
and established a church of their own, after they were rejected, at
the Synod of Petrikow, in 1555, from communion with the Re-
formed, with whom at first they connected themselves.^^ On the
other hand, the Lutherans, under the influence of the Melanctho-
nian school which ruled in Wittenberg, ^^ united with both the
Reformed and the Brethren at the Synod of Sendomir, in 1570.^^
After this union, King Sigismund August, who had taken offense
only at the quarrels of the Reformation, was upon the point of
declaring himself in its favor f^ but he died in 1572, and with
1553, was George Israel see Lochner's Entstehung u. erste Schicksale der Briiderge-
;
meinde in Bohmen u. Mahren, u. Leben des Georg Israel (Niirnberg, 1832), s. 64, 71.
The Brethren were spread abroad, especially in Great Poland.
1' At the General Sj'nod at Cosminer Eegenvolscius, p. 70. Calvin testified his joy
;
at this in Ep. ad Stan. Carninski, dd. IV. Cal. Jan., 1555 (ed. Genev., 1575, p. 170) so, ;
too, Wolfg. Musculus, in Berne see Comenius, ed. Buddeus, p. 29.

;
" Peter Gonesius, a Pole, who had been in Wittenberg and Moravia, first advanced
the Unitarian positions, after his return in 1556 Lubieniecius, p. 111. But in 1558
;
came thither, besides others, George Blandrata, Joh. Paul. Alciatus, Joh. Val. Gentilis.
Salig's Gesch. d. Augsb. Conf., ii. 625. Lochner Comm., in the Act. Soc. Jablon., iv.
ii. 86 ss.
•1' Lubieniecius, p. 201. As earlj- as 1564 a royal edict had warned the Italians to
quit the country (Regenvolsc, p. 222) but it was not obej-ed. Accordinglj', at the
;
Diet of Lublin, 1566, it was ordered that the Anabaptists and Tritheites should leave
the kingdom in the course of the month (Lubieniecius, p. 194).
^''
The Brethren, whose doctrines in several points were blamed by the Polish Lu-
therans (Lochner Comm., p. 96 ss., p. 137 ss.), sent, in 1568, a deputation to Wittenberg,
which there received an honorable testimony to the orthodoxj' of the Brethren (see the
Acts in Lbscher's Historia Motuum, iii. 41).
^^
D. E. Jablonski Hist. Consensus Sendomiriensis, cui subjicitur ipse Consensus.
Berolini, 1731. 4. Lochner Comm., p. 167 ss. Church government and usages were
left unaltered as to the Eucharist, thej' united in the statement (Jablonski, p. 190)
;
substantialem praesentiam Christi non significari duntaxat, sed vere in Coena eo ve-
scentibus repraesentari, distribui et exhiberi corpus et sanguinem Domini, sj-mbolis ad-
jectis ipsi rei minime nudis, secundum Sacramentorum naturam. Then they also adopt-
ed the definitions of the Confessio Saxonica (see § 9, Note 27).
^^ On the state of affairs should be especiallj' consulted the epistles of Stanislaus Ho-
sius, in Stanisl. Carncovii Ep. Wladislaviensis Epistolae illustrium virorum. Cracov.,
1578. 4. (reprinted in Dlugossi Hist. Polon., ed. Lips., ii. 1633), lib. i. Thus Hosius wrote
to the King,Ep. 9: Quaeso Majestatem Vestram, ut ipsa secum expendat, quale sit eo-
rum novam quandam illi fidiculam obtrudunt, et earn judicio Majestatis
consilium, qui
Vestrae comprobari volunt quin et illud audent postulare, ne quid Episcoporum, sed
:
Haereticorum judicio tribuat omnia. Qualera autem fidiculam ofFerunt? eam certe,
quam non solum verum etiam ipsi rident Germani Lutherani, et eam vocant
Christian!,
ocream Polonam, Ep. 16 ad Stanisl. Camcovium, dd. S. Joh. Bapt., 1568: non
etc.
jam doceri volunt oves a pastore, sed pastori docendi formam praescribere, quod mihi fit
CHAP. II.—REFORMATION. § 15. IN POLAND. 255
him expired the male branch of the Jagello dynasty, and Poland
became an elective monarchy. In the consultations about the
first election, the estates determined upon a general confederation
to limit the royal power, 1573; all the following Kings were
obliged to assent to the prescribed conditions by Pacta conventa ;
among these was the Pax dissidentium, which gave equal rights
to all churches existing in the kingdom.^^ The royal power was
ab haedis meis Elbingensibus. Persuadet sibi Burgimagister, se plus in scripturis intel-

ligere, quam non solum Episcopus ejus civitatis intelligat, verura etiam tota catholica
Ecclesia. Posteaquam vero jugum Episcoporum excusserunt, Regiam quoque Majesta-
tem non pluris faciunt. A nemine cogi, sed ipsi cogere volunt omnes. De Trideismo —
ejiciendo non video cur magis laboret (Rex), quam de sectis aliis extirpandis quin illi- :
us ego sententiam valde probo, qui dixit bellum haereticorum pax est Ecclesiae. Mor-
:
deant et comedant invicem, ut tanto citius consumantur ab invicem. De Augustana

—
Confessione praecipuam esse vellem R. D. V. curam. Ut hoc fundamentum subrui pos-
set, omnes nobis machinae sunt adhibendae. —
Ego vero scripsi Regiae Majestati, si vel-
let novam fidem concedere meis haedis Elbingensibus, ut illis permitteret Gregorianam
(the Unitarian) potius. Nam frustra fieri per plura, quod potest fieri per pauciora : nam
ad illam pervenietur ad extremum. — Sat scio, quod quibusdam, etiam Ordinis
secus'
nostri viris, visum fuit in Comitiis Lublinensibus. Nimirum ut duae tantum sectae pro-
scriberentur, Lutherismus autem et Calvinismus canonisaretur. Quod autem scribit R.
D. V. de admissione nescio qua Comitiorura, vivendi et credendi suo arbitratu, uiemi-
nerunt etiam Elbingenses in scripto suo, quod mihi transmiserunt, ejus rei. Sed ego
de admissione hac nihil hactenus certi cognoscere potui. Ep. 22 ad eundem, dd. 14.
Oct., 1570. One Clefeld had assured him, quod Regia INIajestas omnino pollicita fuerit,
se recepturam Confessionem Augustanam. Et propterea Vilnae novum templum aedi-
ficaverat, ut ibi praedicaretur Evangelium —
secundum Lutherum. Another had told
him ego tibi sancte promitto, quandoquidem certum est, Majestatem Regiam in his
:
quae instant Comitiis aliquid in causa religionis constituere velle, me, quaecunque con-
stituta fuerint, alacriter ea recepturum. —Et in proximis Comitiis Lublinensibus (Aug.,
1569) haec omnia fere quae nunc scribo renuntiata per me fuerunt Regiae Majestati.
Dixi passim in Prussia spargi, quod nova quaedam fidicula in his Comitiis condi debe-
ret: banc potissimum ob causam ad ea me profectum esse. Respondit mihi Majestas—
ejus, me non debere credere vulgi sermonibus, nihil tale sibi in mentem venisse un-
quam, se constanter in confessione fidei Catholicae —
permansuram. Visa est Majestas —
illiushoc sermone meo permoveri, nisi quod crebrius audit haereticos quam Catholicos,
quum eorum sit major vigilantia. Ex quo fit, ut si quam in rectam sententiam sit per-
ducta, facile de ea se dimoveri patiatur. —
Nulla fere XV. his annis Comitia fuerunt, in
quibus haeretici quod voluerunt non obtinuerint. Ep. 23 ad eundem, dd. 13. Jan., 1571.
Utinam adduci posset Regia Majestas, ut id faceret, quod ab ea supplex petivi: nimi-
rum ut palam Christum confiteretur, seque non alium Christum agnituram unquam
praeter eum, qui fuit agnitus 600 jam annis in Polonia, coram omnibus testatum faciat.
Haec mihi sola esse videtur ratio, qua rationibus Ecclesiae vel potius Regni totius pro-
spici possit.
^^ The document is in
the Jura et Libertates Dissidentium in Religione Christiana in
Regno Poloniae et M. D. Lithuaniae. Berolini, 1708, fol., p. 7, and Nova Acta Histo-
rico-eccles., vii. 726. —
Universi nobis invicem spondemus, in Regem non consentien-
dum prius, quam Jura nostra omnia post electionem illi ofFerenda jurejurando confirma-
verit, —
imprimis vero jurejurando recipiat, pacem universalem inter Dissidentes in Re-
ligione conservari et tueri. —
Quandoquidem autem in hac Republica non parvum repe-
ritur dissidium incausa Religionis Christianae occurrendo ne ea de causa inter incolas
;
pemiciosa aliqua seditio oriatur, cujus exempla in aliis Regnis luculenter videmus, spon-
now SO weakened that neither the strictly Catholic opinions of
Henry of Valois (1574), nor the inclination of Stephen Batori

(1575-86) to tolerance,^* could have much influence upon eccle-
siastical affairs ; these were mainly dependent upon the nobility
and their relation to the bishops.
In Poland, as every where else, there began about this time a
reaction toward Catholicism.^^ The most dangerous foe of the
Reformation, Stanislaus Hosius, Bishop of Culm, afterward of
Ermeland, and cardinal (t 1579),^^ called the Jesuits into Poland,
and founded for them the first college in Braunsberg, in 1565.
The other bishops followed his example, and thus Jesuit colleges
sprung up in many cities.^^ The successful agency of the Jesuits
began under the strictly Catholic Sigismund III. (1587-1632).
The fact that this King conferred all offices and dignities only
upon Catholics induced many of the nobility to go over to the
Catholic Church.^^ But the Jesuit colleges had a still more im-
portant influence upon the young nobles, being frequented by
them in great numbers as the best institutions for education in
demus omnes pro nobis et successoribus nostris in perpetuiim, sub vinculo juramenti,
fide, honore, et conscientiis nostris, ut qui sunius Dissidentes de religione, pacem inter
nos conservare, et propter diversam fidem et ritum in Ecclesiis sanguinem non effun-
dere, neque poenas imponere confiscationis bonorum, infamiae, carceris, exilii et alicui ;
Superioritati et Officio ad ejusmodi processum nullo modo auxilium dare: quinimo si

aliquis ilium effundere voluerit ex ista causa, opponere se omnes tenebimur. It is to be
noted that the name Dissidents is here used for all, including the Catholics it was only ;
later that was confined to the non-Catholics.

it
-* Compare the answers which he gave to the zealous Catholics who called upon him
to suppress the heretics (Regenvolscius, p. 215) : Res sum populorum, non conscientia-
rum. —Nolle se conscientiis dominari, siquidem Deus haec tria sibi reservarit, creare
aliquid ex nihilo, nosse futura, et dominari conscientiis.
^^ Ranlie's Fiirsten u. Volker von Siid-Europa, iii. 78, 365.
^^ On him see Salig's Hist. d. Augsb. Conf., ii. 598. Among his works (ed. Antverp.,
1571 and Colon., 1584, 2 Tomi, fol.) the most important is his Confessio Catholicae Fidel
(i. 1 sq.), which was set forth at the S.ynod of Petrikow in 1551, and was fol- a long time
the point of union for the Catholics. How shown especially in his
fanatical he was is
Letters to King Henry and his Confessor (0pp., ii. 358, 359), in which he complains that
the King had sworn assent to the Pax dissidenthmi, but, at the same time, laj'S it upon
his conscience not to keep this oath. He writes to the King Supplex Majestatem V. :
peto, sicut peccando Petrum est secuta, sic et pro peccato suo satisfaciendo Petrum imi-
tetur, errorem suum corrigat, et sciat, quod juramentum non est \'inculum iniquitatis,
nee ullius absolutionis indigere se ab hoc juramento, sibi certo persuasum habeat. Quan-
doquidem cassa et irrita sunt omnia omni jure, quae per Majestatem tuam parum con-
siderate facta sunt.
" Sacchini Hist. Soc. Jesu, P. ii. lib. viii. 114, P. iii. lib. i. 112, lib. vi. 103. Hart-
knoch, s. The laws prescribed by the Pope to the college in Braunsberg, see in
1049.
Theiner's Scliweden, and his Stellung zum heil. Stuhle, Th. 2. Urkundenbuch, s. 153.
^^ Ranke, iii. 369.
CHAP. II.—REFORMATION. § 16. HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA. 257
the land. Thus many evangelical churches in the country lost

the protection of their noble lords, and in the cities the larger part
of their churches were gradually taken from them by the decis-
ions of the Catholic courts f^ and the disciples of the Jesuits were
often so far led astray by the arrogance of the nobles and ecclesi-
astical fanaticism that they violently attacked the dissidents and
their churches, raging against them with slaughter and burnings.^"
The Evangelical party was protected only in the domains of the
nobleswho remained attached to their faith.
The King who succeeded, Vladislas IV, (1632-48), was per-
sonally very tolerant, and caused the Religious Conference of
Thorn^^ to be held in 1645, to bring about peace among the con-
tending parties ; but he could not radically alter the existing state
of affairs.
§ 16.
IN HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA.

Jo. Burli (Eccl.Evang. Carponensis V. D. M. Leopoldo I. Imp.) Micae liistorico chro-
nologicae (MS. highlj- esteemed, and much used by subsequent historians; see Dr.
Czvittinger spec. Huugariae literatae, p. 94 ss.). Historia diplomatica de statu reli-
gionis Evangelicae in Huugaria, 1710, fol. (Pauli Ember, Debreceni) hist. Ecclesiae
reformatae in Hungaria et Transj'lvania, locupletata a F. A. Lampe. Traj. ad Rhen.
1728. 4. Salig's Gesch. d. Augsb. Conf., ii. 803. Jo. Ribini (preacher in Pressburg)
^' See the grievances of the cities as presented to the diets of 1601
and 1605, in Hart-
knoch, s. 1070, 1072.
^° Especially in Posen and Cracau: see Regenvolsclus,
p. 223, s. 231 ss., 244.
^^ Acta Couventus Thoruniensis. Varsaviae, 1646. 4. They are also in Calovii Hist.
Syncretistica, p. 199. On this conference see D. H. Hering's neue Beitr. zur Gesch. d.
Ref. Kirche in den Preuss. Brand. Landern, ii. 1. C. W. Hering's Gescn. d. Kirchl.
Unionsversuche, ii. 1. The royal instructions for the conferees state the object of the
conference as follows (Calovius, p. 234) : Concordiam et unitatem Religionis ac beatam
Ecclesiae Patriaeque pacem, omnium votis tantopere expetitam. The business of the
collocutors is —
comprised in tribus actionibus. Ac in prima quidem investigent quam
accuratissime propriam et genuinam singularum partium doctrinam et sententiam. In
altera de veritate vel falsitate doctrinae conferantin tertia, si quid circa praxes et
:
mores controversum sit, discutiant. Primum, i. e., perfectam totius doctrinae liquida-
tionem et sincerationem permagni facimus, cum compertum Nobis sit, maximam Jam
praesentium malorum causam esse sinistras partium intelligentias, et hoc uno fomite
tarn luctuosum dissidium in hoc inprimis Regno foveri. They were mutually to ex-
plain their doctrinal positions so long, donee cuivis liquido— constare possit, quid una-
quaeque pars revera docuerit, quidve putetur vel fingatur docuisse. The true doctrine
as held I)y all parties thus eliminated, haec sola
sit, turn sequentium in hoc Congressu
collocutionum, tum (si forte pax nondum perfecte coalesceret) futurarum deinceps dis-
putationum, scriptionum, concertationum materia, semotis omnibus figmentis, cavillis,
criminationibus; imo penitus extinctis funestis hisce odiorum, irarum, infestationum
facibus et incitabulis. However, even-this object of the conference was not fulfilled.
VOL. IV. 17
258 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648,
Memorabilia Augustanae Confessionis in Regno Hungariae de Ferdinando I. usque

ad Carolum VI., 2 Tom., 1787-89. 8. Kurze Gesch. der Evang. Luther. Kirche in
Ungarn vom Anfange d. Ref. bis Leopold II. Gottingen, 1794. 8. (Mich. Dion. Do-
leschal's, preacher at Vag Ujhely.) Die wichtigsten Schicksale der Evang. Kirche
Augsb. Bekenntnisses in Ungarn v. J. 1520 bis 1608. Leipzig, 1828. Historia Ec-
clesiae Evang. Aug. Confessioni addictorum in Hungaria universe, praecipue vero in
XIII. oppidis Scepusii (Zips) Halberstadt, 1830. 8.
Chr. Schesdi Oratio de Origine reparatae et propagatae coelestis Doctrinae in Transyl-
vania 1580, in the Fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen, 1732. s. 559.
Ge. Haner Hist. Ecclesiarum Transylvanicarum. Francof. et Lips., 1694. 12. Jos.
Benko (Reform, preacher in Kozep-Ajta) Transsilvania, P. i. Tom. ii. (Vindobonae,
1778. 8.) p. 121 (lib. iv. cap. 12, de statu ecclesiastico).
[Scriptores Rerum Hungariaerum, veteres ac genuini recens. J. G. Schwandtner. Vin-
;
dob., 1746, 2 fol. Peterffj-, C, Sacra Concilia Ecclesiae Romano-Catholicae in Regno

Hungariae celebrata, MXVL usque ad a. MDCCXXXIV. Viennae, 1742. 2 fol. Count
Mailath, Gesch. der Magj'aren, 5. 8vo, 1820-30. Zweite Ausg., 1852-55. Ladislas
Szalay, Hist. Hungar., 5 vols. 8vo. (to 1690). Geschichte d. Evang. Kirche in Un-
garn, mit Riicksicht auf Siebenbiirgen. Berl., 1854. Historj' of Protestantism in
Hungarj-, with a Preface bj' Dr. Merle D'Aubigne. Lond., 1854. Mich. Horvath,
—
Gesch. Ungarns. Pesth, 1854, 2 Bde. 8vo. J. Paget, Hungary and Transylvania, 2.
8vo. Lond., 1839. J. A. Fessler, Gesch. d. Ungarn, 10. 8vo. Leipz., 1815-25. De
Sacj", Histoire generale de Hongrie, 2. 12mo. Paris, 1778.]
The Bohemian Brethren who had, in earher times, emigrated

into Hungary remained insignificant in numhers and influence.
On the other hand, however, the connection which existed he-
tween the numerous Grermans that were living in the Hungarian
cities and Transylvania and their fatherland contributed directly
and strongly to the introduction of the writings and doctrine of

Luther. Many young Hungarians went to Wittenberg to study,'
and then became the heralds of the Reformation in their own
land. The clergy, who were strong, opposed them with great
zeal, and in 1523 had a bloody law passed against the Reforma-
tion ;- but still many cities and several powerful nobles^ joined in
the movement. After 1523 they had the upper hand in Herraann-
stadt.* In 1525 the five royal free cities in Upper Hungary de-
clared for the Reformation.^
^ Ribini, i. 5. G. Bod de Reformationis Hungaricae Ministris Diss., in Gerdesii Scri-
nium Antiquarium, vii. 346.
^ The proposal of the Diet of Ofen, sanctioned by the King, was, Artie. LIV (Histo-
ria Diplom., p. 3 Lampe, p. 58) Omnes Lutheranos et eorum fautores, ac factioni ipsi
; :
adhaerentes, tanquara publicos haereticos, hostesque sacratissimae Virginis Mariae, poe-

na capitis et ablatione omnium bonorum suorimi Majestas Regia veluti catholicus Prin-
ceps puuire dignetur. Then, 1525 (1. c.) Lutheran! omnes de regno exstirpentur, et ubi-
:
cunque reperti fuerint, non solum per ecclesiasticas, verum etiam per saeculares personas
libere capiantur et comburantur. On the author of these laws, see Ribini, i. 10 ss.
^ G. Bod de Reformationis Hungaricae Patronis Diss., in Gerdesii Serin. Antiqu.,
vii. 133.
* Compare the King's admonitorj' epistle to this citj'; Hist. Dipl., p. 3; Lampe, p. 59.
^ Leutschau, Seben, Bartfeld, Eperies, and Caschau ; Lampe, p. 64.
;
After the death of King Louis II., who fell in the battle of Mo-
hacz, two rivals contended for the Hungarian throne, Archduke
Ferdinand, and John of Zapolya, Voy vode of Transylvania. Both
renewed the laws for the persecution of the new doctrine ; but the
execution ofthem was hindered by domestic wars, and the Refor-
mation made incessant progress. Many of the nobility declared
for it Hermannstadt, in 1529, expelled all priests and monks
;
and Cronstadt soon followed this example.^ Among the distin-

guished preachers of the Reformation in Hungary was Matthias
Devay (called Lutherus Ungaricus),' who returned in 1531 from
Wittenberg to his native land in Transylvania, John Honter, who
;
in 1533 came back from Basle to his native city, Cronstadt, and
worked for the new doctrines by a printing-press and as a preacher.^
By the Peace of 1538 Ferdinand was confirmed in his possession
of the throne John was to retain only during his lifetime the
;
royal title, Transylvania, and a portion of Upper Hungary. Yet

still, after John's death in 1540, his widow, Isabella, endeavored
to retain these possessions, with the aid of Turkey, for her lately-
born son, John Sigismund. She was, however, restricted to
Transylvania, while a large part of Hungary fell into the hands
of Turkey.
The country being thus divided up and engrossed with war,
neither Isabella in Transylvania,' nor Ferdinand in that part of
Hungary which remained to him, could put a check upon the
Reformation. The whole Saxon population of Transylvania, at
the Synod of Medwisch, adopted the Augsburg Confession a like ;
solemn declaration in its favor followed in the same year in Hun-

gary at the Synod of Erdod, with which the Transylvanian Hun-
garians connected themselves.^ In all parts of the land synods
were held to establish and arrange the new Church. After the
defeat of the Smalcald confederates, Ferdinand, at the Diet of
Pressburg, did indeed forbid heresies ;^'' but only Anabaptists and
Sacramentarians seemed to be aimed at in the prohibition. No
* Benko Transsilvania, i. ii. 125.
' On him see Lampe, p. 72. Ribini, i. 30.
^ Dav. Czvittingeri Specimen Hungar. literatae. Francof. et Lips., 1711. 4. p. 178.
' Lampe, p. 92 s.
*" Ribini, i. 70. Art. V. Cultum divinum et religionem ad pristinam normam esse
redigendam, et haereses undique tollendas. Art. XI. Anabaptistas et Sacramentarios,
— qui adhuc in regno supersunt, prociil expellendos esse de omnium bonis nee am- ;
—
plius illos —intra regni fines esse recipiendos.
steps were taken against the royal cities in Upper Hungary, which
in 1549 handed in to the King their Confession^^ (Confessio Pen-
tapolitana). In the Turkish part of Hungary the Reformation
advanced unimpeded. ^^
After Isabella, expelled by Ferdinand in 1551, had been brought
back by the aid of the Turks in 1556, and again assumed the gov-
ernment of Transylvania, in order to insure for her son the land
which was already, for the most part, submissive to the Heforma-
tion, she was forced to give her assent to the decree of the Diet of
Clausenburg (1557), by which equal rights with the Catholics were
conceded to the adherents of the Augsburg Confession.^^
The unpropitious controversy about the Lord's Supper unfortu-
nately very early found an echo in Hungary but still the Augs- ;
'
' Ribini, i. 76. The Confession is there given, p. 78 ss. By Lampe, Salig, and oth-
ers, this Confession is erroneous!)' assigned to the year 1530.
'- On the circumstances attending the Reformation, compare the letters written in
these years from Hungarians to persons in other countries : for example, that of Emeri-
cus Zigerius to Flacius, 1549, published by the latter in German at Magdeburg, in 1550
(in Ribini, i. 501) the letters to Bullinger, in Huldrici IVIiscell. Tigurina, ii. 192, 198,
;
comp. p. 200. have in manuscript several letters of this description, ad-

I [Gieseler]
dressed to Breslau preachers. Thus Mag. Jo. Creslingus Parochus Schemnitiensium
writes to Ambr. Moibanus, 1543. Interim autem vide admirabile et consolantissimum
Dei consilium. Arbitramur nos, Turcas oppressores esse Evangelii filii Dei at diver- :
sum Deus ipse eiEcit fiunt enim suis bellis contra Papistas (licet nescientes) defenso-
:
res. Mirum namque in modum Evangelium gloriae Dei et Domini nostri Jesu Christi
sub istis bellicis tumultibus quam latissime vagatur. Tota enim Transsylvania Evan-
—
gelium recepit, frustra prohibente illo Georgio Monacho Episcopo, omnium praesenti-
um in Hungaria malorum auctore (Georg Martinuzzi, see Engel's Ungrische Gesch.,
iv. 132). —
Et quod magis mireris, Valachia quoque Transsylvauiae vicina et Turcis sub-
jecta Evangelium recepit. Tam vetus quam Novum Testamentum sua lingua in Co-
rona, Transsylvaniae civitate, impressa sunt. —
Sed et per Hungariam paulatim Evan-
gelium serpit. Quod si isti bellici tumultus non intervenissent, dudum Pseudqepiscopi
graviores tumultus, quam ipsimet Turcae, contra Evangelii professores concitassent.
Adalb. Wurmloch, in Bistriz, writes to Joh. Hess, pastor in Breslau, 1546: Reformatae
sunt hie in Transsj'lvania Ecclesiae urbium Saxonicarum Dei beneficio, magna ex parte
etiam in Hungaria. Audimus et certo intelligimus, Budae (Ofen, then under Turkej')
paucis illic relictis Hungaris praedicari sincerum Evangelium, et crassum quendam Sa-
tanam papisticum vehementer obstitisse, ita ut res pertraheretur ad Praefectum urbis
exercitusque. Qui audita controversia plus visus est approbare Evangelium, maxime
ob has causas, quod doceat, unum colendum Deum, reprobetque abusum imaginum,
quas Turcae abominantur, et nos propter illas pluriraum. Respondit tamen Praefectus,
se non esse eo collocatum a Caesare suo ad diluendas Religionis nostrae controversias,
sed ad conservandum regnura Caesaris ea in qua possit tranquillitate. Est et alia Hun-
gariae civitas, Segedinum nomine, cui praeest Bassa quidam Turcicus, qui defendit
Evangelium et illius miuistros praedicatores contra omnem impetum et fuiias Papis-
tarum.
^' Decretum, dd. 1. Jun., 1557 (Benko, i. ii. 136): Ecclesias quoque Hungaricas in
Religione cum Saxonibus idem sentientes Regina sub patrocinium recipit, et Ministris
illarum justos proventus integre reddi et administrari mandaturam se promittit.
;
CHAP. II.— REFORMATION. § 16. HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA. 261
burg Confession was for a long time the bond of union among all
the followers of the Reformation. But after the Calvinistic con-
troversy had broken out in Germany, in Hungary also synods were
arrayed against synods, conferences and disputations were set on
foot, articles and counter-articles were exchanged, until an eccle-
siastical division followed.The Germans, for the most part, re-

mained true Lutheran doctrine;^* in Hungary the first
to the
synod that adopted a Calvinistic Confession was that of Csenger
(1557 or 1558), in the Confessio Czengerina.^^ In 1566 all the
^^
Hungarian Reformed Churches signed the Helvetic Confession.
In Transylvania, in 1564, at the Synod of Enyed, a Lutheran
superintendent was appointed for the Saxons, and a Reformed for
the Hungarians and Seklians.^''
Together with these parties the Unitarians also crept in. In
Hungary they were steadfastly repelled ;^® in Transylvania, from
1566, there was much controversy with But after King them.^^
John Sigismund and almost the whole of Clausenburg had been
'* The letter of Thomas Hilarius, pastor at Caschau, to the University of Wittenberg,
1574 (in Riederer's Nachrichten, i. 100), designates the free cities, those of the county
of Zips, and the hill Augsburg Confession, and then adds Neque
cities, as true to the :
patiuntur haec loca, cum praecipue Germani ea possideant, et gubernent sub Imperato-
ris et Regis Rom. imperio, vel farraginem sacramentariorum inter Ungaros usitatam,
vel ferraentum Arianorum, Anabaptistarum, Flacianoruni, vel vero aliarum sectarum

opiniones spargi, sed nobiscum eandera confessionem verbi veritatis in Augustana —
Confessione et corpore doctrinae comprehensam unanimi consensu spargunt, et contra
Antichristum et ejus membra defendunt.
'^ Lampe, p. 109. see in the Syntagma Confessionum, Ge-'*
The Conf. Czengerina ;
nevae, 1612, p. Augusti Corpus libr. symbolicorum Eccl. Reformatae, p. 241

186 ; in
in Niemej'er Collectio Confessionum Reform., p. 539.
" Lampe, p. 125.
" After the controversj' had continued from as far back as 1557 (Benko, i. ii. 127),
theKing sent George Blandrata to make one more attempt at reconciliation, but at the
same time ordered (Lampe, p. 123) Sin autem id, quod postulamus, sequi non poterit;
:
saltern fiant ordinationes piae in tranquillitatem Ecclesiarum, ut Ecclesiae Saxonicae,

et quicunque praesentiam corporis in Coena asserunt, habere possint unum certum Su-
perintendentem, virum gravem, pium et eruditum, gregi Domini sedulo invigilantem,
qui in unitate doctrinae, et ceremoniarum conformitate, ac disciplina evangelica Eccle-
sias gubernet, et in sontes ac inobedientes digna poena animadvertat : rursus qui diver-
sam assertionem absentis videlicet corporis Christi contendunt, suum habeant
Superin-
tendentem, cujus cura et vigiliis, solitis ritibus et ceremoniis, Ecclesiae eoi"um in disci-
plina evangelica gubernentur; atque ita distinctis limitibus et functionibus quibuscun-
que suis omnibus prospiciant, et controversiae ac contentiones passim inter utramque
partem grassantes vel hoc modo sedentur.
'8 Thus Lucas Agriensis was combated as Antitrinitarian, and at length, in 1568, im-
prisoned until he should retract, although he was still far from the Transylvaniau Uni-
t.arianism Lampe, p, 138-146, 187-217 Ribini, i. 204.
; ;
" Lampe, p. 147 ss.

gained in their favor, religious freedom was also extended to them

at a diet in 1571.^^
The religious condition of Transylvania, which from this time
reckoned four Religiones receptae, was on this basis brought into
a regular order ; but it was different in Hungary. As long as the
Emperor Ferdinand ruled, in that part of Hungary which belonged
to him the decrees against the Protestants were not, indeed, abol-
ished, nor were they carried into execution. Under his successor,
Maximilian H. (1564-76), Lutheranism was not only entirely toler-
ated, but was also strikingly favored by the imperial generals, Laz-
arus Schwendy and John Riiber von Pixendorf, who avowed their
adhesion to it. The opposition to Calvinism continued, although
without efFect.2i Under Rudolph H., too (1576-1608), the Prot-
estants for a long time had outward repose. And thus, in spite
of the violent struggles between the Lutherans and Calvinists,
kindled anew by the Formula Concordiae, it came to pass that
the larger part of Hungary accepted the Reformation, and only
three magnates remained Catholics.^^
The new attack upon Protestantism proceeded here, too, from
the Jesuits. As early as 1588, at the j)roposal of the estates of
tlie country, they were again expelled-^ from Transylvania, where
they had been allowed to come in 1579, supported by Stephen
Bathori, King of Poland, and had brought things into great disor-
^^ They, however, at first only received permission to dwell in Clausenburg ; Benko,

i. ii. 134, 136.
''
Compare the imperial edict, 31st Oct., 1567, in Ribini, i. 207.
"- According to the testimonj' of one of the Hungarian Jesuits, Stephanus Arator,
first
it was asserted (Gerdesii Serin. Antiqu., vii. 174) Eo jam ventum fuerat, ut ante intro-
:
ductionem publicarum scholarum Soc. Jesu in Hungaria in toto Regno nonnisi tres Mag-
nates numerarentur catholici, ex Nobilibus vero vix ulli. Gregor v. Berceviczy Nach-
richten iiber den jetzigen Zustand der Evangelischen in Ungarn. Leipzig, 1822, s. 8.
*^ Acts in the Hist. Diplom., p. 8, and in Lampe, p. 314 ss. The estates were at first
repelled bj' the prince, Sigismund Bathori, who was very submissive to the Jesuits, but
forced the matter through upon a verj' emphatic renewal of their request. They say of
the Jesuits (Lampe, p. 323) Non euim solum juventutem liberaliter disciplinis institu-
:
erunt (ut ipsorum proprium erat oflicium), sed et religionem suam palam et manifeste
per piateas, templa, et compita in processionibus etiam propagarunt, in iis etiam locis,
ubi nulla ipsis a Regno facta fuit potestas. Nam et Varadini S. Aegidii templum, ubi
alias purior religio docebatur, violenter occuparunt, non juventutis instituendae, sed
religionis promovendae causa, ac in civium injuriam Crucifixum armatis manibus pub-
lice eduxerunt, ac turbas dederunt maximas, quas nisi ii, quorum interfuit, compressis-
sent, seditio orta fuisset. His non contenti contra Regni statuta vicinos pages percur-
rerunt, ut Religionem suam latius spargereiit; domum ministri Ecclesiae S. Kosmani
invaserunt, injuria affectum ejecerunt, libros quos habuit disperserunt, ipsum ac cives
contumeliose tractarunt, caet.
;
der. But in Hungary, where they had been called (1586) by

Greorge Draskovitz, Archbishop of Kolocz,^* they planted themselves
firmly, and soon began to break up Protestantism. Thereupon
the imperial dictator of Upper Hungary, Count Belgiojoso, began
a persecution of the Protestants in Caschau,^^ in 1603, and openly
avowed his purpose of exterminating them. The Emperor, in
1604, gave his formal assent to this procedure.^^ The Jesuits at

once came forward as the leaders and instruments of the persecu-
tions which now broke out. Meanwhile the magnate Stephen
Botskai put himself at the head of Protestantism in Transylvania ;
an insurrection in Hungary joined with him and the Archduke ;
Matthias could only avert the impending danger by conceding

equal religious freedom to all three reUgious parties in the Peace
of Vienna^'' (1606), and recognizing Stephen as Prince of Transyl-
2* Doleschal, s. 244. They had alread}' possessed a college at TjTnau, from 1559 to
15G7, but wheu it burned down they had again withdrawn from Hungary (ibid., s.
171, 198).
" Lampe, p. 332. Ribini, i. 320.
2^ When the Diet of Pressburg complained about the violation of religious freedom,
Rudolph added to 21 articles of the diet, sent to him, a 22d, dated Prague, May 3,
1604 (Lampe, p. 333 Ribini, i. 321), in which the grievances of the estates were sharplj'
;
set aside, with this addition Cum sua sacratissima Caesarea Regiaque Majestas
: sacro- —
—
sanctam catholicam fidem in regnis et provinciis suis, ac praesertim in hoc suo Unga-
riae regno —
ex tot falsis opinionibus et sectis erutam, ubique florere et dilatari cupiat
— idcirco Majestas sua sacratissima, motu proprio deque regiae suae potestatis plenitu-
dine, tarn sancti Regis Stephani, —
quam vero omnium aliorum divorum quondam Un-
gariae Regum — decreta, coustitutiones et articulos pro praefata sancta catholica Romana
fide et religione, quovis tempore praeclare et pie editos et evulgatos, non secus ac
si de
verbo ad verbum praesentibus Uteris inserti et inscripti essent, hoc special! suo articulo
clementer ratificat et confirmat. Ac ne deinceps in generalibus praesertim et arduis
regni tractatibus et diaetis alicui religionis negotium ad remorandos et interrumpendos
publicos tractatus quovis colore et praetextu impune movere liceat, benigne statuit et
serio decernit, ut contra tales inquietos rerumque novarum cupidos poena a divis quon-
dam Regibus Ungariae in eisdem decretis et articulis statuta confestim procedatur, et
caeteris in exemplum irremissibiliter puniantur.
*^ Pacificatio
Viennensis, dd. 23. Jun., 1606 (Hist. Dipl., p. 19 Lampe, p. 335). Art.
;
I.
—
abolished the Art. 22 of the j'ear 1604, and juxta Sac. Caes. Regiaeque Majestatis
priorem resolutionem, declared, quod omnes et singulos Status et Ordines intra ambitum
Regni Hungariae solum existentes, tam Magnates, Nobiles, quam liberas ci^^tates et
Oppida privilegiata immediate ad coronam spectantia, item in confiniis quoque Regni
Hungariae milites Hungaros in sua Religione et confessione nusquam et nunquam tur-
babit, nee per alios turbari aut impediri sinet. Verum omnibus praedictis Statibus et
Ordinibus liber ipsorum Religionis usus et exercitium permittetur absque tamen prae-:
judicio catholicae Romanae Religionis, et ut Clerus, templa et Ecclesiae catholicorum

Romanorum intacta et libera permaneant, atque ea quae hoc disturbiorum tempore .utrin-
que occupata fuere, rursum iisdem restituantur. (This last condition was thus explain-
ed by the Archduke Matthias, Non mala fide adjectum esse sed ut utraque pars in co-
;
rum Religione et exercitio et templis non turbentur Lampe, p. 336.) Art. VIII. Hun-
;
gari non consentiunt, quo Jesuitae in Regno Hungariae jura stabilia et possessionaria
vania. At his coronation, too, in 1608, Matthias II. confirmed

these conditions,^^ and pledged himself not to recall the Jesuits.^^
But the powerful Catholic clergy protested against all these con-
cessions.^" Though the following kings renewed them when they
ascended the throne, yet the Jesuits and religious oppression were
soon reintroduced. And thus Gabriel Bethlen, Prince of Transyl-
vania, did not lack a pretext when,
Ferdinand
after the fanatical
11.had ascended the throne, he united with Bohemia and invaded
Hungary, in the hope of annexing it to his possessions. And
though he did not attain this object, yet in the Treaty of Nicols-
burg he forced the Emperor to renew the old pledges (1621) and ;
as they were not kept, he again overrun the land in 1623 and
1626 *ach time the promise to observe the Peace of Vienna was
;
solemnly renewed, and each time immediately broken.^^ At the

habeant et possideant. Sua tamcn Majestas juribus suis inliaeret quoad clausulas dona-
tionum tantum liant donatioues juxta decreta Regni et more antiquitus solito.
:
^^ Hist. Dipl.,
p. 22. Ribini, i. 358: Art. 1. Quantum itaque ad primiim Constitu-
tionis Viennensis Articulura attinet, deliberatum est per Status et Ordinis inclyti Regni
Hungariae, ut Religionis exercitium tarn Baronibiis, Magnatibus et Nobilibus, quam
etiam liberis civitatibiis ac universis Statibus et Ordinibus Regni in suis ac Fisci bonis,
item in confiniis quoque Regni Hungariae militibus Hungaris sua cuique Religio et Con-
fessio, necnon oppidis et villis earn sponte ac libere acceptare volentibus ubique liberum
relinquatur, nee quisquam omnium in libero ejusdem usu ac exercitio a quoquam impe-
diatur. Quinimo ad praecavenda inter Status et Ordines aliqua odia et dissensiones, ut
quaelibet Religio suae professionis Superiores seu Superintendentes habeat, statutum
est. This article has always- had the force of fundamental law, and has been renewed
by the kings that succeeded when they ascended the throne.
^' Hist. Dipl., Art. 8. Hie quoque Articulus de Jesuitis in vigore suo perma-
p. 23.
neat, nimirum ut ipsi nulla in Regno Hungariae bona stabilia et possessionaria habere
et possidere valeant.
=" Ribini, i. 3G1.
^' Ribini, i. 431 ss. The views and modes of action of the Catholic partj' are made
specially clear in Carafa (§ 12, Note 3) De Germania Sacra restaurata, a.d. 1625, p.
1S3. Reformatio Religionis hisce annis eum in Ungaria felicitatis cursum, quem in aliis
provinciis, tenere non potuit nam concessio libertatis Religionis promissionibus ac
:
—
diplomatibus regiis roborata perfringi non potuit. Inter tot tamen et tantas Religionis
clades divina bonitas supra omnem humanam spem magna suppeditavit auxilia, quibus
Religio catholica in regno sublevata fuit. Nam inprimis magnorum virorum facta est
ad catholicam fidem accessio, in quorum amplissimis dominiis sacerdotes catholici collo-
cati fuerunt expulsis —
haeresum seminatoribus. Deinde effectum est, ut omnia majora
officia, etRegni Magistratus administrarentur per Catholicos, qui et ipsi Religionis rem
potenter promoverunt. Ad haec cum antea in Ungaria Academiae et scholae nullae,
immo ne mediocres literarum exercitationes reperircntur, hisce annis aliquot introduc-
tae sunt. Thus Petrus Pazmanj', cardinal, and archbishop of Gran, founded Jesuit col-
leges for the children of the nobility, others for the poor, and established a Hungarian
Collegium Clericorum in Vienna. When the Hungarian estates, in 1625, were on the
point of electing the son of the Emperor, Ferdinand III., as younger King of Hungarj',
some Catholic councilors expressed doubts (p. 216), quod Religioni catholicae timerent.
Non enim admisissent Ordines Regem ad coronam, nisi eadcm privilegia, jura, immu-
CHAP. II.— REFORMATION. § 17. IN DENSIARK. 2G5
same time, the inducements which the lords of the land and the
powerful clergy had at their command were so successfully plied
among the nobles that in 1634 the majority of the diet had again
become Catholic.^- Since the Evangelical party had thus lost, for
the most part, the protection of the lords of the land, persecution
became the more oppressive.^^ The Prince of Transylvania, George
Rakoczy, again took the part of the persecuted, and compelled the
Emperor, in the Treaty of Linz, 1645, to renew the confirmation
of the Peace of Vienna ;^* but no abiding change in the state of
affairs could be effected.
§ 17.
IN DENMARK, NORWAY, AND ICELAND.

Harald Huitfeld's (chancellor of the kingdom) Danische Chronik. Kopenh., 1604. 4.
(iu the Danish, the fifth part contains the church history). Erich Pontoppidan's
kurzgefasste Reform atioushist. der Diin. Kirche. Lubeck, 1734. 8. it is again pub-
;
nitates, ac Religionis praestitutae libertates jurasset, quas parens sacramento suo firma-
verat illo tempore, cum in maximis versarctur periculis, quando necessitate quadam
compulsus coactus fuit, majoris boni ergo aliquo mode cedere graviora urgentibus ad :
quae adeo enormia nunc nulla necessitas filium adigebat. Sperabant in dies, vel per
obitum Bethleni, vel per continuatas victorias meliora tempora successura, et sic ex-
punctis iis, quae catholicam Religionem praepediebant, posse aliquando mitius jura-
mentum praestari. Meanwhile, Palatinus ipse (Nicolaus Esterhazj-, who had himself
gone over from the Lutheran to the Catholic Church) omhem nobis anxietatem in rebus
Religionis exemit, asserens etiam juratos Regni articulos servatis servandis posse everti,
si Rex una cum regnicolis mutationi decretorum assentiretur. In speciali inquiebat,
res Religionis facile corrigendas, si plures catholici fierent, et una cum Rege Religionis
—
incommoda aut dedecora abrogarent. His rationibus permotus Caesar non solum in
—
electionem, sed et in coronationem praemissa privilegiorum confirmatione non secus a
filio quam a patre facienda consensit.
^^ Bercevicz}', s. 23.
^^ Comp. the Gravamina of the Evangelicals, 1G38, in the Hist. Dipl., Append., p. 16.
"* The cliief passage reads thus (Hist. Dipl., p. 42) Quod omnes Status et Ordines
:
Regni, ipsaeque liberae Civitates, necnon Oppida privilegiata, et milites Hungarici in

confiniis Regni liberum habeant nbique suae Religionis exercitium cum libero templo-
rum, campanarum et sepulturae usu, nee quisquam in libero suae Religionis exercitio a
quoquam quovis modo, aut sub quovis praetextu turbetur et impediatur. Secundo de
non impediendis aut turbandis rusticis in sua confessione declaratum et conclusum est,
ut illi quoque propter bonnm pacis ct tranquillitatem Regni, sive sint Confiniarii, sive
Oppidani, sive villani in quorumcxmque dominorum terrestrium et Fisci bonis, juxta
vigorem praescripti Articuli et conditionis in libero suae Religionis exercitio ac iisu,
raodoque ut supra simili, a Sua Majestate Regia, vel ejusdem Ministris, aut dominis suis
terrestribus, quovis modo aut quovis sub praetextu non turbentur aut impediantur;
hactenus autem impediti, coacti et turbati liberum ipsorum Religionis usum reassumere,
exercere et continuare permittantur, neque ad alias Religioni ipsorum contrarias cere-
monias peragendas compellantur. The prolix discussions of the diet about the execu-
tion of this treaty are given in the appendix to the Hist. Dipl.
lished in an enlarged form in his Annales Eccl. Danicae diplomatici, or Kirchenhisto-

rie des Eeichs Diinemark (Kopenhagen, 4 Theile, 1741-53. 4.), Th. 2, s. 754 ff., and
Th. 3. Dr. F. Miinter's Kirchengeschichte v. Danemark u. Norwegen (Leipz., 3 Theile,
1823-33. Th. 3.
8.),[Danske Kirkeshistorie after Eeformationen, Ludv. Helvig, 2,
8vo, Kopenh., 1851 2d ed., 1857. Hist. Eccles. Islandicae, P. Peturssen, Copenh.,
;
1847. Dunham's Historj' of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, in Lardner's Cab. Cj'-
clop., 1840. G. L. Baden, Hist. Denmark, 5 vols., Copenh., 1829-32. F. G. Dahl-
mann, Gesch. Danemarks, 3, 8vo, Hamb., 1839-44.]
When the Reformation began, the tyrannical Christian II. was

ruhng in Denmark and Norway, and contending for the throne of
Sweden. In all these kingdoms the clergy was in possession of
large property and privileges, and the royal power was very much
restricted by them and the nobility. *
In Denmark Christian II. endeavored to impair the superiority

of the prelates and nobles, and, on the other hand, to elevate the
oppressed burghers and peasantry. And as he thus favored the
enlightening of the people and the pursuits of industry, he was
also favorably disposed toward the Reformation.^ In May, 1521,
with several laws that had a potent bearing upon ecclesiastical
matters, he went so far as to issue one encouraging the marriage
of the priests.^ In Sweden, on the contrary, where the free peas-
antry and a large part of the nobility were opposed to him, he
sought to regain dominion by the aid of the Pope and the clergy.
A papal ban helped him ; and when he caused the noblest Swedes
to be executed in Stockholm in 1520, he alleged that this slaugh-
ter was but the execution of that ban. And when, upon the com-
plaint of the Swedes, a papal legate appeared in Denmark, Sept.,
1521, the King did not hesitate, in order to retain the papal pro-
tection, to issue an edict in favor of the mass, and to take back
the objectionable exhortation as to the marriage of priests, 1522.^
After Christian II. had been deposed,* Frederick I., Duke of
'In 1519 he called Martin Eeinhard from Wittenberg to Copenhagen into the theo-
iii. 25; Lutherus ad Spalatin., dd. 7. Mart., 1521 (de Wette, i.
logical facultj-; Mvinter,
570) Rex Daciae etiam persequitur Papistas, mandato dato Universitati suae, ne mea
:
damnarent. Ita retulit, quern illuc dedimus, D. Martinus, reversus ut promoveretur,

rediturus illuc.
^ On the collection of decrees which appeared on Trinity Sunday, 1521, see Miinter,
iii. 42. There it reads : Art. 17. " Kein Pralat, Priester, oder Geistlicher diirfe sich Lan-
dereien kaufen, wenn er nicht St. Pauli Lehre 1 Tim. 3. befolgen, eine Frau nehmen, u.
wie seine alten Vorvater im heil. Ehestande leben woUe."
3 Munter, iii. 68.
* Among the grounds of the deposition which the estates brought forward (Ludewig
Reliquiae Manuscriptorum, v. 315) this is found, p. 321 : Nobilissimam et ex catholica
stirpe genitam conjugem suam Lutherana haeresi infecit, ejusdera haeresis pullulatorea
—
CHAP. II,—EEFORMATION. § 17. DENMARK. 267
Sleswick and Holstein, became King, in 1523 but he had previ- ;
ously made and

great concessions to the clergy
nobility, and bound
himself to put down with persecution the Reformation that was
pressing in.^ He was true to his promise only he could not per- ;
secute the Reformers after he had forbidden in the duchies all
violent interference with the great religious struggle^ (1524). Per-

sonally, too, he became more and more inclined to the Reforma-
tion. And now began to be more vigor-
thus Luther's doctrine
ously diffused,' especially in Jutland, where John Tausen^ had
been its most zealous preacher since 1524. When the King, too,
declared himself for it in 1526, although he still refrained from
bestowing any favors upon it, it received a mighty impulse in all
the cities and when the bishops attempted to oppose it the par-
;
ties assumed an attitude of sharp opposition. To forestall the

breaking out of the contest, the King, at the Diet of Odense, 1527,
procured equal toJeration for both sides.^ The number of the Lu-
therans increased with rapid strides. Wiborg, in Jutland, and
Malmo, in Schonen, became the centres of the Reformation, which
contra jus pietatemque in regnum nostrum catholicum introduxit, Doctorein Carolosta-

dium, fortissimum Lutheri Athletam, enutrivit.
^ On this capitulation, see Miinter, iii. 101. Frederick, among other things, had to
promise 145) never to allow heretics, disciples of Luther or others, "heimlich oder
(s.
ofFentlich gegen den himmlischen Gott, den heil. christl. Glauben, den heil. Vater, oder
die romische Kirche zu predigen oder zu lehren ; und wo solche im Reiche gefunden
wiirden, sie am Leben
u. Gute zu strafen."
^ The edict reads (see Henr. Muhlii de Eeformatione Religionis in Cimbria Coram.,
in his Dissertationes historico theologicae, Kiliae, 1715. 4., p. 37) : "Dass Niemand bey-
Hals, Leib u. Gut um der Religion, papstischer oder Lutherischer, willen einem andern
an Leib, Ehre u. zeitlichen Giitern Gefahr u. Unheil sollte zufiigen, sondeni ein jeder
sich in seiner Religion also sollte verhalten, wie ers gegen Gott den AUmachtigen mit
reinem Gewissen gediichte zu verantworten."
' John Michelsen, a companion of the expelled King, contributed verj' much thereto
bj' his Danish translation of the New Testament. Leipzig, 1524 see Miinter, iii. 128.
;
Comp. Chr. Thom. Engelstoft Reformantes et Catholic! Tempore, quo sacra emendata
sunt in Dania concertantes. Spec, inaug. Hafn., 1836. 8.
^ His life is in the Danische Bibliothek (Kopenhagen, 1737.
8), Stiick 1, s. 1.
^ The Constitution in Pontoppidan, ii. 806: 1. " Vou diesem Tage an soil jedermann
der geistlichen Freiheit so weit geniessen, dass niemand befugt seyn soil, in eines an-
dern Gewissen zu forschen, ob er Lutherisch oder papistisch sej'. Vielmehr soil ein je-
der seiner Seelen Sorge tragen. 2. Die Lutherischen insonderheit, welche bisher keine
vollige Sicherheit u. Gelcit gehabt haben, nimmt der Konig von nun an in eben densel-
ben Schutz u. Schirm, als die Papisten. 3. Der in einigen hundert Jahren den Kirch-
endienern, Canonikern, Monchen u. andern geistlichen Leuten verboten gewesene Ehe-
stand wird erlaubt, u. jedem frej'gestellt, entweder in die Ehe zu treten, oder in Rein-
heit des Lebcns zu verbleiben. 4. Die Bischofe sollen hinfiiro kein Pallium zu Rom
holen, sondern allein vom Konige ihre Bestatigung holen, wann sie erst vom Capitel,
welches hierin seine Frej'heit behalt, rechtmiissig erwahlet sind."
aG8 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
was thence diffused over the whole kingdom. Contemporaneous-

ly with the Augsburg Diet, there was also to be, at the Diet of
Copenhagen (July, 1530), a union of the parties. The Lutherans,

with John Tausen, the preacher at Copenhagen, at their head,
handed in a Confession of Faith,^*^ and several writings were in-
terchanged in respect to it. Union was not effected, but the Lu-
theran party now had the decided preponderance in the kingdom.
Frederick, however, true to his word, allowed the prelates to re-
tain their power ; and thus, after his death in 1533, they were in
a condition to attempt a decisive reactionary movement. Since
greater zeal for the Reformation was to be expected from Freder-
ick's son, Christian, the prelates procured a postponement of the
election of the King, that they might, in the interregnum, destroy
all innovations. But there was no salvation for them in any quar-
ter. A zealous Protestant, Count Christopher von Oldenburg, now
took up arms for the deposed King, Christian IL, and invaded a
large part of Denmark. Threatened with the restoration of that
tyrant, even the clergy were compelled to assent to the choice,
previously refused, of Christian IIL (July 4, 1534). After he had
brought the war to a victorious
civil issue, he had all the bishops
imprisoned on the same day, August 20, 1536 ; and a diet at Co-
penhagen decreed that there should no longer be bishops with such
authority, and that the Reformation should be universally intro-
duced (October, 1536). The church property was divided partly
between the King and the nobility, and partly between the new
Church and pious foundations. The bishops were
released only on
condition of renouncing their dignities. Joachim Ronnov, Bishop
of Roeskild, who refused, was kept in prison till his death. John
Bugenhagen was invited to come for some years and superintend
the reshaping of the Church. ^^ With his co-operation the Univers-
ity ofCopenhagen was arranged anew ;^^ he crowned the King and
Queen (August 12, 1537),^^ and consecrated the new evangelical
bishops or superintendents, September 2 the new ecclesiastical
;
" Danish in 43 articles; in German in Pontoppidan, ii. 836; in Latin in Muhlius, p.

]33, and Munter, iii. 308.
" On Bugenhagen's residence in Denmark, see Joh. Joacli. Miiller's entdecktes Staats-
cabinet, 4te Eroffnung (Jena, 1716), cap. 9. Balth. Munter Syrabolae ad illustrandam
Bugenhagii in Dania Commorationem. Ilafn., 1836. 8.
'^ Munter, iii. 471.
^' Die Kronung Konig Cliristians III. v. Dan. u. s. Gemahlinn Dorothea durch Dr.
Job. Bugenhagen, herausgeg. von Dr. G. Mohnike. Stralsund, 1832. 8.
CHAP. II.—KEFOKMATION. § 18. IN SWEDEN. 269
order was published on the same day,^* and it then received legal
sanction from the Diet of Odense, 1539.
In Norway,^^ Catholicism, supported hy a powerful hierarchy,
remained undisturbed till the reign of Christian III. After Oluf
Engelbrechtsen, Archbishop of Drontheim, had abandoned his op-
position to this King, and fled to the Netherlands (1537) with his
treasures, Norway became a province of Denmark instead of a
sister The Reformation was now introduced on the
kingdom.
part of the government but for this reason there was among the
;
people for a long time a marked preference for Catholicism.

In Iceland'*' all reformatory movements were kept in check by
the two bishops of the country, till Griffer Einhasen, educated in
Germany, became, in 1540, Bishop of Skalholt, and began to re-
form his diocese after the Danish Church order. After his .death,
in 1548, John Aresen, Bishop of Holum, attempted to suppress the
new movements by violence, but he was executed as a rebel in
1550. Thereupon the work of the Reformation was completed
without any hinderance.
The Jesuits also tried to obtain a working sphere in Denmark
and Norway, especially through some young Danes who had fallen
;''
into their toils, being enticedby the reputation of their schools
however, their efforts were unsuccessful, as were those of other
Catholic missionaries ;'^ and the whole Danish kingdom has ever
since remained true to the Lutheran Church.
§ 18.
IN SWEDEN.
Jo. Baazii (provost in Joncoping, in East Gothland) Inventarium Ecclesiae Sueo-Gotlio-

rum, continens integranT historian! Ecclesiae Suecicae libb. VIII. descriptam. Linco-
'* On their redaction, see Milnter, iii. 484. The royal edict on their publication is in
Pontoppidan, iii. 224. Comp. A. H. Lackmann Hist, ordinatiouis ecclesiasticae, at the
end of his Schleswig-Holsteinischer Historic, Th. 3. It was first written in Latin, and
afterward translated into Danish by I'aliadius, Bishop of Seeland, and in this form laid
before the Diet of OdensQ.
^^ Miinter, iii. 515.
'
Ludw. Harboe (bishop, who spent 1741-4G as Visitator in Iceland) Om Reformatio-
'^
nen i Island, in dct Kjobenhavnske Selskabs Skrifter, v. u. vii. Miinter, iii. 530.
' Thus, in 1G13, six Catholic preachers, who had been trained in Jesuit schools, were
'
deposed; Pontoppidan, iii. 611.

"*Nachrichten von den Missionsversuchen der Eomischen Kirche in Diinemark u.
Norwegen, in Miinter's Magazin fiir Kirchengesch. u. Kirchenrecht des Nordeus, B. 2,
St. 4, s. 7.
270 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV.
•
I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
piae, 1642. 4. Dr. J. A. Schinmeier's Lebensbeschreibungen der drey Schwed. Refor-

matoren, des Kanzlers Lorenz Anderson, Oluf Peterson, u. Lorenz Peterson. Lubeck,
1783. 4. Geschichte Schwedens von E. G. Geijer, from the Swedish, by Swen P. Leff-
ler (in Heeren's u. Ukert's Gesch. d. Europ. Staaten), 2ter Bd. Hamburg, 1834. 8.
E. C. H. Romer de Gustavo I. rerum sacrarum in Suecia Saec. XVI. icstauratore.
Traj. ad Rhen., 1840. 8.
[Swenska Kyrkoreformationens historia, af L. A. Anjon, 3, 8vo, Upsala, 1850-51 (comp;
Reuter's Repertorium, Miirz, 1852). Munch, Origin, Historj' and Migrations of Scan-
dinavia, Christiana, 1851. Aug. Theiner, Schweden u. seine Stellung zum heiligen
Stuhle, 3 Bde., Augsb., 1839. A. E. Knos, Die Schwedische Kirchenverfassung, mit
Vorwort von Dr. G. C. A. Harless, Stuttg., 1852. The Historj' of Sweden in Hee-
ren's Gesch. d. Europaischen Staaten, 4, 8vo. F. W. Schubert, Schwedens Kirchen-
verfassung, 2 Thle., 1820-21. Eric Gustav Geiger, History of Swedes (Orebro, 1836),
translated b3' J. H. Turner, 3, 8vo, Lond. A chapter on the Church in Sweden, in
Journal of Sacr. Lit., Oct., 1858. Anders Frysell, Hist, of Sweden, translated and
edited by Mary Howitt, 2, 8vo, Lond., 1844.]
Two brothers, trained in Wittenberg, Olaf and Lawrence Peter-

son (Olaus and Laurentius Petri), were at work as early as 1519
at Strengnas for the Reformation ; among the adherents they gain-
ed, the most distinguished was the archdeacon Lawrence Ander-
son. Olaf s sermons made a great sensation at the Diet of Streng-
nas, by which Gustavus Vasa was chosen King, after he had freed
Sweden from the Danish rule. Gustavus was attracted to these
men and their doctrine, and appointed Lawrence Anderson to be
his chancellor, Olaf Peterson preacher in Stockholm, and Lawrence
Peterson professor of theology in Upsala.^ Gustavus favored the
new doctrine the more seemed to give him the
readily, because it
opportunity of appropriating the immoderate riches of the Church,

which were indispensable to the new kingdom, almost without
means, and which had now become dangerous in the hands of
prelates that favored Denmark. The people, too, were irritated
against the priests on account of their too great power and arro-
gance but still they were superstitiously attached to the Church
;
and its forms. Under these circumstances Gustavus was able to

lay heavier burdens upon the priests. For this he was accused
of heresy by them,^ and it became a matter of much consequence,
1 Bishop Brask, of Linkoping, wrote, 12th Julj-, 1523, to the Bishop of Skara (Geijer,
ii. 43) : Periculose pullulare incipit haeresis ilia Lutherana per quendara Magistrum
Olavum in Ecclesia Stregnesensi, praesertira contra decreta s. Rom. Ecclesiae ac eccle-
siasticam libertatem ad eftectum, ut status modemae Ecclesiae reducatur ad mendicita-
tem statum Ecclesiae primitivae. Comp. the documents in Aug. Theiner's Schweden,
et
und zum heil. Stuhl unter Johann III., Sigismund III., und Karl IX.
seine Stellung
(2 Theile, Augsb., 1838 u. 1839), Th. 2. Urkimdenbuch, s. 1 ff.
" Gustavus writes about this in 1526 to the Helsingers (Geijer, ii. 48), that the priests
calumniated him only because he did not tolerate their avarice and tyrannj-. " Wann
sie vermerken, dass wir den Vortheil der Krone bedenken, der uns von wegen unsers
;
CHAP. II.—EEFORMATION. § 18. IN SWEDEN. 271
particularly because they had a fitting pretext for this in the dis-
orders of the Anabaptists in Stockholm, 1524,^ and the incautious

expressions of several of the new preachers.* The disputation
held in Upsala, 1524, had no special result.^ Convinced that the
kingdom was too weak to bring to an end the disturbances of the
country, which were specially fostered by the clergy, G-ustavus,
at the Diet of Westeras, 1527, proposed to resign ; bjit instead
of this the Church was surrendered to his discretion.^ A way

was thus opened for the Reformation, and the nobility gained for
it, since the larger part of the church property fell to them ; but
the people were wholly unprepared,^ and inclined to look upon all
koniglichea Amtes anbefohlen ist, —

sagen sie sogleich, wir wollten einen neuen Glau-
ben u. Luther'sLehre einfiihren, da es doch nicht anders ist, als wie ihr jetzo gehort
habt, dass wir ihnen nicht gestatten mogen, wider das Gesetz Uirem Geize zu frohnen."
Comp. Gustav's Apologie gegen die Verlaumdungen des entwicheuen Erzb. v. Upsala
Johannes Magnus, early in 1527, in Baazius, p. 206, and, taken from this, in Gerdesii
Hist. Reform., T. iii. Monunienta, p. 181 Intelligimus, proh dolor nos aliquorum im-
: !
proborum vocibus et scriptis lacerari, quasi novam fidem velimus in dilectani patriam
introducere, et novatores quosdam in patriae perniciem defendere. Eeligionis verae —
curam nos habere juxta Dei verbum non diffitemur veriorem nullam habemus religio-
:
nem, quam a Christo et Apostolis traditam de hac non controvertitur, sed de ritibus
:
quibusdam ab hominibus inventis, praesertim immunitate Praelatorum Ecclesiae. Ritus

inutiles cupiunt docti abrogatos, quos etiam ipsi Praelati vident non posse verbo Dei
defendi. Hos dum volumus abrogatos, novam vel aliam quam vere christianam religi-
onem introducere minime insimulari possumus, etc.
^ Instigated by Melchior Ring and Knipperdolling Schinmeier, s. 47.
;
* Objurgations against bishops, saints, and rites; in Schinmeier, s. 50.

^ The questions in dispute,and the declarations of both parties upon them, were print-
ed by Olaus Petri in 1527. They maj' be found in Baazius, p. 166 ss., and in Gerdesius,
Tom. iii. Monumenta, p. 153 ss.
^ The contents of the final decrees of Westeras are in Geijer, ii. 68. The King was
especiall}' authorized to take the castles of the bishops, to determine the income of the
bishops and the canons, to make arrangements about the cloisters. The nobility were
again to receive those churches and cloisters of which they had been deprived since 1454
(when Carl Canutson limited the legacies to the Church, and confiscated much propertj-),
so far forth as their hereditarji- right was legallj' proved by the oath of twelve men. The
preachers were to proclaim the pure word of God. The so-called Westeras Ordinance
made still more definite arrangements about the Church (in Baazius, p. 223, and Gerde-
sius, iii. 312). The bishops were to give efficient preachers to the congregations other- ;
wise the King was to see to it. The bishops were to hand in to the JKing a schedule of
their revenues, that he might determine what of it should remain to the churches and
what was crown. The begging of monks was to be restricted the inher-
to fall to the ;
itance of the priest was not to accrue to the bishop the priests, in secular matters,
;
were to be under the royal jurisdiction the Gospel was to be read in all the schools
;
excommunication was to be pronounced only after an investigation before a royal

court.
' When, in Westeras, the right was given to the preachers of proclaiming the pure
word of God, the nobles added, in the way of confirming
it, "nicht aber ungewisse Wun-
derzeichen, Menschenerfindungen u. Fabeln, wie es bishero viel geschehen." But the

burghers and miners expressed themselves about the new faith : "Er moge untersucht
;
changes in ecclesiastical matters as an apostasy from Christendom.

Accordingly, the King proposed that the first thing done should be
to provide for their instruction, and that all changes should, in the
mean time, he deferred. The assembly of the clergy in Oerebro,
1529, made their decrees in this spirit,^ and the mild Lawrence
Peterson became Archbishop of Upsala in 1531. It was very dif-
ficult, however, to gain a welcome among the people ; for the old
clergy remained in their offices, and the younger ones often did
more injury by chiding the old usages than good by their instruc-
tions.^ The King hit upon a new arrangement, making George
Normann superintendent of all the clergy of the kingdom, and
putting under him custodians and religious councilors for the over-
sight of the provinces but this was not carried out thoroughly.
;
During the reign of Gustavus many of the people always re-

mained discontented with the ecclesiastical changes and even in ;
1542 he was obliged to put down a dangerous rebellion.^" The

larger part was wholly unaffected by the spirit of the Reformation.
They saw in it only a change of ceremonies, and a limitation of
the power of the priests. And thus it came to pass that the mor-
al effects of this Reformation were not at all cheering ;^^ so that
werden, gehe aber iiber ihreii Verstand." Also the farmers :

" Schwer sei tiefer zu iir-
Verstand zusagt;" see Geijer, ii. 66 f.

theilen, als der
" See these in Baazius, p. 240. Gerdesius, T. iii. Monum., p. 193. Here were retain-
ed the consecrated water, consecrated palms, wax-lights, salt, etc. ; and the}' onl}' tried,
by explanations, to separate superstitious associations from them.
' A violent epistle of the King to the archbishop, Lawrence Peterson, 24th April, 1539
see Schinmeier, s. 101 ; Geijer, ii. 89. E. g. "Es sey kein Wunder, wenn die Gcmeinen
sich der evangelischen Lehre wiedersetzten, so lange es ihnen an gehoriger Unterweisung
fehle. Er hatte billig dafiir sorgen sollen, dass sie mit wiirdigen Lehrern hinlanglich
—
versehen worden waren. Man merke nur gar zu deutlich, dass ihn der Verlust der vori-
gen Gewalt schmerze aber er solle sich erinnern, dass er ein Prediger und kein Herr
;
sey; er betriige sich gewaltig, wenn er glaube, dass die Bischofe das so lange gemis-
brauchte Schwert wieder erhalten wurden, welches man ihnen mit so vieler Muhe aus
den Handen gerissen hatte. Und da er selbst nicht verstande, wie die Predigten einge-
richtet werden miissten, so wollte er ihm nur sagen, dass er darin nicht auf die alteu
Gebrauche schimpfen, sondern den Kern der Religion vortragen solle. Christus u. —
Paulus predigten den Gehorsam gegen die Obrigkeit ; aber auf den Schwedischen Kan-
zeln hore man nichts anders, als Ausrufungen. iiber Tyranney u. harte Herrschaft, so
wie Schimpfworte anf die Obrigkeit," etc.
" Of Nils Dacke, in Smuland the insurgents declared their purpose to be the re-
;
establishment of Christianitj-, the abolition of the Swedish mass they abused the mar- ;
ried priests, etc. ; Geijer, ii. 91 f.
" Compare the pastoral letter of Archbishop Lawrence Petri, 1558, in Baazius, p. 272;
Gerdesius, iii. Monum., p. 197 : Habemus hoc saeculo gratia Dei singulari purum ejus
verbum et lucem Evangelii clarissimam, qua illuminati a tenebris Papistarum liliera-
mur, in fideque salvifica conservamur, servientes Deo juxta patefactum ejus voluntatem.
CHAP. II.— REFORMATION. § 18. IN SWEDEN. 273
even under the sons of G-ustavus ecclesiastical affaits were still in

a very undecided condition. The Calvinism favored by the eldest
of them, Erich XIV. (1560-68),^" did not plant any roots. But
much more serious movements succeeded under John III. (1568-
92), The King
from the attempt to reintroduce Catholicism.^^
was here by the influence of his Catholic spouse, Cath-
led astray
arina, a Polish princess, and by the hope of succeeding to the Po-
lish throne. His intention was to have a mitigated Catholicism,
midway between the contending systems;** and it did not seem
so very difficult to establish this in Sweden, where so little had
been altered in the ecclesiastical usages. Without foreseeing it,
the old archbishop, Lawrence Peterson, favored the influence of
this plan of the King by the ecclesiastical arrangements that were
published in 1571 ;*^ but his successor (1573), Lawrence Peter-
son Gothus, went decidedly into this movement.*^ Now, under
the protection of the Queen, and the agency of Stanislaus Hosi-
us,'" the Catholic element had a complete preponderance. Two
Catholic priests, under the masks of evangelical clergymen, began
(1576) at Stockholm, in a newly-founded college, to work by lec-
Sed proh dolor, multi nostratium hoc minime considerantes vix audire purum verbum
Dei gestiunt tantum abest, ut vitam suam juxta idem verbum instituant. Alii ipsum
:
verbum odio Vatiniano prosequuntur, et quod aperte non audent, tacite effutiunt, adscri-
bentes Evangelio omnium adversitatum causam. Reliqui fructum nullum praedicato
Evaiigelio ostendunt, licet ejus praedicatione videantur delectari verum (quod magis
:
dolendum est) sub libertate Evangelii licentiam peccandi studiosius sectantur multi,
quasi finis praedicati Evangelii sit, eaque libertas Christiana, ut liceat homini Christiano
(adhuc peccatori) agere quae lubet.
'2 Schinmeier, s. 136 fF.
" Aug. Theiner's Schweden ii. seine Stellung zum heil. Stuhle unter Johann III.,
Sigismund III., u. Karl IX. (2 Theile, Augsb., 1838 u. 1839), Th. 1, s. 336; Th. 2, Ur-
kundenbuch, s. 28.
'^ He held the writings of George Cassander in special esteem ; Geijer, ii. 215.
' ^ At the suggestion of the King the statements were inserted, that Anschar had in-
troduced the true Christian religion that the writings of the fathers helped to the true
;
understanding of the Hoi}- Scriptures that good works should be preached together
;
with faith that in baptism they should retain the exorcism, the lights, the sign of the
;
cross, and the white garments that in the Eucharist there should be the elevation of
;
the host that several altars should be allowed in the principal churches, and private
;
confession observed. Munter's Magazin, ii. i. 7.

" The agreement which he and the other clerg}' must privatelj- subscribe, see in Baa-
zius, p. 365, and Munter's Magazin f. Kirchengesch. u. Kirchenrecht des Nordens, ii. iii.
41 ; Geijer, ii. 220 ff.
^^ Comp. his letters to the Queen, the King,

and John Herbest, the Catholic court
preacher of the former, scattered in his collection of letters, in St. Hosii Opera (Colon.,
158-1 fol.), ii. 336 ss. The secret mission of the Jesuit, Stanislaus Warsewicz, and his
negotiations with the King, 1574, are given iu Theiner, i. 390, from his report to the
general of the Jesuits.
VOL. IV. 18
tures, disputations,and sermons ;^^ several others soon followed

them Swedish youth were trained in the foreign Jesuit schools ;^"
;
Catholic hooks were translated and disseminated f'^ in 1576 an al-

most thorough-going Romish liturgy was issued,^^ and forced into
general reception by the King. Only South Ermanland, where
Duke Charles, the King's brother, was regent, kept itself aloof
from the incoming Catholicism and the liturgy, and provided a
place of resort for the clergy, expelled for their unyielding charac-
ter. The King opened negotiations with the Pope, to submit to
him under certain conditions f^ and the Jesuit, Anthony Possevinus,
*^ They came from Loiivain they were the secular priest, Florentius Feyt, and the
;
Jesuit, Lawrence Nicolai, of Norway. Stanislaus Hosius writes about it, July 8, 1576,
to John Herbest (0pp., ii. 408) Ego divinitus id factum esse puto, quod venit ad vos
:
Norvegius ille, quem esse virum prudentem, et bene doctum, et non vulgari judicio prae-
ditum audio, magna praeterea pietate ccnserem hvmc modis omnibus amplectendum,
:
ut Ecclesiam habere posset, in qua Dei verbum praedicaret. Expedit autem, ut is, qui —
mittitur ad vos, omnem occasionem fugiat, qua possint animi omnium oifendi. Poterit
lidem in coelum usque tollere, operibus extra fidem factis nihil tribuere, Christum uni-
cum esse mediatorem asserere, unicum illud esse sacrificium crucis, per quod salvati
sumus, docere quae cum in genere docuisset, turn demum eorum quae docuit sanum
;
intellectum afferre, et planum omnibus facere, quod nihil aliud quam hoc fuit hactenus
in Papatu praedicatum. Florentius Fej-t thus describes the doings of his companion
(Geijer, ii. 221) Insinuat se Pater Laurentius in amicitiam Germanorum, hi enim faci-
:
les sunt. Pergit Pater ad Ministros, sermonem miscet variis de rebus. Ministri, homi- —
nes illiterati, promtitudinem Latini sermonis et elegantiam mirantur, operam omnem
promittunt, miseri laqueum, quo suspendantur postca, sibi contexunt. Adeunt Eegem,
commendant virum. Eex gratam sibi esse commendationem significat, gaudet in sinu
rem dextre confectam. Hanc opportunitatem nactus Eex Patrem Laurentium in theo-
logiae Professorem cooptavit, statuens, ut quotquot Holmiae ministri essent (eraut autem
plus minus 30) Patris lectionibus interessent. —
Porro cum salutis nostrae inimicus om-
nem animarura fructum semper impedire contendit, excitavit aemulum quendam P.
Laurentio, Abrahamum (Angermannum) Scholae Eectorem is animos auditorum sub- :
vertit et alienos a Patre fecit. Progreditur tamen Pater, quotquot auditores veniant,
insinuat se in familiaritatem aliquorum, nunc liunc, nunc ilium dante Deo ad fidem oc-
culte reducit, caet. Theiner, i. 431.
" Especiallj' in the German Eome, in the colleges at Braunsberg, Ollmiitz,
college at
and Fulda; Theiner, i. 525. The Queen, Catharina, left a legacy for this object to the
college in Braunsberg of 10,000 Thl. ; Geijer, ii. 225.
^^ E. g. Eccii Enchiridion, Catechismus Canisii, Consultationcs Cassandri: on the
other hand, Luther's Catechism was forbidden in the schools Geijer, ii. 273. ;
^^ It was drawn up bj- the King himself and his secretary, Peter Fecht, and printed
under the auspices of the Jesuits ; the archbishop had
with a preface under to publish it
his name see Historia Liturgica opsatt Ar, 1638, af Laurent. Eayraundio (pastor at Thu-
;
rinz, in South Ermanland), edited bj- V. Stiernman. Stockholm, 1745. 4. The liturgj-
is printed, with a historical introduction, in F. Mijnter's Magazin fiir Kirchengesch. u.
Kirchenrecht des Nordens, ii. i. 1. Documents about it, ibid., ii. iii. 40. On the Luther-
an elements that still remained, see Theiner, i. 415.
^^ To these belonged especiallj' (Geijer, ii. 224), that the mass might be solemnized
in part in Swedish that the cup remain to the laity that bishops be judged bv the
; ;
King in respect to crimes deserving death, and treason ; that no claim should be set up
to the confiscated church propert3' ; that the marriage of priests be allowed, though they
;
CHAP. II.— REFORIVIATION. § 18. IN SWEDEN. £75
came to Sweden to negotiate with the King,^^ nominally an impe-

rial, but in fact a papal legate. Meanwhile, as the Pope neither
accepted the conditions,^* nor favored the political designs of the
King, while, at the same time, clergy and people became more
and more incensed at the increasing boldness of the Jesuits,^^ the
King gradually cooled down in his Catholic zeal.^^ At last, after

Queen Catharina's death in 1583, and after the new Queen, Gun-
nila, had declared herself decidedly opposed to Catholicism, the
Jesuits were banished and the Catholics persecuted ;^^ but the
King held fast to the new liturgy in the most obstinate style,'^^
John's regulations led to the opposite of what was proposed.
Popular opinion, before this quite indifferent, was now decidedly
and demanded, after the King's death (1592),
hostile to the papacy,
when his Catholic son, Sigismund of Poland, was about to suc-
ceed, that Protestantism should be restored, and guarantees given
that the Polish and Catholic preferences of theKing should not be
injurious to the country. Charles, Duke of South Ermanland,
convened, as regent, an ecclesiastical council at Upsala (1593),
which abolished all the church arrangements of John, accepted
the Augsburg Confession as the symbolical book, and banished
Catholicism from Sweden.^^ After long resistance, Sigismund,
too, confirmed these arrangements;^" but as he did not cease, in
should be encouraged to celibacj- that the King might take part in heretical worship
;
Catholicism should be predominant. Theiner, i. 459.

till
"^ Theiner, i. 456 ff. On the secret change of the King, May, 1578 ; ibid., s. 487. Pos-
sevin's report to the Pope ; ibid., Th. ii. ; Urkundenbuch, s. 257 fF.
=* Theiner, i. 502 ff.
-^ by a papal marriage dispensation, on account of which Laurentius Nicolai,

First
the mediator in the case, was excommunicated bj- the Archbishop of Upsala, 1578 see :
Theiner, i. 543. Soon after the archbishop and manj' of the clergy pronounced against
the new liturgy, and were supported bj- Duke Charles of South Ermanland ibid., s. 548. ;
^° Especiallj- in consequence of the earnest demands of the Diet of Wadstena, 1580
Theiner, i. 607. '
-' Geijer, ii. 226. Imago primi saeculi Soc. Jesu Antverp., 1640, fol., p. 219: tantas
spes moriens regina secum abstulit, hac siiblata deseruimus locum, non dcposuimus cu-
ram. Theiner, ii. 22.
-^ Again, in 1588, he issued a patent against the clergA' in South Ermanland, who had
latelj' condemned the liturgj' anew, calling them blockheads, jackass heads, Satanists,
and, as imps of the devil, declaring them to be outlaws in the whole kingdom.
^^ History of this council in Miinter's Magazin, ii. i. 69.
^^ 19th Februar}-, 1594; the documents in Baaz., p. 556 ss. He promised, in particu-
lar : Hanc Religionem in patria sartam tectam defendemus, non admittentes, ut alieni
docentes in templis vel scholis patriae alicubi suam doctrinam per vim aut dolum ad-
misceant. Sin vero privatam agunt vitam in hoc regno, qui alienae Religioni sunt ad-
dicti, utantur legibus civilibus cum Patriotis, quamdiu quiete vivunt, nee haeresin pro'
attempt to gain a sure footing for CathoHcism in

spite of this, the
Sweden, his subjects became piore and more aUenated.^^ In 1599
decisive conditions were laid before him; he rephed in an un-
satisfactory manner whereupon Gustavus Vasa's youngest son,
;
Charles IX., was

appointed Administrator of the kingdom,
first
and then, in 1604, made King.^^^ Though inclined to Calvinism,

he was obliged to yield to the general zeal for Lutheranism f^ and
to this Sweden has remained true without swervinor.
§ 19.
IN ITALY.
Dan. Gerdesii Specimen Italiae reformatae. Lugd. Bat., 1765. 4. Thorn. M'Crie's His-
tory of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy. Edinb. and Lon-
don, 1827 2d ed., 1833 in German by Dr. G. Friederich. Leipzig, 1829. 8.
; ;
pagatam cupiunt. Ad officia publica etiam politica nulli promovebuntur in patria, qui
Religionem Evangelicam nolunt salvam, quin potius qui earn serio defendere volunt
publicis officiis praeficiantur. To quiet his conscience, Sigismund, by advice of the nun-
cio who accompanied him, Iianded in a secret protestation (Raulce, Fiirsten u. Volker
von Siideuropa im 16ten u. 17ten Jahrh., iii. 381), come S. Ma non con la volunta sua
ma per pura forza si era indotto a concedere cio che haveva concesso and the nuncio ;
at the same time induced him, che concedesse da parte agli cattolici altretanto quanto
haveva conceduto alii heretici, which was in direct contradiction with the public pledge.
This last he at once broke by putting Catholics in state offices, and restoring Catholic
worship in four places.
^' At the Diet of Soderk oping, October, 1595, the entire regencj' had already been
committed to Duke Charles, and the following decree passed (Baaz., p. 567) Quanquam :
promiserit Rex noster ore ct manu, non esse sua indulgentia hie tolerandos alienae Reli-
gionis docentes tamen videmus multos in patria remanere post Regis discessum factio-
;
nis Jesuviticae socios, qui non solum publica habent exercitia Holmiae, in Drotning-
holm et Wastenis sed frecjuenter oberrant in patria, ut simpliciores decipiant. Conclu-
:
dimus igitur purgaudam necessario esse jâtriam ab his omnibusque Sectariis, et appro-
bamus unanirai consensu, ut omnes Sectarii ab Evangelica Religione alieni, qui sedem
elegerunt in patria, omnes ac singuli intra spatium sex hebdomadum toto Regno disce-
dant, aut auctoritate Magistratus compellantur abire. Officiarii politic!, qui a Sectariis
sunt scducti, nee amore nostrae Religionis tanguntur, hi sunt ab officiis removendi.
—
Maneant tamen Sueci in patria privatam vitam agentes, quamdiu scandala Religionis
non pariunt. By order of the duke, the archbishop, Abraham Angermann, thereupon
had a general church visitation, 1596, to extirpate all relics of the papacy (Baazius, p.
571 ss.). The cloister at Wadstena was now abolished.
^^ Exegesis historica non minus aequas quam graves causas commemorans, quibus
—
Ordines Sueciae Sigismundum renunciantes Carolum subrogarunt. — Stockholmiao,
1610. 4. (originally written in Swedish at the request of Charles IX. translated into ;
Latin b}' John Messenius).

^^ In his regal pledge, March
27, 1607, he confirmed the decrees of the Council of
Upsala (Geijer, ii. 835). When
afterward the Scotchman, John Forbesius, invited by a
Calvinistic part}' at the court, defended the Calvinistic decretum ahsolidum (Baazius, p.
623 ss.) in a disputation at Upsala, Nov. 17, 1608, the King too became inclined to Cal-
vinism (Baazius, p. 660).
;
CHAP. II.—REFORIMATION. § 19. IN ITALY. 277

[Kiesling, Epistola de Gestis Pauli III. ad Emend. Ecclesiae spectantibus, Lips., 1747.
Schelhorn, De Consilio de emendanda Eccl. jussu Pauli III., sed ab eodem neglecto,
Tiguri, 1718. De Porta, Hist. Ref. Eccl. Rhaeticarum. D. Erdmann, Die Reforma-
tion u. ihre Miirtyrer in Italien, Berl., 1855. Jules Bonnet, Vie de Olj-mpia Morata,
3me ed., 12mo, Paris, 185G.]
In Italy a widely diffused culture was favorable to the Refor-

mation ; on the other hand, national power of the hie- pride, the
rarchy, and the self-interest of Italy, aidedby the papal omnipo-

tence, worked against it. On this account it had currency almost
exclusively among the cultivated, and but a slight hold upon the
people. Luther's writings and those of other reformers were ear-
ly and warmly welcomed ;^ they were reprinted in part under fic-
titious names, that they might be circulated without impediment.^
Then, too, the years of the war that began in 1526 were favorable
to the diffusion of the new ideas for then the clerical oversight
;
was lessened, and many zealous Protestants also came to Italy in

the imperial army which plundered Rome in 1527, and for a long
time afterward tarried in Naples.^
The good right of the Grerman Reformation, in opposition to
ecclesiasticalmechanism and the fatal doctrine of salvation by
works, was conceded by the more enlightened Italians, and also
by the clergy, in wide circles. Hence the study of the Scriptures
was enlivened, and Antonio Brucioli first published a correct and
' The Basle bookseller, John Froben, reports to Luther, Feb. 14, 1519, about his writ-
ings (Tom. i. Jen. fol. 367, b.) : Calvus bibliopola Papiensis —
bonam libellorum partem
in Italian! deportavit, per omnes civitates sparsurus. Neque enim tarn sectatur lucrum,
quam cupit renascenti pietati suppetias ferre. — Is promisit ab omnibus eruditis in Italia
viris Epigrammata se missurum in tui laudem scripta. Such an epigram, composed in
Milan, 1521, see in Schelhornii Amoenitates hist. eccl. et liter., ii. 624.
^ Thus, especially Melancthon's Loci Theologici, in an Italian translation, published
by Paul Manutius in Venice I principii della Theologia di Ippofilo de terra nigra (Sca-
;
ligeriana secunda, p. 207). Several of Luther's writings were circulated anonj-moush'

Zwingle's went under the names Coricius Cogelius and Abydenus Corallus Bucer's ;
under the name Aretius Felinus.

^ Paul Sarpi Hist, du Concile de Trente trad, par Courayer, i. 85 : Dans I'ltalie meme
plusieurs personnes gouterent la nouvelle Reforme. Car aj-ant ete deux ans sans Pape
et sans Cour Romaine, on regardoit les malheurs, qu'elle avoit essuyes comme I'execu-
tion d'une sentence de la justice divine centre ce Gouvernement ; et Ton prechoit centre
I'Eglise Romaine dans les maisons particuli^res de plusieurs Villes, et sur-tout a Faenza
Ville du Domaine du Pape, en sorte que Ton voyoit augmenter tons les jours le nombre
des Lutheriens, qui avoient pris le nom d'Evangeliques. Clement VII. said, in his brief
to the inquisitor in Ferrara and Modena, 15th Jan., 1530 (Raynald. h. a.. No. 51) Cum, :
sicut ex relatione pro parte tua nobis facta cum gravi nostrae mentis molestia innotuit,
in diversis Italiae partibus adeo pestifera haeresis Lutheri non tantum apud saeculares
personas, sed etiam ecclesiasticas et regulares, tam mendicantes quam non mendicantes,
invaluerit, ut aliquando nonnulli ex eis suis sermonibus et verbis, et quod deterius est
publicis praedicationibus tali labe plerosque inficiant, caet.
—;;
readable edition of the Holy Scriptures.* At the same time, among

the more earnest minds, Augustinianism gained a hold, as being
the most decided antidote to the corruption of the Church. Many
distinguished men remained in this stage, kept from further steps
partly by the fear of a division in the Church, and in part by some
other doctrines of the German reformers.^ They were the more
inclined to remain true to the Church when the Pope, Paul III.,
raised several of them to the cardinal's dignity, and gave them
great influence, particularly Gasparus Contarenus, in 1535,^ Reg-
inald Pole in 1536,'' Federicus Fegosius, Archbishop of Salerno,
in 1539,^ John.de Morone, Archbishop of Modena, in 1542.^ Oth-
ers, however, united more decidedly with the German reformers
and, even when they did not wholly abandon the Catholic wor-
The New Testament vras first published, Venice, 1530. 8. The -whole Rible, 1532,
*
fol. Comp. Schelhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten, i. 379, 643.

* Comp. Ranke's Fiirsten u. Volkei" von Siideuropa im 16ten u. 17tcn Ja.hrh., ii. 182.
Marcus Antonius Flaminius takes an important position among them at the court of Fer-
rara he died 1550. Comp. Joach. Camerarii Narratio de Flaminio (prefixed to an edi-
;
tion of his letters, Noriberg, 1571. 8., and in Schelhornii Amoenitates literariae, x. 1149)
and Schelhorn de religione M. A. Flaminii, in his Amoenit. hist. eccl. et lit., ii. 1. His
chief writings were his Comm. in Psalterium, a metrical paraphrase of thirty psalms,
sacred poems, and epistles. He every where teaches the entire inabilitj' of man to good,
and his salvation only through faith. He says in a letter (Schelhorn Amoen., ii. 141) :
Vitae Christianae summa est accepta ab hominibus gratia Evangelii, i. e., justificatio per
fidem. Comp. p. 102 s. and 115 s. On the other hand, he defends the mass in a letter
to Carneseca (1. c., p. 146), propterea quod execranda secta Zuingliana progreditur om-
nino crescendo, et multi sequentes opinionem Lutheri condemnant idololatriam Missae.

Comp. p. 154 : Et nos, vir praestantissime, si non volumus naufragium facere in istis
periculosissimis scopulis, humiliter abjiciamur coram Deo, neque induci nos sinamus
ulla ratione, quantumvis verisimilis appareat, ut nos separemus ab Ecclesia catholica.
In voluntate autem judicandi res divinas humana disputatione refutabimur abs Deo, et
his contentiosis temporibus ita applicabimur uni parti, et odio prosequemur alteram, ut
penitus amittamus judicium ac caritatem, et perhibeamus lucem tenebras, et tenebras
lucem, et persuadendo nobis, quod simus divites ac beati, erimus pauperes, miseri et
miserabiles, quod non sciamus separare pretiosum a vili, quae scientia absque spiritu
Christi doceri non potest. —
Wholly in the same evangelical spirit with the commentarj-
of Flaminius is the Comm. in Psalmos, -wTitten by Jo. Bapt. Folengius (Benedictine in
Monte Cassino, f 1559 in Mantua) ; see extracts in Gerdes, p. 257 ss.
* Two old biographies of him, an anonymous Italian, and one in Latin bj' Jo. Casa
see in Regin. Poli Epistt., ed. Quirini, P. iii. Praef., p. 97 et 142.

^ Sleidan alreadj' says of him, lib. x. (ed. am Ende, ii. 54) : Qui familiariter hominem
norunt, Evangelii doctrinam probe cognitam esse dicunt. Against Surius, who de-
ei
clares this to be a calumnj', see Schelhorn Amoenit. hist. eccl. et lit., i. 141 ss. Polus
is ver}- harshlj' judged as a hypocrite in an anonymous work, M-ritten bj- P. P. Verêrius :
Giudizio sopra le lettere di tredici huomini illustri, 1555 ; see the passage in Schelhorn,
1. c. ii. 7 ss.
*
8 On his Trattato dclla Oratione, see Riederer's Nachrichten, iv. 118, 232.
^ Cardinal Giovanni Morone, in Miinch's Denkwiirdigkeiten zur politischen Reforma-
tions- u. Sittengeschichte der drey letzten Jahrhunderte (Stuttgart, 1839), s. 175.
;:
CHAP. II.—REFORIVIATION. § 19. IX ITALY. 279
ship, they formed societies for religious instruction and edification.

The difference between these two parties, the Protestant Evangel-
ical and the Catholic Evangelical, really consisted only in the im-
portance they attached to the unity of the Church ; and yet it was
so impossible for the former class to manifest their real alienation
from the Church by any decisive outward manifestation, that in
the case of many men it could hardly be determined to which class
they belonged ; and both parties, too, were kept by personal friend-
ship in many relations to each other.
The more decided advocates of the Reformation first came out
openly in Ferrara, after the marriage of the French princess, Re-
nata,^° in 1527, with the Duke Hercules 11. : she gave them pro-
tection. From this point Protestantism spread into Modena, where
it was welcomed, Academy. ^^ In Venice,^^ too,
especially in the
it had friends very early their numbers rapidly increased
; they ;
found powerful advocates, and were diffused through the territory

of the republic, particularly m Vicenza and Treviso. Reformatory
ideas were first introduced into Naples with the imperial army
they gained a more decisive influence through the efforts of a
Spanish nobleman, Juan Valdez,^^ who came thither in 1535 as
secretary of the Viceroy, and died in 1540. Here, also, the two
^° Eenea v. Este u. ihre Tocbter, von E. Munch, 2 Bde., Aachen u. Leipzig, 1831 u.
33, Id. 8.
" In 1542 it was the general report that Modena was citta Lutherana (Quirini in the
Praef. to Poll Epistt., T. iii. p. 84).
•^^Luther writes, as earlj- as March 7, 1528, to Gabr. Didj'mus (de Wette, iii. 289):
Laetus audio de Venetis quae scribis, quod verbum Dei receperint. When unfavorable
rumors about Melancthon's yielding disposition were in circulation in Augsburg, 1530,
the Venetian, Lucio Paolio Roselli, wrote to him two letters of counsel and encourage-
ment, July 26 and Aug. 1, 1530 (in Mel. 0pp. ed. Bretschneider, ii. 226 u. 243). In the
firsthe writes: Scias igitur, Italos omnes expectare Augustensis hujus vestri conventus
decreta. Quicquid enim in eo determinatum fuerit, id caeterae omnes christianae pro-
vinciae approbabunt ob Imperatoris praecipue auctoritatem. In 1539 Melancthon wrote
ad Venetos quosdara Evangelii studiosos (usuallj' wrongly cited ad Senatum Venetum
see Schelhoru's Ergotzlichkeiten, i. 422 the letter itself, see in Bretschneider, iii.
flf. ;
745), unfolding to them the principles of the Eeformation in Germanj-, and warning them
as to the Unitarianism of Servetus. In 1542 Balthasar Alterius (Altieri. comp. on him
F. Meyer's die evang. Gemeinde in Locarno, i. 33, 36, 465), secretarj' of the English em-
bassador at Venice, wrote to Luther (the letter is in Seckendorf, iii. 401) in the name of
the Fratres Ecclesiae Venetiarum, Vicentiae et Tarvisii, and asked him to persuade the
German princes to cause letters of recommendation to be WTitten to the Senate, ut per-
mittant quemlibet ritu suo vivere, dum tamen seditio et publicae quietis perturbatio ca-
veatur. Luther answered 13th June, 1543, and 12th Nov., 1544 (de Wette, v. 565, 695).
^^ On Valdez, see Schelhorn Amoen. hist, eccl., ii. 47; M'Crie, Gesch. der Reform, in
Spanien, translated by Plieningcr, s. 148 ff. Dr. C. Schmidt iu Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d.

;
hist. Theol., vii. iv. 123.

280 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1G48.
most remarkable preachers of Italy became favorable to the Refor-

mation, viz., Bernardino Ochino," Greneral of the Capuchins, and
reverenced almost as a saint, and Peter Martyr Vermigli,^"^ the
learned Augustinian. From this circle'^ proceeded, in 1540, the
>* (Burc. Gotth. Struve) De Vita, Religione, et Fatis Bern. Ochini Senensis, in the Ob-
servationes Halenses, iv. 409. De B. Och. Dialogorum libris, ibid., v. 1. De B. Ochini
Nachlese von B. Ochini Lebeu u. Schriften, in Schelhorn's
Seriptis reliquis, ibid., v. 64.
Ergotzlichkeiten, iii. [Bock, Historia Antitrin., 1784.]
7G5, 979, 1141, 2129.
'^ P. Mart. Verm. Florentini Vita per Josiam Simlerum Tigurinuni. Tiguri, 1563. 4. ,-
recusa in Gerdesii Scrinium Antiquarium, iii. 1 also in Melch. Adamus, in his Vitae
;
Theologorura exterorum principum. F. Ch. Schlosser's Leben des Theodor de Beza u.

des Peter Martj-r Vermili. Heidelberg, 1809. 8. s. 363. Vie de Pierre Martj-r Vermigli,
Thise par Ch. Schmidt. Strasb., 1835. 4. [Also in Hagenbach's Leben u. Schriften d.
Reformatoren, bj' C. Schmidt, 1859.]
'^ On these occurrences in Naples there is a report by the Catholic Ant. Caracciolus
in the Vita Cajetani Thienaei, who, with Joh. Petr. CarafFa, had founded the Order of
the Theatines (Ant. Caracc. de vita Pauli IV. Collectanea hist. Colon. Ubiorum, 1612.
4. p. 239 ss., and Acta SS. August. II., 297 ss.) Haeretici homines rcgiam urbem Nea-
:
polim— Lutheriana labc inficere studuerunt. Nam primo Germani equites ad duo mille,
et sex millia peditum, qui post direptani Romani eo convolaverant, ut Lauthrecum obsi-
dentem repellerent, impii dogmatis, quod Luthero propinante imbiberant, multa et ne-
faria exempla passim ediderunt. His postea alio amandatis unus Joannes Valdesius
Ilispanus, qui anno 1535, Neapolim venit, longe majorem mentium stragem dedit, quam
multa ilia Haereticorum militum millia. Hie enim Uteris tinctus iis, quae ad conipc-
randam eruditi opinionem satis vulgo essent, placido adspectu, quique innocentiam prae
se ferret, comitate suavitateque serrnonis teterrimam impietatem incredibili vaframento
occultabat. Itaque brevi ad se traxit multos his artibus illectos deceptosque. In his
duo fuere, ceteris omnibus insigniores, et digna corvo ova, Bernardinus Occhinus, et Pe-
trus Martyr Vermilius, ambo haereticorum postea Antesignani. Bernardinus, magnl
concionator nominis, ostentatione asperrimi victus atque indumenti, egregiae sanctitatis
f.imam sibi conciliaverat. Petrus vero, linguarum peritia excultus in coenobio S. Petri,
cni praeerat, epistolas Pauli Apostoli publice exponendo ad sensum haereticorum dextere
pervertebat. Initium detegendae impietatis a Nostris (the Theatines) factum quippe :
rem odorari coepit. Advertit enim dogmata, quae illi

Cajetanus, perspicaci vir ingenio,
Satanicae Reipublicae Triumviri de purgatoriis poenis, de summi Pontificis potestate, de
libero hominum arbitrio, de reorum justificatione passim inspergebant, sapere novitatem
temerariam, atque adeo detestabilem impietatem. Observaveratque Occhinum ab us-
que anno 1536, quo in aede S. Joannis Majoris concionatus fuerat, ambiguis quibusdara
dilemmatis, et obtrectatione in ecclesiasticos magistratus coepisse auditores nequissimis
persuasionibus inescare. Hoc vero anno 1539, nempe paulo post quam Nostri Paulinam
aedem adepti sunt, is ipse Occhinus cilicino indumento, et raucis declamationibus, h. e.
instrumentis ad concitandam multitudinem instructissimus, e Metropolitaui templi pul-
pito multo liberius apertiusque Lutheriana serebat dogmata. Cajetanus igitur, qui ad
hos audiendos observandosque et ipse ire, et alios dedita opera mittere solitus erat, nihil
jam cunctandum ratus Cardinalem Theatinum (Caraffa), qui turn Romae Paulum III.
P. M. ad instituendum in ea urbe supremum Inquisitionis magistratum magis magisque
sollicitabat, de iis rebus atque homiuibus impiis certiorem fecit et Neapolitanos inte-
;
rim ipse monuit, ut porro sibi caverent. Denique conatus est modis omnibus hypocritis
illis lai-vam detrahere. Quocirca etsi illi sub ovina pelle lupi aliquot annos cum magna
Campaniae pernicie latitaverunt tamen aliquando tandem, crescente nimirum in dies
;
nequitiae suspicione, et patefactis promlscuis et pudibundis virorum ac foeminarum

coetibus, quos clanculum cogebant, omnes ut periculo praeverterent, quod sibi ab urbe
imminebat, alius alio aufugerunt. The Reformed Josias Simler relates, on the other
CHAP. II.—REFORMATION. § 19. IN ITALY. 281
treatise Del Beneficio di Christo," which had a very wide circu-
hand, in the Vita Petri Martyris (see Note 15) Serin. Antiqu., iii. 13 ss., how Martyr, in
Naples, had turned from scholasticism and the Church fathers to the Holy Scriptures,
and then had also read Protestant books nactus Buceri commentaria in Evangelistas,
:
et annotationes in Psalmos, quas ille sub Aretii Felini nomine ediderat, diligenter evol-
vit, Zwinglii quoque librum de vera et falsa religione, et alteruni ejusdem de providen-
tia Dei, nonnuUa etiam Erasmi et legit, et se horum omnium lectione multum profecisse
saepe ingenue confessus est. Interea quotidie pene cum amicis, qui purae religionis stu-
diosi erant, aliquid ex sacris Uteris et commentabatur, sic ut hujusmodi colloquiis mul-
tum utrinque in vera religione aedificarentur. —Fuit eo tempore non spernenda ecclesia
piorum hominum in urbe Neapolitana nam : in illo coetu raulti viri erant nobiles et
dacti, —
multae etiam excellenti virtute foeminae. Quamvis autem hujus Ecclesiae prima
laus debeatur Valdesio, nihilominus tamen Martj'ris quoque virtus coramemoranda est,
qui posteaquam a Domino ampliore luce divinae veritatis donatus fuit, et se coetui pio-
rum adjunxit, earn quam veram doctrinam esse norat statim aliis quoque praedicare vo-
luit. Etenim epistolam D. Pauli ad Corinthios priorem publice interpretari coepit, idque
magno cum fructu, namque ilium non tantum ejus Collegii socii audiebant, verum etiam
aliquot Episcopi et multi nobiles. But as he did not interpret 1 Cor. iii. 13 sq. of purga-
tory, he was forbidden Sed Mart}-!- causae bonitate fretus Romam ad
to give lectures. —
Pontificem provocavit, et illic amicorum ope adversarios superavit. Habuit enim tum
in urbe amices potentes et gratiosos, Herculem Gonzagam Cardinalem Mantuanum,
Casparem Contarenum, Reginaldum Polum, Petrum Bembum, Fridericum Fregosium,
omnes et doctos et apud Pontificem gi-atiosos, et qui tum viderentur aliquam reformatio-
nem Ecclesiae desiderare. Horum gratia et opidbus subnixus facile obtinuit, ut inter-
dictum illud adversariorum tolleretur, et sibi concederetur pristina docendi libertas.
Right afterward he was obliged to leave Naples on account of his health.
^''
The work is described in Riederer's Nachrichteu, iv. 121, 235 ff. The author is un-
known. On this point it is said bj' P. P. Vergerius, the editor of the Articuli contra
Card. Moronum (Tubingae), 1558. 8. Multi sunt in ea opinione, quod vix fuerit nostra
:
aetate, saltern lingua Italica, libellus scriptus tarn suavis, tarn plus, tam simplex, et ad
instruendos, praesertim in articulo de justificatione, rudiores atque infirmiores tam aptus
tamque idoneus. Imo dicam amplius, Reginaldum Polum, Cardinalem Britannum,
istius Moroni amicum summum, existimari ejus libri auctorem, aut bonam partem in
eo habere: saltern certum est ilium defendisse et promovisse cum suis Flaminiis, suis
Priulis, aliisque alumuis. The same Vergerius says, in his remarks to the Catal. libr.
prohib., 1549, that the book had two authors, who still lived in Italj' and favored bj' the
Roman court (Schelhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten, Laderchius Ann. Eccles. ann.
ii. 27 s.).
15G7, No. 49, calls Valdesius the author of this book, and says that Flaminius had writ-
ten an Apologeticus for it. In fine, a report of the Inquisition declares (Ranke, Fiirsten
u. Volker, ii. 138) : Quel libro del beneficio di Christo, fu il sue autore un monaco di
Sanseverino in Napoli, disccpolo del Valdes, fu revisore di detto libro il Flaminio, fu
stampato molte volte ma particolamente a Modsna de mandate Moroni, inganno molti,
perclie trattava della giustificatione con dolce modo ma hereticamente. Schelhorn
(Amoen. hist. eccl. et liter., i. 157), and after him manj' others, conjecture that Palea-
rius is the author, because he saj-s in his Oratio pro se ipsoEx Christi morte quanta :
commoda allata sint humano cum hoc

anno thusce scripsissem, objectum
generi, ipso
fuit in accusatione. But this work, for which Palearius was called to an inquisition in
the same j-ear in which he wrote it, can not be the one above designated, which was so
widelj' diffused, and as to the author of which there is still constant hesitation. [Com-
pare Benefit of Clirist's Death, Lond., 1856, from an Italian edition, 1543, and a French
translation of 15G1, found in St. John's College. There was an English version in 1548.
In 1849 there were two new Italian versions, at Pisa and Florence, from Aj-re's English
translation. The book had been supposed hopelessly lost, though 40,000 copies of it
were circulated 1543 to 1518. A translation into German, Von d. Wohlthat Christi, from
;
282 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
lation,and gained many converts to the doctrine of justification

by faith. Peter Martyr gathered around him a similar circle in
Lucca, after his appointment as prior of the monastery in that
place, and at the same time trained many young persons in a very
evangelical spirit^^ at a college which he there founded. Even
in the States of the Church the Reformation found friends very ;
many in Bologna.^^
The controversy about the Lord's Supper, which unhappily di-
vided the Reformers every where, was also transferred to Italy .2°
The Italians who favored the Reformation took, for the most part,
the side of the Swiss, in consequence of their predominant prefer-
ence for intelligibility. This rational tendency, too, paved the
way for the Anti-Trinitarianism of Servetus, although these opin-
ions had to be kept in the strictest secrecy .^^
Under Paul III. those Evangelical Catholics had so great influ-
ence, that for a long time it seemed as if the Reformation, by the
recognition of its most important demands, was about to be rec-
onciled with the Church. A commission appointed by the Pope,
consisting for the most part of men of this tendency, exposed ec-
, clesiastical abuses with unexpected frankness, in their memorial
upon reform, 1537,^^ and brought forward far-reaching projects
another copy, was published at Leipz., 1855. Comp. Gersdorfs Rep., Nov. 1855. Notes
and Queries, x. 384, 406 xi. 447 also for June 20, 1857.]
; ;
1^ Simler in Vita Petri Mart., in the Serin. Antiqu., iii. 17.

^' When, in 1533, John von Planitz was in Bologna, as embassador of the Elector of
Saxonj- to the Emperor, the Bolognese who favored the Reformation addressed to him a
letter, in which urged him most importunatel}' to obtain the calling of a council
thej-
the letter is Comm. de Luthero, iii. 68. In 1545 Alterius wrote to a mer-
in Seckendorf
chant of Nuremberg that an Evangelical nobleman in Bologna was ready to fit out 6000
soldiers for a war against the Pope Seckendorf, iii. 578 s.
;
-" On this division, Alterius, in his letter to Luther, 1542, entreated him to give an
explanation, which he did in his two replies, with his customarj- severity against the
Sacramentarians; see above, Note 12.
^' Melancthon writes to the Venetians as early as 1529 (see Note 12) : lutellexi istic
circumferri Serveti libellum and warns against his doctrine. Among the Italian refu-
;
gees there were so man}- Unitarians that almost all the Evangelical Italians were sus-
pected of holding similar views. Thus the Unitarians reckon Valdesius and Ochino
among their number (Sandii Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum, p. 2). This has least proof
in the case of Valdesius; when Beza, Epistt., p. 40, calls his Considerationes —
scriptum
impium et irreligiosum : this does not refer to Unitarian doctrine, but rather to mj-stieal
excesses (Bock, Hist. Antitr., ii. 319). —Beza, Epistt., p. 190, calls Ochino —Arianorum
claudestinum fautorem ; Stanislaus Hosius, in the De
Judicio Tigurinorum (0pp., i. 695),
accuses him in the same way ; other conflicting opinions in Bock, Hist. Antitr., ii. 609.
[Comp. Fock's Socinianismus, 8vo, Kiel., 1847. L. Lange, Gesch. d. Unitarier. 1831.
Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theol., 1843 and 1845.]
^^ There were nine of the clerg)-— among them the cardmals, Caspar Contareni, Job.
of amelioration."^ In the negotiations with the G-erman Protest-

ants at Ratisbon, 1541, the papal legate, Contareni, gave in his
adhesion to the fundamental Protestant doctrine of justification
by faith.2*
Petr. Caraffa, Jacob. Ladoletus, Eeginaltl Pole, and Frederick Fregoso, Archbishop of
Salerno. It was printed in Rome, 1538,and again in Latin by John Sturm, in Stras-
burg, and published b}' Luther in Wittenberg in a German translation with biting notes,
and then incorporated in the Collection of Councils of Petrus Crabbe, Colon. Agripp.,
1551. But after it was put bj- Paul IV., though he had been one of the authors, into the
Index of 1559, and afterward in all the Indices, it was omitted in the later collections
of councils, and even in the Annals of Eaj'naldus but it was still often issued by the
;
opponents of the papacy (e. g., in Brown App. ad Fasciculum rerum expetend. etfugiend.,
p. 231). At last the Cardinal Quirini asserted that the prohibition referred only to the
edition of Sturm, and though Schelhorn refuted him (De Consilio de emendanda Eccle-
sia, auspiciis Pauli III. conscripto, ac a Paulo IV. damnato ad Eminent. A. M. Card.
Quirinum Epistola J. G. Schelhornii, Tiguri, 1748. 4.), j-et, since then, this Consilium
has been again received into the Catholic collections of councils (in Mansi Concill. Sup-
plem., V. 537, and in Jod. le Plat Monum. ad. hist. Cone. Trident, spectantia, ii. 596).
Its characteristics may be seen from the Introduction Sanctitas tua mandavit, ut
'•'^
:
nidlius aut commodi tni, aut cujuspiam alterius habita ratione, tibi significaremus abu-
sus illos, gravissimos scilicet morbos, quibus jam pridem Ecclesia Dei laborat, ac prae-
sertinl haec Romana curia quibus eflectum propre est, ut paulatim ac sensim ingrave-
:
scentibus pestiferis his morbis magnam banc ruinam traxerit, quam videmus. Et quia
Sanctitas tua — probe noverat principium horum malorum inde fuisse, quod nonnulli
pontifices tui praedecessores prurientes auribus, ut inquit Apostolus, coacervaverunt sibi
magistros ad desideria sua, non ut ab eis discerent quid facere deberent, sed ut eorum
studio ct calliditate inveniretur ratio qua liceret id quod liberet. Inde eflectum est, prae-
terquam quod principatum oranem sequitur adulatio, ut umbra corpus, difficillimusque
semper fuit aditus veritatis ad aures Principum, quod confestim prodirent doctores, qui
docerent Pontificem esse dominum beneficiorum omnium, ac ideo, cum dominus jure
vendat id quod suum est, necessario sequi, in Pontificem non posse cadere Simoniam.
Ita quod voluntas Pontiiicis, qualiscunque ea fuerit, sit regula qua ejus operationes et
actiones dirigantur ex quo procul dubio effici, ut quidquid libeat, id etiam liceat. Ex
;
hoc fonte, sancte Pater, tanquam ex equo Trojano, irrupere in Ecclesiam Dei tot abusus
et tarn graves morbi, quibus nunc conspicimus earn ad desperationem fere salutis labo-
rasse, etc. Besides this, Contareni, in two lettei's to the Pope, refuted the exaggerations
of the papal power defended by flatterers; see these in Rocaberti Biblioth. Pontificia,
xiii. 178 Le Plat Monumenta, ii. G05. He relates to his friend Polus how kindly the
;
Pope received this, dd. 11. Nov., 1538 (Epistt. Poli, ed. Quirini, ii. 141) plurima chris- :
tiane raecum disseruit, quo efTectum est, ut iterum conceperim magnam spem aliquid
Deum boni acturum, neque portas inferi praevalituras esse contra Domini spiritum.
How much the Evangelical partj' expected from this Reformation, see Poli Epist. ad
Contarenum, dd. 10. Jun., 1537 (Epistt. Poli, ii. 68) in maximam spem veni, Pontifice
:
perseverante in censura morum, in caeteris non ita magnam futuram controversiam, ut

non facile ad professionem unius fidei in caritate omnes provinciae consentiant.
§ 7, Note 42. Comp. Contareni Epist. s. Tract,
-* See the articles as compared above,
de justificatione, written in Ratisbon, May 25, 1541, to explain and defend the fide justi-
Jicamur (this tract appeared in Paris, 1571 but in the Venice edition (1589) it is revised
;
by the General Inquisitor in Venice after the Tridentine decrees expurgatus prodiit. In ;
Epistoll. Eegin. Poli, ed. Quirini, P. iii. p. cic, it is found like the Paris edition p. ;
ccxii. the Venetian changes are added). In Rome this view of the doctrine made a great
sensation (Jo. Casa in Vita Contareni, Epistt. Poli, iii. p. clxxv. Nee deerant Romae, :
qui dicerent, nulla alia de causa ipsum Germanis gratum acceptumque esse, nisi quia
adversariis indulsisset, ac decreta, quae pugnacissime defendere debebat, iisdem prodi-
;
But this party had now reached the height of its influence.
The strict CathoUds, who opposed it, earnestly insisted that such
manifestations encouraged Protestantism in general, and particu-
larly in Italy .^^ The Pope receded, and, by advice of the Car-
dinal John Peter CarafFa (1542), appointed an Inquisition for the
suppression of Protestantism in all Italy."'' Caraffa himself was
commissioned to guide it ; all the Italian states granted the need-
ful aid and the new Inquisition took such energetic measures
;
against all suspected persons, that crowds of them abandoned their

fatherland and sought security for the most part in Switzerland.
Many of them were, by this persecution, first forced to abandon a
half-way position, and take a decided stand for the Reformation.
Among these refugees, to the general astonishment of Italy, were,
in 1542, Bernardino Ochino"'' and Peter Martyr Vermigli : the lat-
disset. —
Hae vero graves acerbaeque voces non tantum illic, iibi plurimum ipsi obesse
poterant, improbe mittebantur, verum etiam per omnem Italian! fusae ac disseminatae
magnopere illius existimatiouem ac dignitatem laedebant), and Contareni had to be de-
fended bj- his friends; e. g., by Aloj-sius Priolus (Epistoll. Poli, iii. p. xlvi.), and b}-
Pole. How fully the latter agreed Avith Contareni is shown in his letters to him. He
writes to him on the were compared, dated May 17, 1541 (Epistt. Poli, iii.
articles that
25) : Scnsi vero, tali me cum banc consonantiam opinionum viderem,
perfundi gaudio,
quanto nulla quamvis suavis harmonia animum et aures iinquam permulcere posset
nee vero tantum ob earn causani, qnod magnum fundanientum pacis et concordiae jac-
tum esse videbam, quam quod hoc fundanientum illud agnoscerem, quod super omnia,
ut mihi quidem videtur, gloriam Christi illustrat est vero fundanientum totius doctri-
;
nae Christianae. Etsi enim diversa tractari videntur, ut de fide et operibus, ac justifica-
tione tamen omnia ad unum justificationis caput referri, et de eo convenisse utriusque
;
partis theologos niaxime gratulor. —

Quod vero jubes, ut ne divulgem, sed secreto apud
me habeam, quae de hac concordia sunt scripta, doleo ita tempera exigere. Julj- 16 he
expresses himself in praise of the Tractatus of Contareni (1. c., p. 28) Cum vero eadem :
(quam proposuisti de justificatione sententia) tuo nomini notam aliquam infeiTe videba-
tur, quasi in ea novi alicujus dogmatis approbatorem te ostenderes (novitatis enim opi-
nio, ut audio, fuit, quae plures ab ea abalienavit), ad nemmeni quidem magis, quam ad
me pertinebat, ejusmodi labem, quantum in me esset, eluere. Cum ad reliqua
omnem —
dignitatis munera per te sanctissime praestita hoc accessit, ut istam veritatis sententiam,
quam quasi margaritam prefiosam 2iartim absconditam, partlm apertam Ecclesia semper
tenuit, ipse in niultorum nianus et quasi possessionem dares, de eo facere non possum,
quin tibi maxime gratuler. The Cardinal Quirini tries to prove that Contareni's doc-
trine of justification is Catholic, in his Diatriba qua illustrantur et vindicaiitur gesta
Card. Gasp. Contareni in conv. Ratisbonensi (Epistt. Poli, iii. p. i.), cap. v. (1. c, p.
xli.). Against him, Kiesling ad Quirinum epist. de Contareno, purioris doctrinae de
justificatione in conv. Ratisbon. teste et confessore. Lips., 1749. 4.
-' From this proceeded, in 1542, the papal directions, De modo concionandi (in Epistt.
Poli, ed. Quirini, T. iii., praef , p. 75), in which Cardinal Pole had the most important
part.
-^ Comp. Onuphrius and Antonius Caraffa, in Ant. Caraccioli de Vita Pauli IV., Col-
lectanea Historica, p. 44 and 156. The Bulle, Licet ab initio, 21st Julj-, 1542, in Cocque-
lines Bullarium, iv. i. 211.
*' Before his flight he talked with Contareni, then legate in Bologna, upon his death-
;
ter went to Zurich, and then became professor of theology in Stras-

burg.^^ Not less was the surprise when, in 1548, Pierpaolo Ver-
gerio, Bishop of Capo d'lstria,"^ who had been frequently employed
as a papal legate, fled to the Protestants, at first betaking himself
to the Grisons ; and when Galeazzo Caraccioli,^^ Marquis ofVico,
and son of a sister of that foe of heretics, CarafTa, gave up, in 1551,
his brilliant position in Italy, to go over to the Reformed' Church
in Geneva.^^
The Inquisition became still more cruel, when its leading spirit.
Cardinal CarafTa, took the papal chair as Paul IV., 1555-59.^^

Under him the persecution was also extended to those who united
an evangelical tendency with views f^ bishops
strict ecclesiastical
and cardinals were, in 1557, subjected to investigation John Mo- ;
bed. According to Ochini's declaration, C. complained of the persecution that was be-
ginning, and repeated his confession about justification see M'Crie, p. 186. But this is
:
disputed by Jo. Casa in Vita Contareni (Poli Epistt., iii. p. cxc.) comp. Quirini, 1. c,
;
p. Ixxxiii. The letter of the Cardinal Caraffa to Ochino to induce him to return is in Jos.
Silos Hist. Clei'icorura regularium. Extracts in Raj-naldus, 1542, No. 56, and in Schel-
horn's Ergotzlichkeiten, iii. 982. Another bj* Claudius Toloraeus, in Schelhorn, iii. 1005.
Answer of Ochino, ibid., s. 1145. On other letters of the latter to the regents of Siena
and to Hieronj-mus Mutius Justinopolitanus, defending his step, ibid., s. 2108.
'^ Martyr was afterward still in correspondence with his church in Lucca see his :
letters appended to his Loci communes theologici. Heidelberg, 1613 fol.

" On him, Salig's Hist, der Augsb. Conf., ii. 1148. De Porta Hist. Reform. Eccles.
Rhaeticarum, i., ii. 139. [C. H. Sixt, P. P. Vigerius, 8vo, 1855; cf. Reuter's Rep. Aug.,
1857.1
^"•On him, Thuani Hist., lib. 84. His life in Museum Helveticum, viii. 519.
^^ Among other refugees were also eighteen disciples of Peter Martj-r, M'ho left Italy
in 1550 (Adami in Vita Sanchii, p. 75). Two of them were canons of the Lateran
—
Church Count Celsus Martinengus, who became preacher of the Italian church in Ge-
neva, and Hieronymus Zanchius, wlio became professor in Strasburg, afterward in Hei-
delberg. How tliey came to know the truth is related in a letter of Zanchius to Philip,
Landgrave of Hesse, in Gerdesii Scrinium Antiq., v. 230 s. Emanuel Tremellius was
also one of Martj'r's disciples he taught in many places, and at length was professor of
;
the Hebrew language in Sedan. Olympia Fulvia Morata, one of the ladies of the court
of the Duchess Renata, of Ferrara, could only escape the persecution by following a
Gennan whom she was married in 1549, to his native city her
phj-sician, Griinthler, to ;
life Vermischte Schriften, ii. 39. [Comp. M'Crie's Ref. in Italy, 93, 189, etc.
in Miinch's
Olympiae Moratae Opera. Basil, 1590. Jules Bonnet Vie de Olj'mpia Morata, 3me ed.,
1856, Paris.] Among these refugees were also Caelius Secundus Curio, who belonged
to the circle in Ferrara, in 1543 fled, and became a teacher in Lausanne (Gerdes. Ital.
Reform., p. 234), Francis Stancarus, Laelius Socinus, and others.
^- The Epistola Busdragi to a cardinal, 1558, in Gerdesii Serin. Antiq., i. 319, is man-
ifestlj- an ironical work, written by one of evangelical views, to set forth the insufficien-
cy of all human agencies against the truth.

^' Among those arrested were the Cardinal Morone ; Foscarari, Bishop of Modena
San Bishop of Cava. Cardinal Pole was recalled from his legation in England
Felicio,
(Raj-nald. 1557, No. 42 ss.), and was examined, as was his intimate friend Aloysius
Priulus. Comp. Poli Epist. ad Pauluni, iv. (Epistol. Poli, v. 31), in which Polus seeks
to prove the innocence of Aloysius Priulus, of the Cardinal Morouo, and of himself.
:
28G FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
rone^* was imprisoned until the death of this Pope. To put a stop
to one of the chief sources of heresy, Paul V. published, in 1559,
an Index librorum prohibitorum,^^ as a strict guide in detecting
and burning heretical books.
In this perilous time the rumor of the Reformation penetrated
to a small body of Waldenses, who had been living for centuries
in two cities of Calabria, Santo Xisto and La Guardia; by ex-
ternal conformity to Catholic usages, insuring a peaceful enjoy-
ment of a purer doctrine. Aroused by the new movement, they
turned to Geneva, received preachers from that city, and adopted
the Genevese church constitution.^^ But in this way they brought
'* Jo. Ge. Frickii de Jo. Moreno, Articulisque quibus tanquam Lutheranismi suspec-
tus accusabatur, in Schelhornii Amoenitates Literariae, xii. 537. Card. Giov. Morone,
Eeitrag zur Gesch. desselben, in Miinch's Verm. Hist. Schriften, ii. 111. Ibid., Denk-
wiirdigkeiten zur Gesch. der drei letzten Jalirh., s. 213. Tlie articles upon which he
was accused are published by P. P. Vergerius, 1558, reprinted in Schelhorn, 1. 1., p. 568.
The chief points of accusation : Art. 3. Dixit Concilium Tridentinum quoad articulum
justificationis esse retractandum. 4. Scripsit Vicario suo Mutineusi, quod faceret inti-
mare populis, quod deberent tantummodo confidere
in sanguine Christi. 5. Tenuit, S.a-
cerdotem non absolvere poenitentem, cujus audit peccata in confessione sacramental),

sed tantum declarare absolutum. 7. Tenuit, Pontifici non esse parendum uti Vicario
Christi, sed tantummodo tanquam Principi temporal!. 8. Tenuit, opera nostra, quan-
tumcunque in gratia Dei facta, non esse meritoria. 10. Tenuit, sanctos non esse invo-
candos. 18. Quod libellum intitulatum Beneficium Christi (see Note 17) distribuendum
curavit, et bibliopolae haeretico, seu de haeresi suspecto mandavit, ut hujusmodi libel-
los venderet quam pluribus posset, et iis, qui non haberent, dono traderet, quia ipse pe-
cuniam illorum solveret. In the following articles he is charged with holding inter-
course with heretics, particularly those in Bologna and Modena.
-^ P. P. Vergerius published them with notes (0pp. i. 236). On this writes the Vene-
tian, Natalis Comes, in his Historiarum tui temporis (Venet., 1581), lib. xi., f. 263 Exiit
:
edictum, ut libri omnes impressi, vel compositi, vel explanationibus ab haereticis scrip-
toribus contaminati, at non illustrati, sanctissimis magistratibus quaesitionum ubique
afFerrentur, propositis etiam gravissimis suppliciis, si quis illos occultasset, suppressis-
set, ac non obtulisset. Tanta concremata est omnis generis librorum ubique copia et
multitude, ut Trojanum prope incendium, si in imum collati fuissent, apparere posset.
Nulla enim fuit Bibliotheca vel privata vel publica, quae fuerit immunis ab ea clade, ac
non prope exinanita.
2^ Hier. Zanchii Epist. ad Jo. a Lasco, 1558 (in his Epistoll. Hanov., 1609. 8., lib. ii.
236) :In Calabriae castellis duobus, quorum unum est sub ditione Ducis Montis alti, al-
terum est cujusdam Nobilis Neapolitani, reperta stmt quatuor millia fratrum, e reliquiis
illorum fratrum, qui Waldenses appellantur. Ii annos permultos incogniti, tuto in pa-
ternis aediljus vixerunt. Etsi enim Missas non probabant, sentiebant tamen posse eas a
fidelibus salvis conscientiis adiri. At ubi hanc malam doctrinam dedocti fuerunt, om-
nes simul ab eis abstinuerunt. Itaque factum est, ut non potuerint amplius latere. Per-
secutio igitur adversus illos est excitata. Scripserunt ad fratres Genevam, ut tum pre-
cibus, tum consilio, tum etiam humana ope se adjuvent. To this is to be added what is
written by Florillus to Cratalonis (see Note 37) Antea quam Geneva discederem, misi-
:
mus ad eorum instantiam duos ministros verbi, et duos scholae literariae magistros.
Ministri anno praeterito (1560) fuere martyrio affecti, unus Romae, qui vocabatur Jo.
Aloysius Pascalis ex Cunio civitate, alter Messinae, Jac. Bonellus, ambo Pedemontani
hoc autem anno residuum illorum hominum martyrio ibi deletum est.
CHAP. II.— EEFORMATION. § 19. IN ITALY. 287
themselves under the notice of the persecutors of heresy, and both

congregations were wholly rooted out in a terrible massacre, in
1560.3^
The numerous Protestants in Venice had until now been little
affected by the general persecution but when^ in 1560, they called
;
a preacher to form a church, terrible barbarities began to be prac-

ticed upon them, and many of them were drowned by night in
the sea.^^ Even in the seventeenth century some Protestants
were secretly living in Venice ; but the republic was falsely judged
when charged with an inclination for Protestantism on account
of its opposition to the papal usurpations.^^
In all other parts of Italy the vestiges of Protestantism were de-
stroyed with inflexible strictness under Pius V. (1566-72), who
had previously been the president of the Inquisition.*" Among the
many who under him fell a sacrifice to their convictions, the most
celebrated were the two learned men, Pietro Carnesecchi,'^^ a
Florentine, in 1567 and in 1570 Aonio Paleario,*^ professor of
;
eloquence in Lucca.
=' Simon Florillus, preacher in Chiavenna, writes about it to Wilh. Cratalorus, in

Basle, 1561, and sends him the narrative of a Catholic eye-witness of this slaughter:
both letters are in H. Pantaleonis Martyrum Historia, Basil., 1563, p. 337, and in Ger-
dcsii Ital. Reform., p. 133.
=" M'Crie, p. 224 ff.
^' Versucbe zu Anfange des 17ten Jahrh. die Eeformation in Venedig einzufiihi'en,
von Mohuike, in Schubert's Abhandlungen der kon. Deutschen Gesellschaft zu Konigs-

bcrg, ii. 165. To help in forming a judgment about it may serve the letter of Paul Sarpi
to the French canonist, Jacques Leschasser, of 12th May, 1609 (in Le Bret's Magazin, i.
489): Observasti tu quidem, quibus rationibus Gerrhania et Anglia ritus religionis mu-
taverint. At nos neque illae. neqne valentiores ullae ad mutandos inducent. Certas
leges et mores, licet minus bonos, ferendos tamen, ne mutationibus assueti cuncta mdN
tare in animum inducamus, scis saci'as inter leges principem locum tenere. Quibus le-
glbus parcendum putabimus, si summas contempserimus ? Imo cum Pontificibus haec
nobis contentio, quod illi ritus et disciplinae leges quotidie mutare volunt, quas nos ma-
""
nere cupimus, ne status reipublicae concutiatur.

*o Gerdesii Italia Reform., M'Crie, p. 262.
p. 143.
*' De Petri Carnesecae Martyrio in Schelhornii Amoen. Hist. Eccl., ii. 180. Gerde-
sius, p. 143, 205. M'Crie, p. 277.
*2 0pp. ed. Amstelod. 1696, ed. F. A. Hallbauer, Jenae, 1728.
8., prefixed to the lattei
edition is also a vita Palearii von Hallbauer. Comp. Schelhorn Amoen. Hist. Eccl., i.
425. Gerdes, p. 150, 314. M'Crie, p. 286. [Comp. above, Note 17.]
288 FOURTH PERIOD.~DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
§ 20.
IN SPAIN.
A. F. Busching Comm. de Vestigiis Lutheranismi in Hispania. Getting., 1755. 4. Ge-

schichte der Verbreitung des Protestantismus in Spanien, aus d. Franz. Leipzig, 1828.
8. Particularly Dr. Thom. M'Crie, Historj' of the Progress and Suppression of the
Reformation in Spain. Edinburg and London, 1829 (German by G. Plieninger, with
a preface bj- Dr. F. C. Baur. Stuttgart, 1835. 8.).
! ^le Spanish Protestants, and their Persecution by Philip II. by Senor Don Ad. de
;
Castro, transl. bj- Thom. Parker, 8vo. Lond., 1851. Sanctae Inquisitionis Hisp. artes
aliquot detectae Eeginaldo Gonsalvo Montano auctore
: Heidelb., 1567 this is the
; :
original Spanish martyrology. Engl, transl., 1569, in 3 vols. 8vo. Comp. Essaj's of
Cardinal Wiseman, iii. 1-159. Eossiew St. Hilaire, Histoire d'Espagne, Tom. vii., new
ed., 1853 sq., is full on the Reformation. Dunham's Spain and Portugal, 5 vols., in
Lardner's Cabinet Cj-clopedia.]
The indignation of the Spaniards, still glowing against the op-

pression of the Inquisition, naturally produced a certain suscepti-
bility to ecclesiastical changes.^ In narrower circles a mystical
tendency had gained ground, and in connection with this a more
spiritual tone of piety. ^ Among the learned the writings of Eras-
mus were much read, and awakened a disposition to examine the
condition and relations of the Church.^ Thus the soil was pre-
pared for the new ideas of the Reformation, when these began to
penetrate into this country also, favored by the union, under one
ruler, of Spain with Germany and the Netherlands. The writings
of Luther were diffused in numerous copies, coming especially
from Antwerp, and also in Spanish translations. The Inquisition
soon found cause to persecute men of high standing among the
clergy and men Lutheran or mystical opin-
of learning for holding
ions,* while the mass of the people were filled with horror at the
* See M'Crie, p. 114 sq. On the attempt of the Cortes of Castile, Ai'agon, and Cata-
lonia, at the accession of Charles Y., to procure a reformation of the Inquisition, see
Llorente's Hist, of the Inquisition in Spain,i. 376. The Cortes of Aragon actually pro-
cured from Leo X. three briefs (1519) enjoining upon the Inquisitors to proceed accord-
ing to the common law, and providing that they should be proposed bj' the bishops, and
visited hj them every three years ibid., p. 395 ss.
; But the King and the Inquisition
were opposed, and started negotiations and intrigues in Rome. Leo's death put an end
to the matter.
- See ISrCrie, p. 152. The Spanish mj-stics (called Alumbrados, Illuminati, on ac-
count of the value thej- ascribed to the internal illumination) are described in the In-
dulgence of the Spanish Inquisition, January 28, 1559, in Llorente, ii. 3.
3 M'Crie,
p. 136.
* So, in particular, 1527, Juan de Avila, commonlj- called the apostle of the Anabap-
tists see Llorente, ii. 6.

; Compare, on his remarkable work as a priest, Nic. Antonii
Bibliotheca Hisp. Nova, Tom. i. (Matriti, 1783,- fol.), p. 639.
;
CHAP. II.—REFORMATION. § 20. IX SPAIN. 289
Lutheran heresy by revolting accounts of it.^ However, from

1530, when the Emperor first returned to Germany after several
years of absence, many Spaniards in his suite became acquainted
with the true genius of the Reformation, and were converted to
it. Several of them fell a sacrifice to their faith while still away
from their fatherland f others, immediately after their return, fell
into the hands of the Inquisition f yet still the Reformation, from
this time onward, began to make important though secret progress
in Spain.^ Seville and Valladolid were its chief seats. In Seville
^ Spalatia's account of the Diet of Augsburg (Luther's Werke

von Walch, xvi. 912) :
" Alphonsus (Valdez), Kais. Maj. Hispanischer Canzlar, auch Cornelius, haben etliclie
frcundliche Gesprach mit dem Philippe gehalten, ihm angezeigt, dass die Hispanier be-
redt sind, als soUten die Lutherischen an Gott nicht gliiuben, auch an die heil. Drev-
faltigkeit, Maria nichts halten, also dass sic meyneten, -wo sie einen Lu-
von Christo u.
tlierischen erwiirgeten, Gott einen grossern Dlenst zu thun, denn so sie einen Tiirken
erwiirgeten."
^ Thus was it in case of Jacobus Enziuas, or Drj-ander, who was burned in Rome in
15-16 M'Crie, p. 187. Most terrible was the assassination of John Diaz by his brother,
;
in Neuburg, in 1546 see the account of a companion of the unhappy man, a Savoyard,
;
Claud. Senarclaei Hist. Vera de morte Jo. Diazii, 1546. 8. (reprinted in Gerdesii Scri-
nium Antiqu., viii. 389). Sleidanus, lib. xvii. ed. am Ende, ii. 435. Seckendorf Hist.
Luth., iii. 653. M'Crie, p. 190. Comp. Veescnmej-er in Illgen's Zeitschrift. f. d. hist.
Theol ; new series, i. iii. 156.
' Particularly Alfonso de Virves, a Benedictine, chaplain of Charles V., who had
taken him with himself to German}-, and afterward would not hear anj' other preacher.
He was imprisoned 1534, and obliged, in 1537, to renounce several Lutheran positions
Llorente, ii. 8. On account of the favor of the Emperor, he was, however, in 1540, made
Bishop of the Canary- Islands, and wrote, to purify himself from all suspicion, Philip-
picae disputationes XX. adversus Lutherana dogmota per Phil. Melancththonem de-
fensa. Antverp. 1541. Disp. XIX. is remarkable, where he shows that heretics should
be convinced, but not maltreated.
* Tlie Inquisition itself helped to making known the Lutheran doctrine, bj- adoptin"-
into the decree of denunciation, annuallj- proclaimed, the Lutheran doctrines, not in-
deed, without perversions ; The inferences which the Inquis-
Llorente, ii. 1 ; iv. 418 sq.
itors drew from them also served for their further explanation. Thus it is related by
Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus (Raymond Gonzalez de Monies, a Spanish Domin-
ican, who in 1588 escaped from the prison of the Inquisition in Seville, and went over
to the Reformation, Llorente, ii. 23), Sanctae Inquisitionis Hispanicae artes aliquot
detectae, Heidelbergae, 1567. that a simple peasant
was subjected to exam-
8., p. 81,
ination by the Inquisition, because he had said, praeter Christi sanguinem nullum se
aliud purgatorium agnoscere. He was immediately ready to recant, but the Inquisitors,
not contented with this, ex ilia praemissa deducunt misero aratori ergo Ecclesia Ro- :
mana, quae contrarium suis legibus decrevit olim, errat. Item, errat Concilium. Item
justificationem sola fide constare, in qua et noxa et poena homo sit absolutus et ut :
tandem finiamus, ex deducunt totam illorum dogmatum concatenationem, quas

istis
ipsi haereses vocant, onerantque singulis his miseram hominem, ac si omnia disertis
verbis asseruisset, vel ipso obstinate reclamante, asserenteque, se neque scire quidem
quid ea sibi velint, abesse tantum, ut ea aliquando venissent in mentem. Quis non vi-
det, quam haec agendi ratio plena sit fraude doloque ac.diabolica plane calumnia, quan-
tum est ex sancto illo officio? Verum spectanda adorandaqiie hie maxime est divina
providentia erga eos, quos elegit, qui cum commodioribus ad ipsorum vocationem atque
VOL. IV. — 19
a
290 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. IL—A.D. 1517-1648.
the movement was initiated ty Rodrigo de Valero;^ the most

distinguished preachers of the city, Doctor John Egidius/" and
the Emperor's chaplain, Constantino Ponce de la Fuente,^^ be-
came connected with it. Into the cloisters of Seville, too, espe-
cially in that of Campo, belonging to the Hierony-
San Isidro del
mites, the Reformation found an entrance. .In Valladolid it re-
ceived, in 1555, a distinguished leader, the imperial chaplain, Au-
gustine Cazalla,^^ and likewise made converts in the cloisters.
Besides this, from Beam, which was wholly Protestant, it was
widely diffused in many cities of Aragon. In public its ad-
herents were only distinguished by a simple, Biblical mode of
teaching, and they avoided all opposition to the Church ; but in
private they taught all the doctrines of the German Reformers.^^
institutionem mediis privati sint, hoc eodem adeo adverse —eos vocat, erudit, collustrat.
Ipsi enim Inquisitores, qui fidei ac veritatis ipsius extirpatores sese profitentur, illi ipsi,
inqviam, sunt eo, quern dixinjus, modo ejusdem veritatis concionatores, doctores, propa-
gatores. Id clarissimis multorum exemplis est compertum, qui in ipsorum manus inci-
derunt,complurium rerum ad ipsorum salutem pertinentium ignari, tantum videlicet
quod temere potius quara certo consilio garrierint, non esse Purgatorium, vel quid si-
ipsorum vero luquisitorum quaestionibus, consequentiis, inductionibus congrue
rnile,
minusve deductis, egressi sunt insigniter instituti, cujus rei vel is ipse rusticus, de quo
jam diximus, luculentum exemplum esse possit.
° Who in 1541 was confined in a cloister see Regin. Gonsalv. Montanus, p. 259.
;
M'Crie, p. 155.
1" Montanus, p. 25G ss. M'Crie, p. 161.
'^ In Seville, where Egidius gained him for the Gospel, the Emperor heard him
preach, and made him his chaplain. He went with Prince Philip to Belgium and En-
gland. During the Smalcald war he had, in Biberach, a remarkable conversation with
Jac. Schopper, bj- which his knowledge of the Gospel was enlarged and confirmed (see
the account in Jac. Schopperi Orat. de Vita et Obitu sui parentis, p. 26, republished in
Andr. Caroli Memorabilia Eccles. saec. xvii., T. i., p. 342). In 1555 he returned to Se-
ville, and became professor of theologj' in the college there. Montanus, p. 275. An-
tonii Bibl. Hisp., i. 256. M'Crie, p. 216.
'= M'Crie, p. 235.
^5 Montanus, p. 238: Erant Hispali illius tempore factiones duae concionatorum,
quos auditorum studiosa partium ingens turba sequebatur. Alia, si verba ipsa spec-
tares, ad Epicteti Stoici placita, quam ad Scripturae sacrae normam accedebat propius,
eo Epicteto inferior, quod iste factis sermoni consentaneis serio videretur agere, ilia om-
nino secus. De crebris enim jejuniis, de mortificatione et abnegatione sui, de perpetuo
precando, de prae se ferenda submissione ac dejectione animi, quam humilitatem ipsi
vocant, in ipso vestitu, sermone, vultu, ac in universa demum vitae ratione mnltus ac
pcne infinitus sermo at sub ista adeo plausibili ac speciosa pictatis larva, si propius in-
:
spexisses, vidisses, ne quid durius dicam, plane homines. Summa, sanctimoniae totius
proram et puppim, quod ajunt, in operibus adversus contrariae factionis institutum col-
locantes, actuosi inprimis videri cupiebant. Eo studio, utpote ex ignoratione verae jus-
titiae nato,ad Missas complures, ad sacrorum locorum frequentationes, ad Confessionis
et communionis, quas vocant, usum frequentissimum, et ad multa alia nugamenta ;
—
verae justitiae exercitiis, judicio scilicet et misericordia, atque adeo ab ipsa fide, unica
acquirendae justitiae ratione, expiationis ergo divertebant. Urgebant paupertatem ac
CHAP. II.—EEFORMATION. § 20. IN SPAIN. 291
Many Spaniards who were friendly to the Reformation lived in
foreign lands, from fear of the Inquisition ; but they promoted the
Reformation at home hy writings, which in great numbers were
secretly introduced and widely diffused. Especially important
was the effect of the Spanish translations of the New Testament
by Franz Enzinas (Antwerp, 1543),^* and Juan Perez (Venice,
1556)}'
But just these secret associations, when discovered, gave to the
Inquisition the opportunity of seeing clearly how widely the Ref-
ormation was diffused in Spain ;^^ and it at once adopted the
coelibatum vel conjugibus, inprimis vero obedientiae rotiim, monachorum credo aemu-
latione, qua auditores sibi adstringebant. Hanc ajebant esse ipsani propriae voluntatis
abnegationem, eisdemque prorsus ornabant titulis, quibus obedientiam sui ornat Deus.
Ut vero in perpetuis tenebris liberius liceret in impostura progredi, a bonorum auctorum
lectione, maxime autem Erasmi, a quo nihil scilicet praeterquam superbe sapere edo-
cendi essent, veluti a peste deterrebant suos, ablegantes eos ad Henricum Herpium, Bo-
naventurae opuscula, Abecedarium, Montis Sionis ascensum, et id genus alios, ex qui-
—
bus humilitatem, inprimis vero corj-phaeis obedire didicissent. Altera factio conciona-
torum erat quorundam, qui ut sincerius tractabant sacras literas, ita etiam verum justi-
tiae ac sanctitatis fontem ex eisdem aperiebant hominibus, quorum et industria factum
est, ut ea urbs, hoc inprimis nomine omnium totius Hispaniae felicissima, totos duode-
cim annos, quod ad verae justitiae argumentum attinet, purum Christi evangelium au-
diverit, neque sine fructu. — Erant istius primarii assertores, doctores Constantinus,
Aegidius, Varquius (Vargas).
^* Gerdesii Hist. Reform., iii. 165. M'Crie, p. 202.
'5 M'Crie, p. 208. Perez also published a translation of the Psalms, a Catechismo,
and a Sumario de Doctrina Christiano (Antonii Bibl., i. 757) ; also several works of Joh.
Valdez (M'Crie, p. 154).
^ The abbot Gundisalvus de Illescas saj-s of this, in his Historia Pontifical
'
y Catolica
(Salmanticae, 1574), according to the translation in Moshemii Dissertt. ad. hist. eccl.
pertin., i. 672 : Olim quicumque captivi ex carceribus Inquisitionis producebantur, ut
infelicibus flammis comburerentur, — erant plebeji —at proximis annis carceres, theatra
:
et rogos tribunalis nostri plenos vidimus hominibus illustribus nobilissima stirpe satis,
viris quam eruditione, nisi signa prorsus fallunt externa, longe supra
item tam pietate,
reliquos positis. Causam liujus et multorum aliorum malorum, quibus afflicti sumus,
in Eegibus nostris catholicis unice quaesiveris. Namque hi, quum eximio essent amore
ac studio erga Germaniam, Angliam, aliasque provincias, quae Eomanae Ecclesiae legi-
bus et imperio sese subduxerunt, viros quosdam eruditos et eloquentia insigni praeditos
in has terras niiserunt, sperantes fore, ut horum sermonibus homines in errores delapsi
ad veritatis reducerentur obsequium. Sed praeclarum hoc consilium malo quodam facto
interversum est, plusque nobis calamitatis attulit, quam fructus et utilitatis. Theologi
nimirum illi, qui ad alios illuminandos amandati erant, ipsimet lumine capti ad nos re-
dierunt, deceptique ab haereticis excmplum eorum in patriam reversi sunt imitati ne- ;
scio utrum id opinionis errore contigerit, an vero arrogantiae vitio ceciderint, idque his
hominibus defectionem suaserit, quod sese pro eruditis haberi cernerent, et apud exteros
populos majorem etiam eruditionis copiam acquisivisse videri vellent. And in another
place Quemadmodum hi captivi prae multis aliis dignitate et praestantia eminebant,
:
ita numerus eorum tantus erat, ut totam certus sim Hispaniam ab illis corruptam et
erroribus imbutam fiiisse futuram, si binos aut tres menses medicinam distulissent In-
quisitores, qua malum hoc curatum fait. So it is said in Ludov. a Paramo de Origine et
Progressu Officii sanctae Inquisitionis, Matriti, 1598, fol., p. 300: NuUus est, qui dubi-
most decisive 'measures.^'' In 1557 and 1558 a large number of

the suspected were imprisoned ; only a few could save themselves
by flight. The General Inquisitor, Fernando Valdez, appointed
Yice-Greneral Inquisitors for Seville and Valladolid ; new papal and
royal decrees were published for the support of the Inquisition.^^
In two large auto-da-fes in Valladolid (May 21 and Oct. 8, 1559),^^
and in two in and Dec. 22, 1560), ^^ the

Seville (Sept. 24, 1559,
secret Protestants of those places were exterminated in 1570, ;
after victims had fallen a sacrifice in all parts of the kingdom,^^

and many evangelical Spaniards had saved themselves by flight,^^
Protestantism may be said to have been destroyed in Spain. But
even the truest sons of the Church were dragged before the Inqui-
sition on the charge of Lutheranism, whenever they avowed their
tet,quin magnum incendium in Hispaniarum regnis aetate nostra excitatum fuisset, nisi
hujus sacrosancti Tribunalis vigilantissimi Patres illud summa diligentia adhibita peni-
tus restinxisseut. Quid Hispania futurum erat, si illico antidotum appositum non fuis-
set? — adeo se diffundere coeperat hoc incendium, ut in periculosissimam inter se conju-
rationem Hispaniarum regnis brevissimo tempore ruinam allatm'am conspirarent, caet.
" Llorente, ii. 214.
" had revived an ordinance that had fallen into dis-
Already-, Feb. 25, 1557, Philip II.
use, according to which a fourth part of the confiscated property of heretics should fall
to the accuser (Llorente, ii. 217). Sept. 7, 1558, he decreed the penalty of death and the
confiscation of goods upon all who should buj', sell, keep, or read books forbidden by
the Inquisition, and commanded the printing of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum
(Llorente, i. 470). Pope Paul IV., at the suggestion of the King, issued a brief, Jan. 4,
1559, to the Grand Inquisitor, Ferdinand Valdez, according to which all who should
teach the Lutheran doctrines, even though not relapsi, and in case they onlj' gave doubt-
ful signs of repentance, should be executed (Llorente, ii. 215). By a bull, Jan. 5, 1559,
he abolished all concessions about forbidden books ;
commanded the general inquisitor
to persecute them ; father confessors should impose the prohibition upon
demanded that
all who came under penalty of excommunication, and that they should
to confession,
reveal to the Inquisition whatever they knew about the diffusion of them (ibid., p. 216).
By a bull, Jan. 7, 1559, he granted to the Inquisition, to defray the costs, a canonry in
everj' Spanish foundation, and an immediate appropriation of 100,000 ducats from the
church revenues (ibid., p. 217). On the same day he empowered the Grand Inquisitor,
for two years, to examine even bishops of all grades as to the Lutheran heresj', in case
of need to imprison them, and then to send them to Rome to receive sentence (Llorente,
iii. 228).
'^ Llorente, In the first Aug. Cazalla was also burned.
ii. 214.
^''
Llorente, Egidius had died in 1556 Constantine Ponce de la Fuente died
ii. 255. ;
in prison (on his process, Montanus, p. 287 ss. Llorente, ii. 275 ss.) so that only the
; :
bones and effigies of these two could be burned Llorente, ii. 144, 278. ;
=' See Martyrum Elogia, in Reg. Gonsalvii Montani Inquisit. Hisp. artes aliquot de-
tectae, p. 173 ss. ; reprinted in Gerdesii Scrinium antiquar., iv. 581. The MartjTologi-
um, composed by Mich. Geddes, in his Miscellaneous Tracts, translated by Mosheim, in
his Disserlt. ad hist. cccl. pertin., i. C63, is unimportant. The full narrative is in Llo-
rente, ii.
22 On their diffusion, see -M'Crie, p. 356. Spanish Reformed Churches were formed,
in Antwerp, Geneva, and London.
CHAP. II.— REFORMATION. § 21. IN FRANCE. 293
belief in the Augustinian doctrine of justification, now rejected at

the Council of Trent. Bartholomew da Carranza, Archbishop of
Toledo, one of the fathers of Trent, was forced to spend the rem-
nant of his (1558-1576) f^ eight other bishops and
life in prison
twenty-five doctors of theology were subjected to trial for the same
cause, and the most of them were condemned to recant.^* In or-
der to ward off the new irruption of heresies the strictest censor-
ship of books was and learned investigations in the uni-
decreed,^^
versities were put under such limitations that all spiritual life
must needs expire.^^
§ 21.
IN FRANCE.
Histoire Ecclesiastique des Eglises Reformees au Eoyaume de France (par Theod. de

BIze), voll. iii. Commentarii de Statu religionis et Rei-
a Anvers., 1580. 8. to 1563.
publicae in Regno Franciae (by Jo. Serranus or De Serres, Ref. preacher 1 1598, in Ge-
neva), Partes V. 1570-80. 8. 1557-76. Franc. Belcarii Peguilionis (Beaucaire de Pe-
guillon, Bisliop of Metz f 1593) Historia Gallica (1461-67). Lngd., 1625 fol. Jac.
Aug. Thuani (de Thou, President of Parliament in Paris f 1617) Historiarum sui Tem-
poris, libb. 138 (to 1607), first complete edition, Orleans (Geneva), 1620 fF. 5 Bde.
fol.*)
Histoire de de Nantes (par Elie Benoist), a Delft, 1693-95., 3 Tomes in 5 Bden in 4.
I'e'dit
A short Reformation precedes. Histoire de la Reforme, de la Ligue, et

historj' of the
du Regne de Henri IV., par M. Capefigue, 8 Tomes. Paris, 1834-35. 8. A. L. Herr-
mann's Frankreichs Religions- u. Biirgerkriege im sechszehnten Jahrh. Leipz., 1828.
8. F. V. Raumer's Gesch. Europas seit dem Ende des 15ten Jahrh., ii. 161 ff. Dr. G.
Weber's Geschichtl. Darstellung des Calvinismus im Verhaltniss zum Staat in Genf
u. Frankreich. Heidelberg, 1836. 8., s. 33 ff.
=3Active as he had been just before in the restoration of Catholicism in England un-
der Maiy (comp.
Nic. Antonii Bibl. Hisp. nova, i. 189 ; his trial at length in Llorente,
iii. 183-315). Carranza had the same tendency with the Evangelical Catholics in Italy
— Autonius Flaminius, Pole, Morone, etc. (see § 19, Notes 5, 31) ; and his earlier connec-
tion withthem was one of the points of accusation (Llorente, iii. 246). With them, he
judged more mildly about the decided adherents of the Reformation; several of them
had been his pupils, and he was still in friendly relations with them this, too, was ob- ;
jected to him (Llorente, Especially in his Catechism was Lutheran heresy

iii. 222).
detected yet, on the other hand, the Council of Trent, which in vain took part with the
;
archbishop, declared it to be orthodox (ibid., p. 268). Only by the most urgent threats
could Pius V. obtain his release (ibid., p. 285). Carranza came to Rome in 1567, and
was here kept with much milder restrictions. Pius V. wished to acquit him, but was
prevented by Philip II. (ibid., p. 296) ; and Gregory XIII. at last condemned the arch-
bishop to forswear sixteen Lutheran positions (in 1576, ibid., p. 306), about which he
was suspected, and the most of which referred to the doctrine of justification. A few-
weeks afterward Carranza died in Rome.
2* Llorente, iii. 61.
" M'Crie, p. 389.
=6 M'Crie, p. 394.
[W. Haag, La France Protestante 10 Tom. 8vo. Bulletin de la Societe' pour I'histoii-e du
;
Protestantisme Frangais published since 1850, and full of documents illustrating the
;
early historj' of the Huguenots. De Felice, Histoire de Protestants de France ; 2d ed.,

1851English translation by Lobdell, 1851. Browning's Huguenots, 8vo, 1845, Phil,
;
Smedley, Hist, of Ref. Religion in France ; 3 vols, in Harper's Theol. Librarj-.

ed.
Philip Le Noir, Hist, eccles. de Bretagne (to the Edict of Nantes), edited by B. Vau-
rigaud ; Nantes, 1851. C. Schmidt, Gerard Roussel (preacher to the Queen of Na-
varre), 8vo, 1845 la Vie et les Travaux de Jean Sturm, 8vo, 1855.
; F. W. Ebeling,
Sieben Biicher Franz. Geschichte. Bd. i., 1855. Yicomte Th. de Bussiere, Histoire
de I'etablissement du Protestantisme a Strasb. et en Alsace, 8vo, 1856. A. Barrel,
Hist, de I'eglise Ref. de Nimes, 1533-1802; 2d ed. 1856. Puaus, Hist de la Reforme
FranQ, 2 Tom. Paris, 1857-59. A. Lievre, Hist. d. Protestants de Poitou. Tom. i., 1857.
Ch. Brion, Liste chronologique de I'histoire protest, en France, jusqu' a la Revocation
de I'edit de Nantes, 2 vols. 12mo, 1855. N. G. Soldan, Gesch. d. Protest, in Frankreich,
2 vols, 8vo. Leipz., 1855. Von Polenz, Gesch. d. Franz. Protestantismus, 1858. An-
quez, Histoire des Assemblees Polit. des Reformees de Fr. 1573 to 1622, 8vo. Paris,
1859. E. Castel, Les Huguenots et la Constitution de I'eglise Ref. de France, en 1559.
Public a I'occasion du jubile de 1859, 12mo. Paris, 1859. H. de Triqueti, Les premiers
Jours du Protest, en France (to 1559). 2d ed. 12mo. Paris, 1859. Henri Lutteroth,
La Reform, en France pendant sa premiere Periods, 8vo. Paris, 1859. Comp. also, —
Victor de Chalembert, Histoire de la Ligue, Henri HI. et IV. 2 vols. 8vo, 1854.
Aug. Theiner, Hist, de I'abjuration de Henri IV. 2 vols. 8vo, 1852. Recueil de Let-
tres missives de Henri IV., par Beyer de Xeiray (in the Coll. des Docum. ined., vol.
vi. 1853). M. Capefigue, Trois Siecles de I'hist. de France : 1548-1848. 2 vols. 8vo,
1852. L. Ranke, Civil Wars in France ; transl. New York, 1854. Comp. the general
histories of Anguetil, Henri Martin (4th ed.), Abbe Guettee, Mithelet, M. A. Gabourd,
D'Aubigne, and Schmidt in Heeren's Europ. Staaten.]
UNDER FRANCIS I. AND HENRY II., TO 1559.
John Huss, in Constance, had already found that no reform in

doctrine could be expected from the anti-papal party in the French
Church. The Sorhonne in 1521 formally condemned the doctrine
of Luther.^ As it still had many friends, and had gained in Meaux,
since 1521, a strong lodgment, under the protection of Bishop G-uil-
laume Brigonnet,^ the Parliament at once lent its arm to the cler-
gy for a bloody persecution.^ Francis I. was a friend of the Eras-

* Determinatio Theologiae Facultatis Parisiensis super doctrina Lutherana hactenus
per earn revisa, dd. 15 Apr., 1521, in d'Argentre coUectio judiciorum de novis erroribus,
T. ii., p. ii. ss., u. in Gerdesii hist. Reform., T. iv. Monument., p. 10. The Propositiones
it rejected were all taken from Lutheri lib. de captiv. Babylonica ; see in d'Argentre, i.,
ii. 367. Melancthon at once published an Apologia adversus furiosum Parisiensium The-
ologastrorum decretum Viteb., 1521. 4. (recusa in Lutheri opp. Jen. ii. 451) cf. Secken- ;
dorf Coram, de Lutheranismo, i. 185.

- Beze, i. 5 Alors estoit Evesque de Meaux un bon personnage natif de Paris, nomme
:
Guillaume Briqonnet, lequel nonobstant les Censures de Sorbonne, fut esmeu de tel zele,
qu'il n'espargna rien qui fust en son pouvoir pour advancer la Doctrine de verite en son
Diocese, conjoignant les oeuvres de Charite avec la Doctrine de verite et non seule- :
ment preschant luy mesrae (ce qui estoit lors fort nouveau) mais aussi appellant a S03'
beaucoup de gens de bien et de sgavoir, tant Docteurs qu'ajitres, comme Jaques Fabri,
Guillaume Farel (estant lors a Paris, regent au college du Cardinal le Moine), Martial
et Girad Ruffi, etc.
3 The censures of the Sorbonne, see in d'Argentre, i. ii., in Indice, p. iv., u. ii. i. 1 ss.
;
CHAP. II.—REFORMATION. § 21. IN FRANCE. 295
mian and in this sense elevated above many ecclesiastic-

culture,*
al prejudices, and inclined to a reformation but the severe earn- ;
estness of the French Lutherans, and their enthusiasm sometimes

degenerating into fanaticism,^ repelled him, and appeared to him
equally dangerous, in a political point of view, with the religious
divisions which he feared would ensue among his subjects. Be-
sides this, in his constant conflicts with the Emperor he wished
to maintain friendly relations with the Pope. At his court there
wer^ several persons, particularly his sister Margaret, Queen of
Navarre,^ inclined to the Reformation ; but a powerful party, at
the head of which were the Q,ueen-mother and the Cardinal and
Chancellor Anton du Prat, was opposed to it. And thus the per-
secution of the Lutherans went forward, even after the King had
made an alliance with the German Protestant princes.' He de-
clared to them, to pacify them, that he let only fanatics be perse-
cuted f assured them of his desire for a reformation of the Church
Jacobus Faber Stapulensis, Doctor of the Sorbonne, was censured, 1521, because he
thought that he found Magdalenes in the New Testament d'Argentre, ii. i., p. 7. He
;
then wrote in Meaux his Exposition sur les Evangiles, which was condemned b}' the Sor-
bonne in 1523 ibid., p. 11. He found security in Nerac in Navarre, and died 1537. The
;
first martyr was Jean le Clerc, of Meaux, executed 1524 in Metz (Beze, i. 6). A special
sensationwas aroused, when Louis da Berquin, a ro^âl councilor, and a zealous adherent of
the Reformation, whose writings and translations had been previous!}' (1523) condemned
by the Sorbonne (d'Argentre, ii. i., p. 11), was hung and then burned, in Paris, in 1529
(H. Pantaleonis Mart3Tum historia, Basileae, 15G3, fol. p. 68. Vater's kirchenhist. Ar-
chiv, 1821, ii. 2). The decrees of the Councils of Sens (held in Paris bj' the Chancellor
Anton du Prat, Archbishop of Sens) and Bourges (held bj' Archbishop Franz of Tournon)
against the Lutherans, 1528, see in Ilarduini Acta Concill., ix. 1919 ss.
* Burigny's Leben des Erasmus mit Zusiitzen v. Henke, i. 234. Capefigue, i. 192.
On Francis, seeRaumer's Gesch. Europas, ii. 172.
^ Capefigue, 196. On some calumnious writings of the j'ear 1534, see Strobel Von
i.
Melanchthon's Ruf nach Frankreich. Niirnberg, 1794, s. 6, ff. There, p. 14, one of them
is reprinted, viz.. Articles veritables sur les horribles, grands et importables abus de la
Messe papale, and in Gerdesii Hist. Reform, iv., Monum. p. 60. Luther's Preface to the
Smalcakl Articles: " Es ist hie zu Wittenberg gewest ein Doctor (Gervasius Waim,
1531 see Schelhorn's Ergotzlichkeiten, i. 290) gesand, der fiir uns ofFentlich sagt, dass
;
sein Konig gewiss u. iiber gewiss ware, dass bej' uns keine Kirche, keine Oberkeit, kein
Ehestand sey, sondern gienge alles unter einander wie das Viehe, u. thiit jedennann, was
er wolt."
* See Vater's kirchenhist. Archiv, 1824, iii. 1. Das Leben Calvin's v. Henry, i. 17 ff.
^ 1532. See § 5, Note 42.
^ Francis had several of the Reformed executed in a barbarous wa)' in Paris, Januarj',
1535, at the same time that he, with his children, was taking part in a brilliant proces-
sion (Beze, i. 20. Strobel Von Melanchthon's Ruf nach Frankreich, s. 29). The}- were
not wholly guiltless ; Sturmii Ep. ad Melancthth., d. 4. Mart., 1535 (Bretschneider, ii.
855) Per mensem Octobrem

: —libellos uno tempore de ordinibus ecclesiasticis, de IMissa,
de Eucharistia per universam fere Galliam nocte in omnibus angulis affixerunt, imma-
nibus et tragicis exclamationibus, ante Regis etiam conclave agglutinarunt, quo certiora
and even, in 1535, invited Melancthon to come to him, that he

might introduce attempts at peace and mediation in the sense of
Erasmus f but Melancthon did not come. After this, too, the
et magis quoqiie perniciosa pericula crearentur. Nam
perturbatus hac re populus, ter-
ritae multorum cogitationes ;
inflammatus Rex gravissima judicia
concitati Magistratus,
instituerunt, nee immerito, si tamen in re modus servari posset. Latomus, then pro-
fessor in Paris, wrote about it to Erasmus (Erasmi Epistt. Basil., 1538, p. 1097) Fuimus
:
praeterita hyeme in magno periculo et invidia Germani omnes in hac urbe propter quo-
rundam temeritatem, qui libellos seditiosos non solum tota urbe Parisiorum, sed etiam
in aula Regis fixerant. Dederunt tamen illi poenas atque utinam omnes dedissent.
:
Sed interim et alii complures eadem tempestate abrepti sunt. The King excuse^ him-
self to the German princes in his letter of Feb. 1, 1535 (in Freheri Scrii)tt. Rerura Germ.,
iii. 295, in Melancthon's German translation in Bretschneider, ii. 828. It is dated Feb.
1, 1534, more Gallico, the 3'ear beginning at Easter): Quum ad nos delatae fuerint im-
pudentes quaedam calumniae, quae per Germaniam totam disseminatae, nominis nostri
honorem et decus labefactarent —
facturos nos opei'ae pretium putavimus, si illis ipsis
;
calumniis responderemus. —
Superior! autumno post Legati mei a vobis reditum, quum
is ab iisdem vestris concionatoribus qiiosdara velut isagogicos libellos de sedandis lis
controversiis attulisset, et cur non spe imbuerer optima initio nihil esset; ecce nobis
dissensionum et meudacii parens, veritatis et quietis hostis, quosdam excitavit furiosos
magis quam amentes, qui omnium expetendarum rerum subversionera baud dubie moli-
rentur ac tentarent, quorum ego paradoxa malo iisdem sepeliri tenebris, unde subito
emerserant, quam apud vos, amplissimi ordines, hoc est in orbis terrarum luce, memora-
ri. Tantum hoc dico, si qui unquam inter vos eorum similes, aut longo etiam intervallo
ab lis separati extiterunt abominati (ut debuistis) illos atque execrati estis omnes.
;
Quae nimirum contagiosa pestis, atque ad deterrimam spectans seditionem, ne latius in

Gallia serperet, omni sollicitudine, opera, industria restiti. In conscios omnes, qui-
cunque fuere deprehensi, uti more majorum ac legibus animadverteretur, efieci, uuUi
hominum generi parcens aut natloni.
' The King, in this matter, was chie% led bj' the brothers Jean and Guillaume du
Bellay, the first of whom was Bishop of Paris and cardinal in 1535, the other a minister
of the King; John Sturm, then professor in Paris, also joined them. Melancthon sent
a memorial, in August, 1531, to Guillaume Bellay, setting forth the simplest essentials
of the new doctrine, and liow it could be united with the Catholic doctrine (Consilium
de moderandis controversiis religionis scriptum a Ph. Mel. ad Gallos, in Bretschneider,
iii. 741). B3' these men the King was made acquainted with Melancthon and his Loci
Communes, which work pleased him much. Sturm wrote this to Melancthon, and invit-
ed him to France, dd. 4. Mart., 1535 (Bretschneider, ii. 855). About the sentiments of
the King he says Videt in altera causa, quae vetusta est, tamen multa esse vitia, in
:
altera, quae veritate nititur, plurimum periculi a cupidissimis et seditiosissimis homini-

bus. Melancthon answered cordiallj', but not without scruples, dd. 9. Maj. (1. c, p.
874) Jam si id agatur, ut, etiamsi leviores quidam articuli nobis donentur, tamen reli-
:
qui graviores obruantur et deleantur, ego neque causae publicae neque Ecclesiae profuero.
Thereupon a formal invitation followed, in a letter from the King of June 23, and oth-
ers, from Cardinal Bellay, June 27 (ibid., p. 879), from Sturm (ibid., iv. 1029), and
Guillaume Bellaj' (ibid., iv. 1033), brought by a special envoj', Barnabas Voraeus Fossa.
Melancthon asked of the Elector permission to make the journey, August 17 (ibid., p.
903), and Luther seconded the request (de Wette, iv. 619). The Elector, alread}- dis-
pleased with the Memorial of Melancthon, on account of his j'ielding disposition, sharply
refused the request, August 24 (in Bretschneider, ii. 910), and wrote about it to his chan-
chellor, Briick (ibid., p. 909) " Wir tragen nicht wenig Sorge, so Philipps in Frank-
:
reich reisen werde, er werde mit seiner grossen Weisheit u. Fleiss, den er haben wird,
den Konig irgend auf eine Meinung zu bringen, viel nachlassen, das hernach Dr. Mar-
tians u. die audern Theologi nicht werden einriiumen konnen. —
Zu dem ist nicht zu
— — — —
; .
CHAP. II.— EEFORJIATION. § 21. IN FRANCE. 297
King made another attempt to come to an understanding/" but

vermuthen, dass den Franzosen Ernst sey des Evangeliums halben, sondern -weil sie die
AVankelmuthigkeit be3' dera Philippo spiiren, dass sie werden anhalten, ihn weiter aiis-
ziilernen, und durnacli seine Unbestandigkeit auszubreiten, u. ihn zu verunglimpfen.
So ist auch wohl abzunehmen, dass die Lcute, die die Sache fordern, melir Erasmiscli,
dcnn Evangelisch seyn." Cf. Camerarii de Vita Phil. Mel., ed. Strobel, p. 145. Strobel
Yon Melanchthon's Ruf nach Frankreich u. seinem dahin geschickten Religionsbeden-
ken. Nurnberg, 1791. 8. (from his Neue Beytr. zur Liter., v. 1, a special reprint).
'" Melancthon's Consilium, with many alterations, was presented to the Sorboniie,
August, 1535, for their decision, in the form of a Confession of Faith of the Germans,
and it was declared by them to be thoroughly objectionable see d'Argentre Collect. ;
Judic, i. ii. 395 ss. Strobel, s. 167 ff. Yet still the King, by his embassador, Giiillaume
;
Bellay, announced to the Protestant princes convened at Smalcald, in Dec, 1535, his
verj' favorable opinions about the articles of Melancthon. These declarations, Avritten
down by Spalatin, are in Seckendorf, 105 Gerdesii Hist. Ref., iv., Monum., p. 68
iii. ;
with other acts in relation to that embassy in Melanchth. Epistt., ed. Bretschneider, ii.
1009 ss. Primuvi, de primatu Romani Pontificis sive Papae sentire Regem Gallorum
nobiscum, jure tantum humano non divino eum habere. Secundo, sententiam nostram
de Sacramento Eucharistiae Regi placere, ipsius autem theologis non item, ut qui trans-
substantiationem velint modis omnibus servatam. Regem igitur quaerere certa, ut ha-
beat quod sequatur, esse enim solum, qui in regno suo imperet. Tertio, de Missis
magnam esse altercationem. Hie igitur Regem sic sentire condonandum esse a uos- :
tris aliquid, imo nostris suam Missam esse permittendam, delude modum adhibendum :
nequc plures quotidie in parochialibus templis, habendas. Regem etiam esse

quam tres, —
in 80, ut putet, orationes et legendas multas, lit ineptas et impias, abrogandas, aut sal-
tern emendandas. —
Regem etiam dixisse, se habere orarium ante multos annos scriptum,
in quibus de intercessione Sanctorum nulla prorsus sit mentio. Regem igitur de invo- —
catione et oratione nobiscum sentire ; et tameu Sanctorum
arbitrari posse sic in oratione
mentionem fieri, ut, si memoria fiat Petri, Pauli, etc., naufragantium, oremus et creda-
mus, nos quoque perlculo et discrimine liberandos pro memoria, non pro intercessione.
:
Quarto, Regem quoque probare nostram de imaginibus divorum sententiam, ita ut plebs
doceatur, non adorandas esse, sed ut pro memoria habere possint. Quinto, de meritis
Sanctorum theologos Gallicos sententiam suam mordicus retinere dicere enim, sic me- ;
reri, ut pro nobis exaudiantur. Tantum hoc annitendum, ut Rex veritatem intelligat.
Sexto, Regi etiam nostram de llbero arbitrio sententiam placere. Nam quamvis primo
theologis displicuisset, inspectis tamen communibus et eos quoque in hanc
locis Philippi
nostram iniisse sententiam. Septimo, de purgatorio sententiam suam theologos pertina-
cissime tueri, ut ex quo pendeant Missae, indulgentiae, legata ad pias causas, nundina-
tiones Missarum, et breviter omnia. Octavo, do bonis operibus theologos vehementer
tenere suam sententiam, nempe bona opera esse necessaria : Oratorem vero rcspondisse,
nos quoque dicere necessaria, non tamen ita, ut per ea vel justificemur vel salvemur.
Nono, de votis monasticis dixit, sperare Regem, hoc se impetraturum a Pontifice Roma-
no, ut pueri initientur docendi, sed ne ante annum trigesimum vel quadragesimum ad
vota monastica cogautur, sed ut liberum sit ipsis deserere, si necessitas tulerit, monas-
teria, et uxores ducere. Id enim Regi vidcri esse ex re non solum Ecclesiae sed etiam
politiae, ut sint viri idonei, qui ministeriis et functionibus admoveantur. — Ergo monas-
teria sic instituenda, ut sedes postea sint studiorum, ut sint illic eruditi, qui juventutem
doceant, et qui ab ipsis discant. Decimo, dixit Orator, a theologis Gallicis coujuglum
sacerdotale non probari, sed Regi hoc medium placere, ut nostris conjugibus sacerdoti-
bus conjugium eorum rclinquatur, reliqui autem et futuri in coelibatu maneant qui :
autem duxerint uxores, ut abstineant ministerio sacro ct pastorali cura. Undecimo, de

utraque specie, ait Orator, hoe Regem apud Clementem Romanum Pontificem diligenter
spem ipsi esse, fore, ut hoc a Romano Pontifice impetret, ut sanciat et statuat,
egisse, et
utrumque cuique secundum conscientiae suae modum esse liberum, sive alteram tan-
tum sive utramque specieni accipiendi,— Pisit etiam Orator Gallicus, locum de justifi
was soon turned about by opposite impressions.^^ At that time,

too, John Calvin left France, and in his Institutions gave to the
French Reformed a doctrinal point of union in the Preface he ;
exposed the injustice of the King.^^ Under his direction a Re-

formed Church was soon developed in French Switzerland, par-
ticularly at Geneva. Here was the hearth and home from which
the Reformation in France was constantly receiving new encour-
agement and support.'^ Persecution, however, increased in the
same degree the most horrible was that of the Waldenses in
:
Merindol and Cabrieres in the Proven9e, which in 1545 ended in

a general massacre."
Yet the number of the Reformed was already very large when
Francis I. died, in 1547, and was constantly increasing under
catione ut a nostris tractetur, probare —

Regem. Praeterea gratissimum Regi futurum,
si duo vel tres ex Galliam mitterentiir ad ipsum, coram eo his de re-
nostris eruditis in
bus collocuturi. Regem enim adliibiturum colloquio eruditorum et Sorbonicos morosis
simos, et qui nobiscum sentiant, ad eruendam veritatem evangelicam.
^' Especially through the influence of Cardinal Tournon. Du Prat died in 1535. In
1541 Francis complains to the Pope of the concessions of the legate at Ratisbon (see § 7,
Note 44, at the end).
^^ He wrote the Institutions in Basle in 1535. Extracts from the Praefatio ad Regem :
Quum perspicerem usque eo quorundam improborum furorem invaluisse ia regno tuo,

lit nullus sanae doctrinae istic sit locus: facturus mihi operae pretium visus sum, si ea-
dem opera et institutionem iis darem, et confessionem apud te ederem, unde discas,
qualis sit doctrina, in quam tanta rabie exardescunt furiosi illi, qui ferro et ignibus reg-
num tuum hodie turbant. Neque enim verebor fateri, hie me summara fere ejus ipsius
doctrinae complexum esse, quam illi carcere, exilio, proscriptione, incendio mulctan-
dam, quam terra marique exterminandam vociferantur. Equidem scio, quam atrocibus
delationibus aures animumque tuum impleverint, ut causam nostram tibi quam odiosis-
simam redderent: sed id tibi pro tua dementia perpendendum est, nullam neque in
dictis neque in factis innocentiam fore, si accusasse sufficiat. Sane si quis faciendae
invidiae causa doctrinam banc, cujus rationem tibi reddere conor, omnium ordinum cal-
culis damnatam, multis fori praejudiciis confossam jamdudum fuisse causetur ; nihU
aliud dixerit,quam partim adversariorum factione et potentia violenter dejectam, par-
tim mendaciis, technis, calumniis iiisidiose fraudulenterque oppressam. Vis est, quod
indicia causa sanguinariae sententiae adversus illam feruntur fraus, quod seditionis et
;
maleficii praeter meritum insimulatur.

" See § 10, Notes 40, 42. Weber's Darstellung des Calvinismus, s. 44.
'* These Waldenses, the only ones that still remained in their original fatherland,
were also quickened by the Reformation, and had conferences with the German and
Swiss Reformers. Thus they gave occasion to the Parliament that assembled at Aix in
1540 to condemn them to a fearful sentence the execution of it was, indeed, delayed by
;
the fiivorable report upon the Waldenses made to the King by William de Bellay, gov-
ernor of Piedmont ; but it was enjoined, 1545, bj- a new decree of the Parliament of Aix,
and carried out in a horrible manner. See Histoire memorable de la Persecution et

Saccagement du Peuple de Merindol et de Cabrieres, et autres Circonvoisins appele's
Vaudois, 1556. 8. Histoire de Persecutions et Guerres faites centre ceux appelles Vau-
;
dois, Geneve, 1552. 8. Bfze,"i. 35 ss.

; Sleidanus, lib. xvi., ed. am Ende, ii. 380; Thu-
;
anus, lib. vi., ad ann. 1550; Capefigue, i. 337 ss. Calvin's Leben v. Henry II., 326.
;
::
Henry II., although this weak ruler, under the influence of zeal-
ous Catholics,^^ sharpened the instruments of persecution. Anton,

King of Navarre, and his spouse, Jeanne d'Albret, a daughter of
Queen Margaret, avowed their adhesion to the Reformation in ;
Beam the Reformed worship was openly observed. Henry's alli-

ance with the Grerman Protestants against the Emperor was favor-
able to the progress of the Reformation in the French army there ;
was a company, under the lead of D'Andelot, composed entirely

of Reformers of noble rank.'^ But after the King, in the Treaty
of Passau, had again made friends with the Pope, and, in 1555,
formed with him the Holy League and when, at the same time, ;
the Reformed in Paris, Meaux, Bourges, Orleans, and many other

places, began to unite in regular congregations,^^ and in 1559, in
a general synod at Paris, had agreed upon a Confession of Faith
and a church order,^^ then the Catholic party, with the Guises
at their head, renewed the persecutions with redoubled violence.
Among the common people the Reformed were hated and calum-
niated ;^^ among the educated their numbers increased with rapid
'^ Particularlj' of the constable, Anne de Montmorency, the Cardinal Charles de Lor-
raine, son of the Duke of Guise, Diana de Poitiers, and Jacques d'Ablon, Marshal of St.
Andre ; see Beze, i. 68 ; Raumer's Gesch. v. Europa, ii. 184.
'^ Capetigue, ii. 39. Frangois de Coligny, Seigneur d'Andelot, was a brother of the
Admiral de Colign}'.
-' Beze, i. 97, in 1555 : Ce n'est pas merveilles, si Satan et ses adherans se deborde-
rent alors a toiite cruaute. —Car il commenqa vraiement alors d'estre assailli et combatu
de plus pre's qu'il n'avoit este auparavant en France, oil il n'}' avoit encores proprement
aucune Eglise dressee en toutes ses seulement les iideles enseignes par la
parties, estans
lecture des bons livres, et selon qu'il plaisoit a Dieu de les instruire quelquesfois par
exhortations particulieres, sans qu'il y eust administration ordinaire de la parole, ou des
Sacramens, n}' consistoire establi ains on se consolait I'un I'autre comnie on pouvoit,
:
s'assemblant selon I'oportunite pour faire les prieres, sans qu'il 3' eust proprement autres
prescheurs, que les Martyrs horsmis quelque petit nombre tant de moines qu'autres,
:
preschans moins impurement que les autres tellement qu'il se peut dire que jusques :
alors le champ du Seigneur avoit este seulement seme, et avoit fructifie par cj' par la
mais qu'en ceste annee Thoritage du Seigneur commenQa d'estre range, et mis par ordre
a bon escient. L'honneur de ceste ouvrage appartient sans point de doute apres Dieu a
—
un jeune homme nomme Jean le Macjon natif d 'Angers, dit la Riviere, etc. He found-
ed the congregation at Paris, which was soon followed b}' others. Most of the cliurches
received their preachers from Geneva. Weber, s. 51, Note.
'^ Both (Beze, i. 173 ss.) were written in accordance with Calvinistio principles, al-
though the Reformed were still called Lutheriens in France.

• * On their secret assemblages, Beze, i. 120 : La commune opinion estoit, qu'on s'es-
toit la assemble pour beau banquet, et puis paillarder pesle mesle les chandelles
faire uii
estaintes. lis adjoustoient aussi pour mieux orner ce mensonge, qu'il y avoit des Non-
—
nains et des Moines. Les Cures et Prescheurs de leur coste emplo3-oient leurs personnes
et sermons a imprimer ces mensonges au peuple, disans mesmes, qu'on y tuoit les petits
enfans, et autres choses semblables, desquelles Satan a voulu diffamer I'ancienne Eglise
;
strides. As a milder tone was penetrating even the Parliament,

it was proposed to introduce a spiritual inquisition. The Pope is-
sued the needful bull,^° April 25, 1557 ; the King forced the Par-
liament, in spite of its opposition, to accept the royal edict which
followed up the bull f^ but the work remained unfinished, because
he died immediately afterward, June 29, 1559.
§22.
CONTINUATION TO THE EDICT OF NANTES.
When Francis 11.^ ascended the throne, in his fifteenth year, the
widowed Queen, Catherine de Medici, supported by the Guises,
immediately got possession of the government, and was able to
set aside the King of Navarre, Anton de Bourbon, the first prince
of the blood. All the zealous Catholics adhered to the Guises
the Reformed looked for security to the Bourbons. After the con-
spiracy of Amboise, 1560, in which the Guises were to be de-
prived of the government, the Reformed, under the name of Hu-
guenots,^ which had been given to them, formed both a political
et ce bruit estoit non seulement entre le commun penple, mais entre les plus gi'ands
jusques au Ro}-, auquel on tacha de le persuader par faux rapport. On introduit doncques
I'un des Juges du Chastelet, lequel osa, a I'appetit des adversaires de I'Evangile, rap-
porter ii la Majeste du Roy, qu'on avoit trouve en la salle de la maison plusieurs pail-
laces, sur lesquelles se commettoient les paillardises, et I'appareil aussi d'un bon et
somptueiix banquet, qui s'y devoit faire : chose qui irrita grandement le Roy, etc.
=" Given in Raynald , 1557, no. 29.
^^ Beze, i. 114. In the Parliament an important minoritj' spoke
Capefigue, ii. 41.
against the execution of the Reformed, demanded a council, and freedom of conscience
until it could be convened. The King himself appeared in the Parliament, June 13,
1559, and caused the chiefs of this minority to be arrested ; Capefigue, ii. 55. One of
them, Anne de Bourg, was burned, Dec. 23, 1559; Beze, i. 246; Capefigue, ii. 93; Va-
ter's Kirchenhistor. Archiv., 1824, iv. 13.
' Comp. besides, Histoire de I'estat de France, tant de la republique que de la religion,
sous le regne de Franqois II., par Regnier de la Planche (contemporarj' and Reformed),
publiee, par M. Ed. Mennechet., Tomes ii., Paris, 1836. 8.
= Beze, i. Or pource qu'il a este fait mention de ce mot de Huguenot donne a
269.
ceux de la religion reformee durant I'entreprise d'Amboise, et qui leur est demeure de-
puis, j'en diraj- un mot en passant, pour mettre hors de doute ceux qui en cherchent la
cause asses a I'esgaree. La superstition de nos devanciers, jusques a vingt ou trente ans
en (ja, estoit telle, que presque par toutes les bonnes villes du roj-aume ils avoicnt opin-
ion, que certams en ce monde apres leur raort, qu'ils al-
esprits faisoient leur purgatoire
loient de nuict par la ville battans et outrageans beaucoup de personnes, les trouvans
par les rues. Mais la lumiere de I'Evangile les a fait esvanouir, et nous a appris, que
c'estoient coureurs de pave et ruffiens. A Paris ils avoient le moine boiirre, it Orleans
le mulet Odet, a Blois par lougarou, a Touts le roi Huguet, et ainsi des autres villes. Or
est il ainsi, que ceux, qu'on appelloit Lutheriens, estoienten ce temps la regardes de jour
de si pres, qu'il leur falloit necessairement attendre la nuit pour s'assembler pour prier
:
CHAP. II.—REFORIMATION. § 22. IN FRANCE. 301
and an ecclesiastical party, attached as well to the doctrine of

Calvin as k> the Bourbons. Meanwhile, outside of this party, the
feeling of the necessity for ecclesiastical reformation and religious
toleration had become so general, and was so distinctly declared
even by the Estates General assembled at Orleans in Dec, 1560,^

that the Regent, Catharine, determined to adopt a middle course,*
Dieu, precher, et communiquer aux Sacremens tellement qu'encores qu'ils ne

saints :
feissent peur, ne tort a personne, si est-ce que les prestres par derision les feirent succe-
der a ces esprits qui rodoient la nuit. De cela advint nom estant tout commun en la
boucLe du menu peuple d'appeller ceux de la Religion Huguenots au pays de Touraine
et premierement a Tours, que ceux de la religion s'assemblans de nuit furent surnommes
Huguenots, comme s'ils eussent este la troupe de leur roi Huguet et pource que la pre- :
miere descouverte de I'entreprise d'Amboise se fit a Tours, qui en baillerent la premier

advertissement sous ce nom de Huguenots, ce sobriquet leur en est demeure. So, too,
Thuanus, lib. xxiv., p. 741. It is remarkable that, instead of being content with this
explanation, whicli befits the first appearance of this name, and is adequately verified,
the most manifold and strange explanations have been attempted (see Benoist, i. 23).
Among these, the derivation from eidgnots (confederates, see § 10, Note 23) has the great-
est probabilit}-. This was advocated bj' the Viscount de Tavannes, while his father was
still living this origin of it, however, could not, it would seem, have escaped the knowl-
;
edge of Beza. [Comp. E. Castel, Les Huguenots, Paris, 1859, pp. 1-119.]
^ Preparations for this were made by the Assemhlee de Notables in Fontainebleau, Aug.,
1560, called by the Chancellor I'Hospital (about him see Raumer's Geschichte Europas,
ii. 202). In this assembly Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, and Charles de Marillac,
Archbishop of Vienne, exposed in tlie frankest way the corruptions of the Church, de-
manded a council, and condemned the execution of the Huguenots see Serranus, i. 48. ;
B^ze, i. 277. Thuanus, lib. xxv., p. 761. Cf. Capefigue, ii. 144. Of the same purport is
the address with which the Cliancellor I'Hospital opened the Estates General (Beze, i.
407), and which found much sympathj-.
* Comp. the document which she sent forth, in preparing which the Bishop of Valence
is said to have had much influence, and which is usuallj' cited as a letter of the Queen
to the Pope, Aug. 14, 1561 (extracts in Thuanus, lib. xxviii. more fullj' in Servanus, i.
;
105), given in full in Beze, i. 650 ss. (according to Capefigue, ii. 184, also in the MSS.
de Bethune, Bibl. du Roi, vol. cot. 8470) but according to Beza it was first composed
;
after the colloqu}- of Poissj', and is probably to be considered as the instructions of an

envoy sent to the Pope perhaps the instructions given to Monsieur de Laussac (Beze, i.
;
649). Here it is said. Que la quatriesme partie de ce Royaume est separee de la com-
munion de I'Eglise, laquelle quatriesme partie est des gentils hommes, de gens de let-
tres, et des principaux bourgeois des villes, et de ceux du menu peuple. Thej' were so
united and strong, qu'il ne faut point esperer de les pouvoir diviser, et encore moins
de les ramener avec la force, sans mettre ce Royaume en danger, d'estre proj'e de celui
qui le voudroit conquerir, ou bien d'affoiblir ou mettre tant au bas ses forces, que de
cinquante ans apres il ne pourroit revenir a son premier estat. However, a union in
France was much easier, qu'il n'y a point d'Anabaptistes, ni heretiques, qui contrcdi-
sent aux 12 en a este faite par les anciens
articles de la foi, ni a la declaration, qui
Conciles generaux. Et personnages de sgavoir, qui disent, que
se trouvent quelques —
nostrc S. Pere pourroit accepter en la communion de I'eglise ceux qui feroieut la confes-
sion de leur foi telle, qu'elle est universelle par tout le monde, que les anciens out dit la
vraye et certaine reigle de foi, contenant les 12 articles, et ce que depuis nous a este de-
clare par les susdits conciles generaux, et que la difierence des autres opinions ne pour-
roit empecher qu'ils ne fussent tous de I'eglise, sous I'obeissance du sainct siege non :
plus qu'anciennement la diversite de la celebration de la Pasque, de I'obeissance des

—
After the death of Francis IL, Dec. 3, 1560, Charles IX. succeed-
ed, at the age of nine years. The Eegent now drew tack some-
jeusnes, et des ceremonies, tant siir radministration des sacremens, que sur la maniere
de servir Dieu, n'empecha qu'ils ne fussent tous Chrestiens, et qu'ils ne communicassent
les uns avec les autres. In anj' case the Pope must soon do something to bring back
the schismatics to the Church, and to confirm the wavering. Proposals are made with
special regard to this object Quant a ceux qui sont encores sous I'obeissance de I'eglise,
:
il faut entendre, qu'il en et en tres grand nombre, qui ne veulent encores s'en depar-
ya
tir, combatus continuellement en leurs consciences en trois principaux
et toutesfois sont
points. Le premier est, qu'ils voj'ent, que la primitive Eglise n'avoit point damages: on
leur dit, que Dieu a expressement defendu de les mettre en lieu d'adoration ils voj'ent, :
que S. Gregoire mesme a defendu de les adorer (vol. i., § 119, Note h). Tous les bons qui
depuis les ont receves, out declare, qu'elles ne servent que a. representer au populaire la
memoire des absens, et que ce sont comme histoires escrites pour les simples et ignorans.
lis voyent aussi les grands et enormes abus, les menteries et impostures, et faux mira-
cles, qui depuis quelque temps ont este descouvers de ce Eoyaume, et iuclinent facile-
ment vl I'opinion de ceux, qui n'en veulent du tout point, et entrent contre leur con-
science aux Eglises d'autant qu'ils sont contrains de s'agenouiller devant les images.
Parquoi —nostre sainct Pei'e considerera, s'il ne seroit pas raisonnable,
s'il lui plaist,
qu'elles fussent ostees des autels, et colloquees a rentour des temples, soit dedans ou de-
hors. —
Le second article est de I'administi'ation des saincts sacremens, du Baptesme, et de
la saincte Communion. Quant an Baptesme, il vient a noter, que beaucoup de bons per-
sonnages trouvent estranges les exorcismes et oraisons, qui a present d'autant que ceux —
qui y assistent ne les entendent point, il semble, qu'on s'en pouri"oit passer. Et davan-
tage il y a beaucoup de gens, qui estiment, que tous ces preambules soieut de la neces-
site du Baptesme, qui est contre I'opinion de I'eglise. —
Quant k\a, saincte Communion, il
y a plusieurs bons personnages craignans Dieu, qui sont scandalises de trois poincts,
dont le premier est, qu'on ne leur donne a communier, que sous une espece seulement, et
ne peuvent asseurer leur conscience sur le Concile de Constance, ni sur la coustume in-
troduite depuis quelque temps, attendu que Jesus Christ a dit Prenez, mangez, et beu- :
vez. Et tout ainsi que S. Paul a dit :

—
que I'homme boive de ce calice adjoustant ^ ces ;
deux textes I'ancienne coustume de I'Eglise continuee par I'espace de mil a douze cens
ans. — —
Nostre S. Pere ^jugera, s'il lui plaist, s'il seroit bon de permettre, que ladite Com-
munion fust restituee par privilege, nonobstant la definition dudit Concile de Constance.
Pour le second poinct, il vient a noter, que plusieurs font conscience de se presenter a la
saincte Communion en la sorte, que nos Evesques et Cures la distribuent, c'est a dire a un,
a deux ou trois a part, sans qu'aucunes prieres soient entendues, et sans que la cause de
ce sainct sacrement leur soit declaree et voudroient bien, que la maniere de la distri-
:
buer selon I'ancienne coustume de I'Eglise fust remise sus, et sont tellement arrestes sur
ce poinct, que nos adversaires disent, qu'ils en usent comme nos anciens Peres, et la
nous ont laissee par escrit que si le regret, qu'ils ont de se separer de la communion de
;
I'Eglise, ne les retenoit, il y en auroit un grand nombre qui pie(;a nous eussent aban-
donnes et ne se pent nier, que la comparaison de I'une faqon a I'autre ne nous apporte
:
—
grand prejudice. Parquoi pour obvier a cet inconvenient, s'il plaisoit a nostre S. Pere le
Pape permettre, que la saincte Communion soit une fois le mois administree selon qu'il
estoit en la primitive Eglise, c'est a savoir, que I'Evesque ou le Cure, ou autres pour eux,
peussent tous les premiers dimanches des mois, ou plus souvent, s'ils en sont requis, as-
sembler ceux. qui en auroient devotion, devant et apres I'office, et la peussent chanter un
Pseaume en langage vulgaire, fissent confession generale de leurs peches, et prieres pub-
liques pour tous magistrats spirituels et temporels, pour la salubrite de Fair, pour les
fruicts de la terre, pour les malades affliges, et pour tous autres, qui ont besoin d'estre
consoles pour la bonte et liberalite de nostre Dieu puis leur fust faite lecture de ce que
:
les Evangelistes, ou sainct Paul nous ont escrit concernant le sainct sacrement lequel :
aussi leur fust bailie sous deux especes. — II n'}' a chose, qui tant tourmente les con-
sciences de ceux, qui veulent vivre selon Dieu, que la crainte de n'avoir les sacremens
— :
CHAP. II.—KEFOKMATION. § 22. IN FEANCE. 303
what from the Guises, declared the King of Navarre Lieutenant-

General of the King, and, to attempt a reconciUation, set on foot
the Colloquy of Poissy,^ in Sept., 1551, between the two religious
parties ; and, although this conference did not lead to any results,
conceded to the Reformed a restricted religious freedom,^ Jan. 17,
1562. But as the Huguenots were now rapidly increasing, and
began to feel their power, and to express openly their abhorrence
of the Catholic superstitions,^ the Catholics also became more im-
ainsi qu'ils ont este institues et ordonnes : et toutes les fois, qu'ils sont persuades, qu'on
3' a adjouste ou diminue pour y faire quelque changement, ils pensent estre certainement
hors du cheniin de leur salut. — Le troisiesme poinct est, que plusieurs savans personnages
do ce Koyaume en grand nombre, sont scandalises, de la procession,
et autres, qui sont
qui sefait tous jour qu'on appelle du Corpus Domini, a laquelle procession ils di-
les ans le
sent qu'ils ne peuvent assister en saine conscience pour ces trois raisons. La premiere,
disent ils, pource que c'cst directement centre I'institution du s. Sacrement, oil il est
dit Prenez, mangez, et puis
: faites ceci en ma commemoration, c'est a dire, ce que j'ai
:
fait et disent, qu'il y a pareille difference entre le prendre et le manger, et le voir et

:
porter par les rues, comme on pourroit dire, si un medecin avoit commando de prendre
uue medecine au malade pour sa santo, et que celui la au lieu de la prendre, la fist porter
—
honorablement par la maison. Pour la seconde raison, ils alleguent, que Jesus Christ
est au regne de son Pere, et ne requiert de nous que I'honneur spirituel et I'adoration en
esprit et verite. —
Voila la plainte, qui est faite non pas par les separes, mais par un grand
nombre d'autres personnes, qui ne pensent a rien moins, qu'a se desunir de I'Eglise, aius
pour contenir les infirmes a ce qu'ils ne se departent point, desirent, que ce qui apporte
plus de scandale que de fruict, plus d'abus que de devotion, soit du tout oste, ou pour le
—
moins reforme. La Messe est le tiers article, pour lequel plusieurs sont scandalises.
Tout le monde dit, que c'est un grand scandale en la Chrestiente de la voir ainsi mettre
en veute par des prestres ignorans, malvivans et vagabonds et toutefois personne ne :
fait semblant d'j' pourvoir. Cela a fait grandement diminuer la devotion du peuple
mais il y en a plusieurs, qui sont encores avec nous, qui ont passe plus outre, et font
grand scrupule en ladite messe, tant pour la substance, que pour la forme d'icelle.
Reste a parler de la maniere de servir Dieu, sur quoi vient a noter, que tout ainsi qu'en
la primitive Eglise le chant des Pseaumes et prieres publiques en langage entendu d'un
chacun contenoit les Chrestiens en la crainte de Dieu, en la devotion de I'invoquer sou-
vent, en la fraternelle amitie attiroit les ennemis a vouloir entendre ce que c'estoit de
;
la religion et rendoit les hommes mieux vivans et plus devots envers Dieu
; aussi voj'- :
ons-nous de nostre temps, que ceux qui se sont separes de nous, attirent en leur com-
pagnie tous ceux qui leur 03'ent chanter des Pseaumes et faire les prieres. Attendu done,
que c'est ime chose bonne et louable, ct dont I'Eglise a si longuement use, il seroit bon
d'user de niesme artifice et recevoir en nos Eglises, deux fois le jour, le chant des
Pseaumes en langage valguaire avec les prieres publiques, et telles que chacun Evesque
pourroit ordonner en son diocese.
^ On this see Serranus, i. 112 b. B^ze, i. 489 Thuanus, lib. xxviii. Salig's Hist,
; ; ;
d. Augspurg. Confession, iii. 801 Schlosser's Leben des Theodor de Beza u. des Petnis
;
Martyr Vermili, Heidelberg. 1809, s. 105, 355, 459 Capefigue, ii. 186. ;
^ According to tlie proposals

of the Chancellor I'Hospital in the assembly at St. Ger-
main Capefigue, ii. 207. The so-called Edit de Janvier, in Beze, i. 674. Benoist Hist,
;
de I'edit —
de Nantes, T. i. Recueil d'Edits, p. 1. On this period compare the letters of
the papal nuncio in Paris to the Cardinal Borromeo, from October, 1561, to 1565, in the
Archives curieuses de I'hist. de France, par Cimbcr et Danjou. Serie i., T. \-i. (Paris,
1835), p. 1 ss.
' Capefigue, ii. 210,
304 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. L—A.D. 1517-1648.
Littered against them. The Duke

by the massacre of of Gruise,
Vassy,^ March, 1562, gave the signal of war. The weak King of
Navarre, intimidated by Spain,^ stood on the Cathohc side his ;
brother, the t'rince of Conde, was the leader of the Huguenots.

These wars were interrupted only by short periods of peace. Aft-
er the treaty of St. Germain en Laye,^° August 8, 1570, it appear-
ed as though the court earnestly desired to maintain peace ; but
the high carnival of blood, the Night of St. Bartholomew,^^ August
24, 1572, revealed the hidden craft, and was the signal for a new
series of still more imbittered wars. With every treaty the Hu-
guenots gained larger advantages; but both Charles IX., who died
May and Henry HI. were too feeble to hold their engage-
30, 1574,
ments against the Cathohc party. After the Peace of Beaulieu,
May, 1576, the Duke of G-uise formed the Holy League to exterm-
inate the Huguenots,^^ and, favored by the Pope and Spain, he got
possession of so much power that Henry HI. sank down into the
* Several contemporaneous accounts, see in the Archives curicuses de I'hist. de France.

Serie i., T. iv., p. 103 ss. The Reformed (Beze, i. 722) and the Catholic (Capefigue, ii.
237) varj- much, especially as to the occasion of it. The most unprejudiced
is Thuanus,
lib. xxix., T. ii., p. 78. Raumer Gesch. [H. W. G. Soldan, in Rau-

Europa's, ii. 223.
mer's Hist. Taschenbuch, 1854, on the Bartholomew Night; La France et la St. Bar-
thclcmy, Paris, 1855 Ranke's Civil Wars, pp. 248-278.]
;
^ Capefigue, ii. 233. Herrmann's Frankreichs Religions- u. Biirgerkriege, s. 180.

^° See the edict in Benoist, i. Anhang, p. 9.
'^ A report, palliating matters, of the General Advocate of the Paris Parliament, Nov.
1, 1572, Vidus Faber ad Stanislaum Elvidium (i. e., Joach. Camerarius) the answer of ;
the latter, see in Gerdesii Scrinium, vi. 575. Against tliis, see Ern. Varamundi (F. Ho-
tomanni ?) de Furoribus Gallicis Narratio. Edinburg, 1573. 4. (often reprinted). A col-
lection of the documents and contemporaneous writings is in the Archives curieuses de
rhist. de France, Serie i., T. vii. Thuanus, lib. lii. L. Wachler's die pariser Bluthoch-
; ;
zeit, Leipzig, 1826 (as Appendix the remarkable confession of Henrj- of Anjou, Kiog
:
of Poland, made in Cracau to his physician in ordinary-, Miron, and his conversation
with the Elector Frederick III. in Heidelberg). Histoire de la Saint-Barthelemj- d'apres
les Chroniques, Memoires, et Manuscrits du XVI. siecle, par M. Audin. Paris, 1826. 8.
Ranke, histor. polit. Zeitschrift, Bd. 2, Heft 3, s. 590. Herrmann, s. 290. Capefigue, iii.
84. —
Raumer, ii. 252. On the reception of the account in other lands, and the manifes-
tation of joy in Rome, see Thuanus, lib. liii. The congratulatory address of Muretus to
the Popeis the 22d of his Orations. [Comp. Bulletin of French Prot. Hist. Soc]
'^Thuanus, lib. Ixiii. init. They united, ad restituendam in integrum legem Dei, con-
servandum sanctissimum ipsius cultum juxta forniam et ritum S. R. E. Then it was
further said : foederis praefectus creatur (naturall}-, the Duke of Guise), cui universl
promptam obedientiam et obsequium sine conditione praestare teneantur : si quis officio
non satisfecerit, aut tergiversatus ulla in re fuerit, ad praefecti arbitrium, cui cuncti se
submitterent, puniatur. The party even went so far as to insist upon giving back the
French crown to tire Carlovingian line, from which the Guises claimed descent, and tak-
ing it from the Capetian, who, it was said, had usurped it see the instructions of Da- ;
vid, the parliamentary advocate, sent to Rome, in Thuanus, lib. Ixiii. p. 176 Capefigue, ;
iv. 44.
mere shadow of a king, and the kingdom was in a state of anar-

chy. The Pope declared that the Bourbons had forfeited their
rights to the throne of France,^^ for which the Duke of Gruise was
struggling. The crafty Henry III. tried to help himself by mur-
der two of the Guises fell in 1588 the third brother, the Duke
: ;
of Mayenne, at the head of the League, so pressed the King that

he was forced to seek refuge with the King of Navarre. When he
was murdered in his camp at St. Cloud,^^ in 1589, the latter be-
came his successor, as Henry IV. but he had to contend contin- ;
ually against the League and even after he had renounced Prot-
;
estantism and gone over to the Catholic Church,^^ in 1595, he

could not at once disarm all opposition ; first in 1595 he was ab-
solved from the papal ban. After he had obtained the peaceful
possession of the government he guaranteed to his former compan-
" The bull of Sept. 9, 1585, maj- be found ia the reply: Franc. Hottomanni Sixti V.
Fulmen brutum in Henricum Regem Navarrae et Henr. Burbonium Principem evibra-
tum (1585. 8., and •often), also in Goldasti Monarchla Imperii, iii. 12-i Thuanus, lib. ;
Ixxxii. p. H.
Contemporaneous reports, see in the Archives curieuses de I'hist. de France, Serie
'*
i., Tom. xii. 361 Thuanus, lib. xcvi. p. 456. The murderer, the Dominican, Jacques
;
Clement, had inquired of a learned brother of the order, salvane conscientia Henricum
Valesium occidere posset and received the answer siquidem non odio aut ultionis
; :
privatae studio, sed amore Dei inflammatus, pro religione et patriae salute id suscipiat,
non solum id inoffensa conscientia facere posse, sed multum apud Deum meriturum, et
si in actu ipso moriatur, proculdubio inter beatorum chores animam ejus evolaturam.
Cf. Capefigue, v. 290. The same doctrines were openly taught in the Jesuit college in
Paris, and the Jesuits, Petr. Ribadeneira and Joh. Mariana, praised the deed of Cle-
ment in their writings D'Argentre Collectio Judiciorum, ii. i. 503. Also Pope Sistus
;
V. Raumer, ii. 332.

;
'^ Comp. on this the Memoires de Maxim, de Bethune (Sulh'), Amsterd., fol. T. i.
chap. 38 ss. Sully saw clearly that without the same Henrj- they could never come to
a peaceful government in respect to religion, he held it to be pour infaillible, qu'en
;
—
quelque sorte de Religion, dont les hommes fassent profession exterieure, s'ils meurent
en I'observation du Decalogue, creance au Symbole, aiment Dieu 4e tout leur coeur, ont
charite envers leurs prochains, esperent en la misericorde de Dieu, et d'obtenir salut par
la mort, le merite, et la justice de Jesus-Christ, qu'ils ne peuvent faillir d'estre sauvez,
pource que des lors ne sont ils plus d'aucune Religion erronee, mais de celle qui est la
plus agreable a Dieu. He ended his investigation in relation to the King with the as-
sertion, il vous sera impossible de regner jamais pacifiquement, tant que vous serez de
profession exterieure d'une Religion, qui est en si grande aversion ^ la pluspart des
grands et des petits de vostre Roj'aume. The confession of faith made by the King
(chap. 49) is the Professio Fidei Pii IV., in which, however, were omitted the mention
of the Council of Trent, as that was not received in France, and also at the end the
words (hanc veram catholicam fidem) a meis subditis, sen illis, quorum cura ad me in
meo munere quantum in me erit, curaturum (spon-
spectabit, teneri, doceri et praedicari,
deo). Capefigue, vi. 300. Ranke, Fursten u. Volker von Siideuropa,
Raumer, ii. 362.
iii. 236. F. W. Ph. v. Ammon, Gallerie der denkwurdigsten Personen, welche zur katii.
Kirche iibergetreten sind. Erlangen, 1833. 8., s. 56. [Stiihelin, Uebertritt Henri IV.,
1856.1
VOL. IV. —20

306 FOURTH PERIOD— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648,
ions in the faith legal rights and standing in the Edict of Nantes,^^
April 13, 1598.
§23.
CONTINUATION TO THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA.
The Reformed at once proceeded not only to arrange their

Church constitution, giving it a firm basis by founding institu-
tions for education,^ which soon took a high rank, but also to shape
their league in such a way as was necessary for the protection of
their political rights.^ In the long struggles through which they
passed the two religious parties had come to such a state of hatred
that they could not immediately live together in peace.^ The
'^ See this in Benoist,

i. Appendix, p. 62. Here it is first provided that all the past
;
was and that the Huguenots (nos sujets de la Religion pretendue Re-
to be forgotten,
formee) should everj- where be allowed to have private worship, and also public, under
certain restrictions in particular, § 14, they were forbidden de faire aucun exercice de
:
iadite Religion en notre Cour et suite, ni pareillement en nos terres et pais qui sent dela
les Monts, ni aussi en notre villa de Paris, ni cinq lieues de Iadite ville. The preach-
h.
ers are not to stir up the people (§ 17) from the Reformed their children are not to be
;
taken (§ 18) and they are not to be disturbed (§ 19) on the other hand, thej' are to
; :
refrain from all mere work on the daj'S of the Catholic festivals (§ 20). Thej' are to be
admitted to schools, universities, hospitals, and public poor-houses equallj- with the
Catholics (§ 22) but they arc not to marry within the degrees of relationship forbidden
;
1
y tlie canon law (§ 23). They are to be admitted to all ofEces and dignities (§ 27) in ;
the Paris Parliament is to be a Chambre de I'Edit, to decide upon the complaints of the
Reformed, and six Reformed councilors are to be appointed (§ 30) chambers of the ;
same kind to be formed by the Parliaments of Toulouse, Grenoble, and Bordeaux, half
of the members to be Reformed and half Catholic (chambres miparties, § 31). To the
edict of 92 articles was added, May 2, one of 52 articles secrets et particuliers, and two
brevets of 30th April. By the second brevet (1. c, p. 95) it was conceded to the Re-
formed que toutes les Places, Villes et Chateaux, qu'ils tenoient jusqu'a la fin du mois
:
—
d'Aout dernier, esquelles 3- aura garnisons, demeureront en leur garde sous I'autorite
et obeissance de Sadjê Majeste par I'espace de huit ans. —
Et pour les autres, qu'ils tien-
nent, on il nV aura point des garnisons, n'j' sera point altere ni innove. (So La Rochelle,
Montauban, Ntmes u a., welche fast ganz unabhitngig waren) —Et ce terme desdites
huit annees expire, —toutefois S. M. leur a encore accorde et promis, que si esdites Villes
ellecontinue apres ledit tems d'y tenir garnisons, on y laisser un Gouverneur pour com-
mander, qu'elle n'en depossedera point celui qui s'en trouvera pourvu, pour y eu mettre
un autre.
^ Academies in Sedan (founded 1580, by Heniy, Duke of Bouillon), Saumur (1604, by
Duplessis-Mornaj-, governor of this city), Montpellier, Montauban, Nimes, and Pan, in
Bcarn besides several gj-mnasia. [Comp. Michel Nicolas on the Protestant French
;
Schools and Colleges, in the Bulletin de la Societe de I'Histoire du Prot. Frani; ; Tom.
iv. 1850, pp. 497-511, 582-595.]
' Upon the church constitution, and the political organization of the Protestants, see
Weber's Darstellung des Calvinismus im Verhiiltniss zum Staat in Genf u. Frankreich,

s. 187 ff.
^ Among the leaders of the Reformed was Philip Mornay (Seigneur du Plessis-Marlj-))
:
CHAP. II.—KEFOKIIATION. § 23. IN FRANCE. 307
high Huguenot nohles, accustomed to independence, and to vic-

tory in the contests with the Court, were still in a very excited
state and this was favored by the position now assigned to the
;
Huguenots as a political corporation.* Under Henry IV. they

seemed to be by degrees pacified. During the minority of Louis
Xin., however, the powerful Huguenot League could not remain
without participation in the party struggles of the great princes.^
Afterward Louis XHL himself gave occasion to new wars, by vio-
M-ho caused much excitement by his violent controversial writings, especially bj' the work
De Tinstitution, usage et doctrine de I'eucharistie en I'eglise ancienne ; a Kochelle, 1598.
4. This called out several Catholic rejoinders (see Walch, Bibl.
(often republished).
Theol., ii. 227),was the occasion of a coUoquj' of the author with Du Perron,
and also
Bishop of Evreux, at Fontainebleau, in the presence of the King, 1600. Du Perron tried
to convict him of having made manj^ false citations from the fathers and scholastics
see Actes de la Conference tenue entre le Sieur Evesque d'Evreux et le Sieur du Plessis,
en presence du Roi a Fontainebleau le 4. de May, 1600, a Evreux, 1601, 8.
* Comp. the Memoires de Sully on the Assemblee generale of the Reformed at Cha-
telleraut, 1605, in which Sully appeared as the plenipotentiarj- of the King (in the Am-
sterdam folio edition, Tom. ii. chap. 51 in the revised edition of London, 1778, 8vo,
;
Tom. vi. chap. 22). Sullj' had here to contend against the reports and fears that the
Reformed were again to be robbed of all their privileges, particularly against the bruit,
que ceux de la cabale de Messieui's de Bouillon, Desdiguieres et du Plessis ont fait
courir, que le Roi avoit delibere de retrancher ce qui estoit destine pour les IMinistres, et
de ne permettre plus d'Assemblee (ed. Amst., ii. 380). Of that union insti'uctions had
already come to the knowledge of the King c, p. 381), qui ont esto donnees pour for-
(1.
mer en ce Roj-aume une Republique separee en effet de son autoritc souveraine, a quoi
tendent I'union, que vous savez avoir este proposee pour la mutuelle defense et conser-
vation des chefs de parti, et les sermens, auxquels on pretend assujettir les Gouverneurs-
des Places, avec le rejet de ses Officiers, —
et les conseils qu'ils entendent dresser et es-
tablir en chacune Province du Roj-aume, avec les intelligences estrangeres, desquelles
nous Savons qu'ils veulent et esperent s'apuj-er et fortifier avec plus de soin, que jamais.
Sully wrote on this to the roj'al cabinet (1. c, p. 383) Quant aux plaintes, que vous me
:
faites des tesmoignages, que ceux de ceste assemblee rendent de se deffier du Roi, et de
rechercher en eux mesmes leur subsistance, c'est chose dont je leur ai parle plusieurs
fois, et fait toucher au doigt et a I'oeil rimpertiuence de ce dessin mais ils m'ont tou- :
jours repondu, que si le Roi estoit immortel, ils ne voudroient jamais autre chose que sa
foi et sa parole, pour leur maintien et conservation qu'ils quitteroient des a present
;
toutes leurs villes et places de surete, se departiroient de toutes intelligences, unions et

associations, tant dedans que dehors le Royaume, etc. —
de la possession et continuation
:
desquels s'ils s'estoient une fois departis, et qu'ils vinssent a avoir un Roi, qui les eust en
aversion, il les dissiperoit et disperseroit aussitot.
—
Quant a cette union proposee, que
vous tesmoignez d'apprehender, je vous prie croire que c'est une chimere, qui ne consis-
tera jamais, qu'en mines et en paroles, et que la prudence et la generosite du Roi lui se-
ront toujours pour un Bellerophon, et dedans et dehors le Roj'aume, car cela sais-je de
science. Quant a ce qu'une telle union pourroit produire pour le regard de Monsieur le
Daupliin, s'il suit les desseins du Roi son pere, il aura le meme pouvoir. Quant a la pro- —
longation des villes de surete, dont vous faites tant de cas, et tous ces gens d'Assemblee
aussi, c'est encor une autre chimere facile a debeller et plus ils en ont, plus cette am-
:
plitude les rend elle foibles, — dont eux mesmes feront une experience dommageable, si
jamais ils viennent a perdre la bienveillauce du Roi, et le contraignent de tourner ses
amies contre'eux.
= Weber, s. 195.
lentlychanging the ecclesiastical and civil constitution in the

whole of the Reformed Bearn, in 1620.'^ RicheUeu, who took the _
rudder of the state in 1626, made it his chief object to annul all
political independence, excepting that of the King ; and of course
to destroy the Huguenot League.'' He attained the latter end aft-
er the capture of New Rochelle, in 1628,^ and the last leader of
the Huguenots, the Duke de Rohan, submitted to the Edict of
Nimes, July, 1629, which allowed to the Protestants all their
previous ecclesiastical rights, but deprived them of the character

of a political body.^ From this period the Reformed lived in peace
under Louis XHI., and were distinguished for their faithfulness
to the King, their culture, and their skill in industrial pursuits."
« Weber, s. 216.
' There were already frequent desertions of the Reformed party by the nobles Weber, ;
s. 228. Ranke's Fiirsten u. Volker, iii. 474. Dupleix (roj'al historiographer, f 1661)
sa5'S on this, with hateful exaggeration, but with a basis of truth, in his Hist, de Louis
XIII., p. 220 Mais eux (les Gentilshommes) recognaissans aussi, que les ministres et le
:
menu peuple des religionaires ne tendent qu'a la destruction de la monarchie et ensuite

de toute superiorite et mesme de la noblesse, pour fonner des democraties et etats popu-
laires,prennent leur avantage du temps et des occasions, et aiment mieux maintenu* la
condition de leur naissance sous I'autorite de leur Roi, que d'attendre d'estre degrades de
tons honneurs et meme massacres par la populace, lorsqu'elle se trouveroit assez puis-
sante pour etablir des republiques.
8 Weber, s. 250.
3 Already, in the Declaration du Roi, 19th October, 1622 (Benoist Hist, de I'Edit de
Nantes, ii., Anhang, p. 62), it is said: Defendons trds-expressement a nosdits sujets de
la Religion pretendue Reformee toutes sortes d'Assemblees generales et particulieres,
Cercles, Conseils, Abregez de Synodes, et toutes autres de quelque qualite qu'elles puis-
sent etre, a peine de crime de leze-Majeste, s'ils n'ont expresse permission de Nous : ains
seulement leur sont permises Assembloes des Consistoires, Colloques, Sj-nodes pour
les
pures affaires Ecclesiastiques, avec inhibitions tres-expresses d'y traiter d'aucune af-
faire politique sur les peines que dessus. The Edict of Nimes (I'Edit de gi-ace, by Be-
noist, 1. c, p. 92) says, § 2: Et desirans sur toutes choses voir a I'avenir une perpetu-
elle union entre nos sujets comme nous voulons et entendons maintenir ceux, qui font
:
profession de la Religion pretendue Reformee, en I'exercice libre tranquille d'icelle, et

sans aucun trouble, nous ne pouvons que nous ne desirions leur conversion, pour laquelle
nous oft'rons continuellement nos prieres a Dieu. C'est pourquoi nous exhortous tous
nosdits sujets de ladite Religion pretendue Reformee, se depouiller de toute passion, pour
etre plus capables de recevoir la lumiere du Ciel, et revenir au giron de I'Eglise, etc.
Then, § 5, the Edict of Nantes is confirmed, but § 7 it is ordered, que toutes les fortifica-
tions desdites Villes et lieux soient entierement rasees et demolies, fors la ceinture des
murailles, dans le tems de trois mois, a la diligence desdits habitans auxquels nous en ;
confiant, nous ne mettons pour cet effet aucunes gamisons ni citadelle esdites Villes.
'" Mazarin says of them: Je n'ai point a me plaindre du petit troupeau: s'il broute
de mauvaises herbes, du moins il ne s'ecarte pas see Eclaircissemens Historiques sur les
;
Causes de la Revocation de I'Edit de Nantes, et sur I'etat des Protestants en France,

tires des differentes Archives du Gouvemement (par de Rhuli^res, 1788), i. 18. We-
ber, 8. 266.
CHAP. IL—REFORMATION. § 24. IN THE NETHERLANDS. 309
§ 24.
IN THE NETHERLANDS.
Gerhard Brand (remonstrant preacher in Amsterdam, f 1685), Historie der Reforraatie
en andere Kerkel3'ke Geschiedenlssen in en omtrent de Nederlanden; Deel i., 2te
Aiisg. Amsterd., 1677; D. ii., 1674; D. iii. iv., R6tterdam, 1704. 4. (to 1623, most
;
full on the remonstrant controversies). Abridged in the Histoire abregee de la Re-

formation des Pais-bas, traduite du Hollandois de G. Brandt., a Amsterd., 1730, 3
Tomes in 12. Dan. Gerdesii Historia Reformationis, iii. 1 ss. (to 1558). Ypey en
Dermout Geschiedenissen der Nederlandsche Hervormde Kerk. Breda, 1819-27 ; iv.
Deelen., 8.
[Brandt's History of the Reformation in the Low Countries, 4 fol., 172t), 1770 abridged,
;
2 vols. 8vo, 1725. W. Bilderdj-k, Geschiedenis des Vaderlands ; uitg. door H. W.

Tydeman, 8vo. C. M. Davies, Hist, of Holland, 3 vols. 8vo, Lond., 1842. Die erstern
Christlichen Miirtyrer in den Niederl., in Rudelbach, Christl. Biogr., Bd. 1. Prof.
Ypej', of Groningen, and Rev.
Dermont, of the Hague, the fullest History of the
J. J.
Ref. Church of Holland, 4 vols. 8vo; a replj-, "Honor of the Ref. Church defended
against" them, by C. M. Van der Kemp, 3 vols. 8vo. Ter Haar, Die Ref. Gesch. in
Schilderungen, 8vo. A. Kokler, die Niederland. Ref. Kirche, 8vo, Erlangen, 1856.
Comp. J. L. Motley's Dutch Republic, 3 vols. 8vo, 1856.]
In the Netherlands civil freedom and culture had, in an ear-

lier period, proved favorable to reformatory movements, and soon
brought about decided sympathy with the Reformation of Luther,
in spite of its condemnation at Louvain ;^ and this as well in the
flourishing cities of Flanders and Brabant, particularly in Antwerp,
as in Holland itseli!^ The Emperor Charles V. earnestly desired
' 7th Nov., 1519 (in Lutheri 0pp. Lat. Jen., i. 466, in Loscher, iii. 850). The Louvain
theologians declared that thej' were led to this bj' the currencj' of the Opuscula Lutheri,
Basil., 1518 Curavimus, quantum in nobis fuit, ne in nostra Universitate (liber) publics
:
venderetur. Verum cum

experientia comperissemus, istud adhuc satis non esse, sed
librum et auctorem ejus multos habere fautores et defensores, asserentes hujus libri doc-
trinam vere esse christianam, quorum suasu et auctoritate multi e simplicioribus ipsum
—
librum cupidius amplectuntur, visum est nobis necessarium, nostram adhibere censu-
ram.
^ Erasmus writes from Louvain to Bilib. Pirkhaimer, 26th Jan., 1519 (Erasmi Epistt.,
T. i. Ep. 234) Ego hie in quotidianis concionibus lapidor a Praedicatoribus, et Luthero

:
copulor, quicum mihi nihil est negotii: sed ita stolide rem gerunt, ut populus etiam
crassissimus intelligat. Non poterant magis officere Romano Pontifici, neque magis
Lutherum commendare affectibus hominum. Nunc demum incipiunt illi favere, to Lu-
ther, 30th Maj', 1519 (Ep. 427) Habes in Anglia, qui de tuis scriptis optime sentiant,
:
et sunt hi maximi. Sunt et hie, quorum est eximius quidam, qui tuis favent. Est Ant- —
verpiae Prior ejus Monasterii (the Augustinian, Jacobus Spreng, usuallj' called Jacobus
Praepositus), vir pure christianus, qui te unice deamat, tuus olim discipulus, ut praedi-
cat. Is omnium paene solus Christum praedicat, caeteri fere aut hominum fabulas, aut
suum quaestum praedicant. Jacobus Praepositus was imprisoned in 1520, and carried
to Brussels, and in 1521 forced to recant. Soon after he was again preaching the Ref-
ormation in Brugge, was again put in prison in Brussels, but escaped (Seckendorf De
Lutheran, i. 179), was in Wittenberg with Luther in 1522 (see Luther to Spalatin, in de
Wette, ii. 182), and afterward became pastor in Bremen.
:
to suppress the heresy in this his hereditary land.Â penal law

against which he issued at Worms, May 8, 1521, for the Neth-
it,
erlands,* made more impression here than the one which was sent
out at the same time for Germany .^ Two Augustinians in Brus-
sels were the very first martyrs any where of the Reformation,
July 1, 1523.'^ As the laws against the heretics were often re-
^ Dort a Dominican, Vincentius, aroused a tumult in 1519 by a controversial ser-
111
mon ; Erasmi Ep. ad Godeschalcum Rosamundum (Ep. 491) Imputat mihi Vincen-
see :
tius tumultum HoUandicum, quod illic post stultissimam concionem propemodum fue-
rit lapidatus a plebe, cum ego nulli Hollando neque bene scripserim de Luthero, neque
male. Comp. Ep. 562'. Erasmus, in a letter to Alexander, secretary of the Count of
Nassau, dd. Lovanii iii. Idus Mart., 1521 (Epistt. App, No. 314), tells some delectable
things about the controversial sermons of the monks. The Dominicans drove it in the
most scandalous style in Antwerp, where the Augustinians were for Luther ut Magis- :
tratus haudquaquam stultus, metuens populi tumultum, admonuerit eos, ut apud popu-
lum nee probarent Lutherum, nee incesserent, sed praedicarent Evangelium Christi.
* See it in the Ordonnantien, Statuten, Edicten ende Placcaerten van Vlaendren, Deel
i. (2te Ausg., Antwerpen, 1662, fol.), p. 88. It agrees essentially, for the most part verb-
ally, with the Edict of Worms for Germany (§ 1, Note 80).
'"
The Emperor appointed as inquisitors his councilor, Franz van der Hulst, and the
Carmelite, Nicol van Egmont. In 1522 they brought Com. Grapheus, secretary of the
citj' of Antwerp, a prisoner to Brussels, on account of a Preface to the work of John von
Goch on Christian Freedom, which he had translated and they sentenced him to re-
;
cantation, loss of property', deposition, and banishment (see his letter to the chancellor
of Brabant, in Brandt, i. 71). The cloister of the Augustines in Antwerp was demolished,
Oct., 1522 see Luther to Wenc. Link, Dec. 19, 1522 (de Wette, ii. 265)
; Quae Antver-
:
piae gesta sunt, credo te nosse, quomodo mulieres vi Henricum (Heinrich v. Ziitphen,
prior of the Augustines, who was imprisoned in Brussels) liberarint. Monasterio ex-
pulsi fratres, alii aliis loci captivi, alii negato Christo dimissi, alii adhuc stant fortes
qui autem filii civitatis sunt, in domum Beghardorum sunt detrusi vendita omnia vasa
;
nionasterii, et ecclesia cum monasterio clausa et obstructa, tandem demolienda. Sacra-

mentum cum pompa in ecclesiam b. Virginis translatum, tanquam e loco haeretico, sus-
ceptum honorifice a Domina Margaretha cives aliquot et mulieres vexatae et punitae.
:
* Heinr. Voes and Joh. Esch. Comp. Die Artikel, warumb die zween christi. Augus-
tiner Miinch zu Briissel verbrannt siud, sanipt einem Sendbrief Dr. Mart. Luther's an die
Christen in Holland u. Brabant. Wittenb., 1523. 4. (in Walch, xxi. 45 in de Wette,
;
ii. 362, is merely the missive). In this missive, among other things, it is said: "Euch
ists fur aller Welt geben, das Evangelium nicht alleine zu horen, u. Christum zu erken-
nen sondern auch die Ersten zu seyn, die umb Christus willen Schand u. Schaden,
:
Angst u. Noth, Gefangniss u. Fahrlichkeit leiden, und nu so voller Frucht u. Stiirk wor-
den, dass ihrs auch mit eigenem Blut begossen u. bekraftigt habt da bey euch die zwey
;
edle Kleinod Christi, Hinricus u. Johannes, zu Brussel ihr Leben gering geacht haben,
auf dass Christus mit seinem Wort gepreiset wurde. O wie veriichtlich sind die zwo
Seelen hingericht, aber wie herrlich u. in ewiger Freuden werden sie mit Christo widder-
komen, u. recht richten diejenigen, von denen sie itzt mit Unrecht gericht sind. Gott —
gelobt, und in Ewigkeit gebenedeyet, dass wir erlebt haben rechte Heiligen, und wahr-
haftige Heiligen sehen und horen, die wir bisher so viel falscher Heiligen erhebt u. an-
gebetet haben. Wir hieroben sind noch bisher nicht wirdig gewesen, Christo ein solches
theures werthes Opfer zu werden wiewohl unser Glieder viel nicht ohn Verfolgung ge-
;
wesen, und noch sind. Darumb, meine AUerliebsten, sej'd getrost u. frohlich in Christo,
und lasst uns danken seinen grossen Zeichen u. Wundern, so er angefangen hat unter
uns zu thun," u. s. w. Luther also sung the praises of those two martyrs in the song,
found in many of the old Lutheran hymn-books, "Ein neues Lied wir hebeu an" (in
; : ::
CHAP. II.—REFORMATION. § 24. IN THE NETHERLANDS. 311
peated in new edicts,'^ there were also after this some persecutions
and executions. However, the Stadtholder, Margaret of Savoy (t
1530), was at least not fanatical f her successor, Maria, the wid-
Kambach's Anthologle christl. Gesiinge, ii. 40, with Latin and Dutcli versions in Kist
en Eoyaards Archief voor kerlielj'ke Geschiedenis, v. 463). Enthusiasm must have been
aroused especially bj' tliis versQ
Quiet their ashes will not lie Die Aschen will nicht lassen ab,
But, scattered far and near, Sie staubt in alien Landen.
Stream, dungeon, bolt, and grave defy. Hie hilft kein Bach, Loch, Grub noch Grab
Their foeman's shame and fear. Sie macht den Feind zu Schanden.
Those whom alive the tj-rant's wrongs Die er im Leben durch den Mord
To silence could subdue. Zu schweigcn hat gedrungen,
He must, when dead, let sing the songs, Die muss er todt an allem Ort
Which, in all languages and tongues, Mit aller Stimm' imd Zungen
Resound the wide world through. Gar frohlich lassen singen.
' Placcaet dd. Mecheln, l7ten Jul., 152G (Ordonnantien ende Placcaerten van Vlaen-
dern, i. 103), forbidding conventicles, and all communications and disputations about
heretical doctrines, and all heretical books. — Dd. Bruxelles,
14. Oct., 1529 (1. c, p. 107)
by the 25th Nov. books must be given up to the first magistrates of the
all heretical
cities the disobedient are threatened, the Relapsi, d'estre execute par le feu, et les au-
;
tres, a sqavoir les Hommes par I'espee, et les Femmes par la Fosse. So, too, up to that
time, the errorists may confess and forswear their errors, before the same persons.
Those that denounce them shall have la moytie des biens de ceulx, qu'ils auront ac-
cusez, attains et convaincuz, provided the same does not exceed the sum of cent livres
de gros monnoye de Flandres of the excess thej' are to have the tenth. Two council-
;
ors of the Conseil en Flandres are to decide in all these matters without tedious process-
es. Dilatorj' magistrates are threatened with deposition all are to make reports everj-
;
three months to the Stadtholder about their doings. Dd. Bruxelles, Oct. 7, 1531 (p. —
113) against the translation of the Bible, and the printing of such translations, without
;
—
permission. Dd. Briissel, 17. Febr., 1535 (p. 119) that monks and nuns who fled should
:
not be entertained, but informed against. —

Dd. Briissel, 22. Sept., 1540 (p. 122), u. dd.
Briissel, 17. Dec, 1544 (p. 129); new penalties affixed to earlier laws, particularlj' those
for book prohibitions. —
Dd. Brussel, June 30, 1546 (p. 134) against the printing, sale, ;
and possession of heretical books, Math a catalogue of such, prepared by the theological
faculty of Louvain.
8 Seckendorfs Comm. de Lutheran, i. 129, gives the following extracts about it from
a pamphlet published at the time of the Diet of Worms, 1521 Lovanienses Magistri :
—
conquesti fuerunt Dominae Margarethae, quod Lutherus suis scriptis subverteret rem
Christianam. Interrogavit ipsa: quisnavi est iste Lutherus^ indoctus est, inquiunt, mo-
nachus. Respondit ipsa : Scribite mulli docti contra unum indoctum, tunc totus mundiis
plus credet multis doctis, quam uni indocto. It directed the city authorities, Sept. 22,
1525, to see toit that preachers and school-teachers do not injure the Church by telling
fables,and by impure customs the 27th of the month the heads of cloisters were written
;
to (Brand, i. 97) Wj' sj-n volkomelyken onderricht, dat die dwaelinge, die onder den
:
gemeenen volke geresen is, meest toekompt ende gekomen is uit de indiscrete sermoenen
van de Predikanten, Religieusen ende anderen. Hence thej- are admonished to allow
only such persons to preach, die voorsienig, verstandig, ende van goede manieren syn,
ende wel geexerceert ende geoeffent in de manieren van preken ende dat gj' de selve :
sulks onderwyst, aleer hj- preken sal, dat hj' hem waclite, 't gemeen volk te scandelise-
ren mit onbehoorlj-ke fabulen, rcdenen ende narratien als ook wel geschiedt is dat hy :
ook niet en vermaene van Martinus Luther, ofte syne leeringen, noch ook van d'opinie
van de ketters, die hier vortydts geweest syn.
;
312 rOUKTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
owed Q,ueen of Hungary, and sister to the Emperor, was even se-
cretly inclined to the Reformation.^ Besides, the execution of
those laws depended upon the provincial and city authorities, and
were frequently made more lenient by their personal inclinations.^"
While under these circumstances the adherents of the Reforma-
tion, instead of diminishing, were ever on the increase, some fa-
natical sects sprung up among them the first was that of the ;
Free Spirit," and then the Anabaptists.^^ The disorders of Miin-

ster were occasioned by the Dutch Anabaptists, but the former
Pope Paul III. complained of it, in 1539, directly to the Emperor (Raj-naldus ad h.
^
a.No. 14) Quae clandestine factioui Lutheranae faveat, eamque efferat, submissisque
:
hominibus causam Catholicam depriraat, atque optime ab Admiuistris Caesareis consti-

tuta impediat, etc.
'° In spite of
all edicts, Bible translations were issued with the name of the publish-
er : the New
Testament, after the Lutheran version, translated into Dutch, published bj-
Doen Pieters-Soon, Amsterd., 1523 the New Testament, partly after Luther, partly aft-
;
er the Vulgate, b}- Joh. Eoemund, Antwerpen, 1525 ; the whole Bible several times, by
Jac. Liesveld, in Antwerp. The latter person was at length executed, 1545, on account
of the marginal gloss, dat de Saelicheit der menschen alleen kompt door Jesum Chris-
tum. Besides this, the whole Bible was issued by Doen Pieters-Soon. Amsterd., 1527
see Gerdesius, iii. 57 ss. —
In 1532 the magistrate in Deventer would not permit the im-
perial plenipotentiaries, who wanted to hunt up Lutherans, to come there, but declared,
nullo modo concedi posse, ut ulli Commissarii extranei id juris usurparent, sed accusari
debere suspectos coram cousule aut nonnullis e senatu ad hoc delegatis ; see Revii Da-
ventria illustrata, p. 250.
" 1525, in Antwerpen, see Ein Brief Dr. M. Luther an die Christen zu Antorf (Ant-
werpen). Wittenberg, 1525. 4. (in de Wette, iii. GO): "Also, lieben Freunde, ist auch
unter each kommen ein leibhaftiger Rumpelgeist, wilcher euch will irre machen, u. vom
rechten Verstand fuhren auf seine Dunkel. Da sehet euch fur und sej-d gewarnet.
Auf dass aber ihr deste bas seine Tiicke meidet, will ich hie derselben etliche erzahlen.
Ein Artikel ist, dass er halt, ein jeglich Mensch hat den heiligen Geist. Der ander der :
heil. Geist ist nichts anders, denn unser Vernunft u. Verstand. Der dritte ein jeglich :
Mensch gliiubt. Der vierte Es ist keine Helle oder Verdamniss, sondem alleine das
:
Fleisch wird verdampt. Der fiinft eine jegliche Seele wird das ewige Leben haben.
:
Der sechste die Natur lehret, dass ich meinem Nahisten thuu solle, was ich mir will
:
gethan haben : solches woUen, ist der Glaube. Der siebend das Gesetz wird nicht ver-
:
brochen mit boser Lust, so lange ich nicht bewillige der Lust. Der achte wer den heil. :
Geist nicht hat, der hat auch keine Sunde, denn er hat keine Vernunft." In these arti.
cles the sect of the Free Spirit can not, indeed, be distinctly detected ; for the Antwerp
errorist, who had been with Luther, and given occasion to this letter, did not, probablj-,
venture to come out with his doctrines in full. That Libertinism came from Holland
to France and Geneva, see § 10, Note 36. The Walloon Church in Wesel renounced
Libertinism in its Confession (1545, see Archief voor kerkel. Gesch., v. 425) Nous con- :
fessons aussi, que les femmes ne doibveut point estre communes. —

Par quoi nous rejec-
tons —toutes sectes, —comme les Anabaptistes, les Saci'amentaires, les Libertains, etc.
Philipp Marnix de Aldegonde, one of the chief helpers of William of Orange (f 1598),
also wrote a Tractatus contra Libertines, and an Apologetica Responsio contra Anoay-
mum quendam Libertinum.
1^ Many
persecuted Anabaptists fled to Emden, Melchior Hoffmann at the head of
them thence the-j' penetrated into the Netherlands, and found adherents, especially in
;
Amsterdam, 1533; see Gerdesii Hist. Reform., iii. 83 ss.

:;
likewise worked back on the latter, ^^ and thus new parties arose
among them, upon which the sect of the Free Spirit seems to
have had some influence.^* Among the majority of the adherents
of the Reformation, however, in consequence of their relation to
their co-religionists in France, Calvinism gradually got the upper
hand.^^
As the persecution had not achieved
of heresy up to this time
its object, more impressiveness by
Charles V. wished to give to it
a regular Inquisition, after the pattern of the Spanish, 1550 ;^^

but this could be only very imperfectly realized, and in the chief
seat of the Reformation, Antwerp, not at all.^^ Philip II., guided
'^ On contemporaneous attempts of Anabaptists to obtain power in Dutch places, see

Gerdesius, iii. 89 s.
' * After the defeat of the Munster Anabaptists, a party was formed under Ubbo Phi-
lippi, and under Menno, which wholly abandoned the political tendencies of the sect. On
the other hand, the Batenburgers aimed at restoring the Kingdom of Christ, scattered at
Munster. David Joris, in Delft, in fine, mixed up Libertinism with Anabaptism (Gerdes.,
iii. Ill s.). His doctrine
is given in Thuanus Hist., lib. xxii., p. 750 Doctrinam hacte-
:
nus per Mosen, Prophetas, ipsumque Christum ejusque Apostolos ac diseipulos promul-
gatam imperfectam esse et imitilem ad veram ac perfectam felicitatem persequendam
suam vero perfectam esse et eflScacem ad hominem, qui eam sedulo conceperit, beandum
se verum Christum ac Messiam esse, Patris dilectissimum filium, non ex carne sed ex
spiritu Jesu Christi susceptum qui spiritus Christ!, came ejus in nihilum redacta, quo-
;
dam in loco Sanctis omnibus ignoto hactenus servatus, nunc Davidi Georgio totus esset
traditus et in animam ejus infusus se eum esse, qui domum Israelis, verosque Levi
:
filios (eos autem intelligebat, qui dogmata sua sincera fide amplectebantur) una cum
vero Dei tabernaculo sit spiritu instauraturus, non eruce, rebus adversis, aut morte,
quemadmodum alter ille Christus, qui a Patre missus in carnem venit, ut homines veluti
pueros ac parvulos nequedum perfectae doctrinae capaces umbratili doctrina ac sacra-
mentorum ceremoniis in oflScio contineret, verum dementia et Spiritus sancti amore ac
gratia, qui sibi a Patre sit datus,— Omne peccatum in Patrem ac Filium admissum con-
donari quod autem in Spiriturii sanctum perpetratum fuerit h. e. in Davidem Georgi-
:
um, nunquam, neque in hoc neque in altero saeculo remitti.—Matrimonium liberum

esse, eoque neminem uni mulieri obllgari proinde liberorum procreationem communem
:
esse debere iis, qui Davidis spiritu renati sint. Persecuted, he withdrew from his party
in 1544, lived in Basle under assumed names and without scandal, and died there, 1556
see Historia Vitae, Doctrinae ac Rerum gestarum Dav. Georgii Haeresiarchae, couscripta
ab ipsius genero Nicol. Blesdykio, edita a Jac. Revio. Daventr., 1G42. 8.
1* Zuichemi Epistoll. polit. et hist, ad Joach. Hopperum, Ep. 34, dd. 23. Maj.,
Viglii
1567 : autem Augustanae paucissimi eorum adhaerent, sed Calvinismus om-
Confessioni
nium pene corda occupavit.— Ostio per Lutheranos serael patefacto ad ulteriora errorum
dogmata omnes prope progrediuntur.
" Decree of 29th Apr., 1550, in the Ordonnantien ende Placcaerten van Vlaenderen,
i.157; in Latin extracts in Sleidanus, lib. xxii., ed. am Ende, iii. 203. Instructions for
the Inquisitors, 31st May, 1550, in Wolfii Lectiones Memorabiles, ii. G48. Gerdesii Hist.
Reform., iii. App., p. 122.
'' Sleidanus, lib. xxii., p. 207: Eo decreto promulgato vehementer attoniti fuerunt
plerique, Germani praesertim et Angli mercatores, qui per Caesaris provincias et urbes,
Antverpiae potissimum, maximo numero negotiantur. Itaque sic illi judicabant, aut il-
lud esse mitigandum, aut alio comraigrandum, imo clausis tabernis multi cogitabant
;
314 FOURTH PERIOD.-DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
by Granvella, Bishop of Arras, hated by the Dutch, first tried to

carry that ordinance of his father into strict execution,^ ^ and at
once erected thirteen new bishoprics (1559) for the sake of a more
exact ecclesiastical supervision.^^ In vain was the general oppo-
sition, springing from the injured freedom of the country ; in vain
did the Reformed hope to bring the King to a better opinion by
the publication of their Confession of Faith (Confessio Belgica,
1562).^° Philip immovably demanded the acceptance of the
Council of Trent, and the execution of the laws, against here-
abire vitandi causa periculi. Senatus etiam Antverpianus, et privatim cives, qui maxi-
mo et futurum hoc esse viderent, maguis erant iu angustiis, et
incredibili suo dispendio
quum eo venissent qui inquisitionem instituerent, omni studio et contentione repugna-
bant, et ad Mariam reginam profecti, quanti uon ipsorum modo, sed totius quoque re-
giouis intersit, ne fiat, demonstrant. Maria thereupon herself went -on a journey to the
Emperor in Germany, and obtained an alteration of the decree. This new form, ia
which it appeared Sept. 25, 1550, agreed literall}- with the previous, onlj' rejecting In-
quisition and Inquisitors. Besides this, it is also therein said Ende angaeude den :
vremden cooplieden, ende andere die in onze voorschreven Nederlanden zouden willen
commen, onze meenijnghe en es niet, dezelve te bedwijnghen, de voorscreven Certificatie
(of his pastor) te overbrijngen ende exhiberen behoudelick dat sy aldaer leven naer-
:
volghende onzd voorschreven Ordonnancien, ende hemlieden draghen zonder schandali-

satie als vooren. Yet still this edict was published in Antwerp, only with a protest in
—
favor of the city liberties see Gerdesii Hist. Kef., iii. 21G ss. According to all this, the
;
statements must appear very exaggerated, that 50,000 martj-rs died under Charles V.
(Scultet. Ann., p. 87) thej' are even put at 100,000 in Grotii Annales et Historiae de
;
rebus Belgicis. Amstelaed., 1G58. 8., p. 12.

'^ On the following, see the narrative in Belgarum sub Albani Ducis imperio exulum
libellus supplex ad Maximil. II., Imp. et Ordines Imperii in Comitiis Spirensibus, ann.
1570, in Gerdesii Scrinium Antiquarium, 577.
viii. Eaumer's Gesch. Europas seit dem
Ende des 15ten Jahrh., iii. 1.
" Raynaldus, ad ann. 1559, No. 33. Until now the Netherlands had onlj- four bishop-
rics —
Cambraj", Arras, and Tournaj', under the Archbishop of Rheims; Utrecht under
the Archbishop of Cologne. The new ecclesiastical arrangement was the archbishop- :
ric of Mechlin, with the bishoprics of Antwerp, Ghent, feriigge, Ypern, Herzogenbusch,
Eoremonde archbishopric of Cambray, with the bishoprics of Arras, Tournaj', St. Omer,
;
Namur archbishopric of Utrecht, with the bishoprics of Haarlem, Deventer, Leuwarden,

;
and Middelburg.
'° Hadr. Saraviae Ep. ad Jo. Uytenbogardum, dd. 13. Apr., 1G12 (in Praestantium ac
eruditorum virorum Epistolae ecclesiasticae et theologicae, Ed. 3. Aiustel., 1701. fol.

Ep. 181) Ego me illius confessionis ex primis unum fuisse auctoribus profiteor, sicut et
:
Hermannus Modetus :
Ilia primo fuit conscripta gal-
nescio an plures sint superstites.
lico sermone a Christi servomartyre Guidone de Bres (einem Wallonischen Prediger).
et
Sed antequam ederetur, ministris verbi Dei, quos potuit mancisci, illam communicavit
et emendandum, si quid displiceret, addendum, detrahendum proposuit, ut unius opus
censeri non debeat. Sexl nemo eorum, qui manum apposuerunt, unquam cogitavit fidei
canonem edere, verum ex canonicis scriptis fidem suam probare. The Confession of
Faith was drawn up in 1559, and sent for examination to many, including foreign, di-
vines, and in 1552 to the King, with a letter (see this, in Jac. Triglandius kerckelj-cke
Geschiedenissen in de vereenigde Nederlanden. Lej-den, 1650, fol. p. 146) adopted bj-
the Sjmod in Antwerp, 1560, but probably first subscribed at the Synod of Emden ; see
en Dermout Geschied. d. Nederland. Herv. Kerk, i. 444.

Ypej-^ Aanteek., p. 202. Kist
en Royaard's Archief voor kerkel. Geschiedenis, ix. 291, 347.
CHAP. II.— REFORIVIATION. § 24. IN THE NETHERLANDS. 315
tics ; and thus provoked hostilities in defense of the freedom not

only of the country, but also of conscience.^^ A league of the
nobles,^^ the Compromiss (1566) grew with furious speed, and
the court had soon to repent of having at first ridiculed them
under the name of Beggars (Grueux).^^ Soon afterward the rage
of the people broke out in the demolition of churches and im-
ages f* starting from Flanders, this zeal soon penetrated all the
provinces (1566). Even the Stadtholder, Margaret of Parma,
avenged these disorders cruelly upon the Reformers, who were
considered as alone to blame, though they were not so."^^ But the
ferocious Duke of Alba appeared, in August, 1567, at the head
of a Spanish army, to annihilate all traces of the Reformation.
=^ The Reformers were encouraged by the religious freedom which their brethren in
France had obtained and bravelj' defended, see § 22, Note 6, ff. ; see Libellus supplex,
1570 (Gerdesii Serin., viii. 600) Interea autem temporis, dum libertas religionis in Gal-
:
lia constituitur, publicaquepromulgatur, finitimae Gallis urbes Belgii eam ipsam

fide
evangelicam religionem, quam prope totos quadraginta annos intra privatos parietes re-
tinuerant, jam palam atque aperte publicis concionibus profiteri incipiunt, partim quod
viderent non posse se aliter a calumniis, quae privatis illis ac clandestinis conventibus
vulgo impingebantur, liberari, partim quod cernerent populi multitudinem, quae illam
religionem amplexa esset, hand amplius posse privatis tectis occultari. Mox quidem —
per summam Inquisitionis ac suppliciorum acerbitatem paululum repressi sunt, nee ta-
men penitus oppressi.
" made by a few persons in the house of Philip v. Marnix, lord of St. Adelgonde,
First
in Breda,February 26, 1566 see P. C. Hoofts Nederlandsche Historien seeders de Oover-
;
draght der Heerschappye van Kaizar Karel V. op Koning Philips (Amst. en Leyden,
4te Ausg., 1703, 2 Theile, fol.),i. 71. The document drawn up b3' Marnix is in the rare
work : La
description de I'Estat succes et occurrences, advenues au Pais bas au fiiict de
la Religion. Imprime en Aougst, 1569. 8. Its unknown author was Jac. van Wesen-
beek, councilor and sj-ndic of the citj' of Antwerp.
"-^
Nicolai Burgnndii (Prof, juris in Ingolstadt,
f 1630) Historia Belgica ab anno 1558.
Ingolst., 1629. 4., p. 182. When the confederates came before the Stadtholder in Brus-
sels, April, 15GG, and asked that the Inquisition might be abolished, a state-councilor,
Barlaimont, said to her (the Stadtholder) Securam ego te efficio non est, quod Geusios
: :
Gueux) extimescas. Hooft, i. 73 welk Fransch woordt (Gueux), gesmeedt

illos {ces :
schynende naar het Nederlandsche guits, zoo veel als fielen, oft landloopers zeggen wil.
This name was accepted by the confederates as a title of honor they began to wear ;
medals, on one side of which was a royal throne, on the other a beggar's bag held by
two hands joined together, with the inscription, Fidelles au Roy jusques a la besace.
^* Two daj-s before had arrived the denial of Philip to the request of the Stadt-
holder, that the laws about heretics might be made more mild see this in Burgundius,
;
p. 281.
2^ After she had arrived at Antwerp, April, 1567, she caused the following laws to be
proclaimed, and at once carried into execution (Burgundius, p. 480) Concionatores no- :
vae religionis amissis bonis capite plectuntor. Fautores eorum puniuntor arbitrio Gu-
bernatricis.— Conventicula ne sunto. Magistratus haec ipsa dissipanto.— Matrimonia
aliosque ritus novae religionis exercentibus laquei
poenam irroganto. Infantes ab hae-
reticis baptizati
rebaptizantor.— Magistratus, praetores, visitatores bibliopolarum et tj-po-
graphorum diligentem rationem habento. Qui libros illicitos saepius distraxerit, capite
plectitor, caeteri poena extraordinaria, etc.
316 FOURTH PEEIOD.—DIV. I—A.D. 1517-1648.
Thousands fell at the order^^ of the Council of Blood, which he

established ; a far larger number deserted their fatherland, to save
it with arms in their hands under the lead of Prince William of
Orange. In April, 1572, Briel was captured by the rebel beggars ;
the northern provinces joined in the revolt —they were all ready for
it. Alba, in November, 1573, quit the Netherlands, laden with the
curses of the land ; but he was so far from having coerced the
freedom of the Netherlands, that, by the Treaty of Ghent, Novem-
ber 8, 1576, the southern provinces united with the northern for
the expulsion of the Spaniards, and to arrange their ecclesiastical
affairs in a righteous order.^^
^^ Comp. the declamtions of Viglius Zuichemus ab Aj'tta, President of the High Coun-
cil in Brussels, who had been a zealous Catholic, and always in favor of strict measures
against the Eeformers, in Lis Epistolis politicis et historicis ad Joach. Hopperum (Dutch
councilor before the person of the King). Leoardiae, 1G61. 8., z. B. Ep. 81, dd. Bruxel-
lae, 25. Jun., 15G9: veremur, ne dum confiscationibus nimium inhiatur, et perfundendi
sanguinis null us sit finis, labes aliqua avaritiae ac crudelitatis Majestati suae asperga-
tur. promtior populus ad omnia obsequia foret, si tandem
Ep. 89, dd. 23. Oct., 15G9 :
criminalibus fiscalibus processibusfinis aliquis imponeretur, et jamdudum gratia promis-
sa non tantopere difFerretur. -Expectamus etiam hie Hispanos Italosque Consiliarios pro
criminalium civiliumque judiciorum reformatione at hie, quotquot fere sumus, non
:
modo videmur, sed jura, leges et consuetudines, quibus hactenus vixi-

inepti inutilesque
mus, in dubium revocantur. Ep. 138, dd. 8. Jul., 1571 Omnium maxima auctoritas :
est apud Vargam, cujus judicio stant caduntque res nostrae, adversus quem tantum po-
puli odium est, ut ipso regnante ad quietem reduci res nostras boni omnes desperent,
videbitque D. V. ex negotio Trajectensi, qua aequitate sub talibus judicibus res pertrac-
tentur.
^' It was hastened by the horrible cruelties of the Spaniards in Antwerp, November 4,
1576 ; see Thuanus, Ixii. 11 Hooft ; 1, 479. The treaties in Dutch and French (see in
Dumont Corps Universel Diplomatique, v. i. 278) were made bj- the estates of Brabant,
Flanders, Artois, Hennegau, Valenciennes, Lille, Douay, Orchies, Namur, Tournaj-,
Utrecht, and Mechlin, on th(? one side, and by the Prince of Orange, with the estates of
Holland and Zeeland, on the other, occasioned par I'ambition et rigoureux Gouverne-
—
ment des Espagnols, et par leurs injustices et violences, par oil les dits Pays sont tom-
—
bez dans une grande misere. Pendant qu'on esperoit quelque soulagement et compas-
sion de la part de Sa Majeste, lesdits Espagnols out de jour en jour continue d'opprimer
et ruiner les pauvres sujets, et ont tache de les reduire dans un eternel escjlavage. Ac-
cordingly those states pledged freedom and friendship, and Art. 2, d'assister I'un I'autre,
—etnotamment pour chasser, et tenir hors de ces Pais les Soldats Espagnols, et autres
etrangers. Art. 3. After the chasing awaj- of the Spaniards the General States shall be
—
convened, afin de niettre ordre aux affaires du Pais, touchant le faict de I'exercice de
la Eeligion e's Pais de HoUande, Zelande, et Lieux associes. Art. 4. No one shall be
allowed to do anj' thing, centre le repos, et la paix publique, notamment centre la Reli-
gion Catholique et Romaine, ou exercice d'icelle, ni d'injurier, ou irrlter aucun a cause
d'icelle de faict ou de parole, ni aussi le scandaliser par actes semblables, sur peine
d'etre punis comme perturbateurs du repos public afin de servir d'exemple aux autres.
Art.. 5. —
Tons les Placarts, qui ont ete faicts et publics parcidevant sur le faict d'heresie,
comme aussi les Ordonnances criminelles faictes par le Due d'Alve, la poursuite, et I'ex-
ecution en sera suspendue, jusqu'es a ce qu'il en sera ordonne autrement par les Etats
Generaux.
:
As Philip was still inflexible in his purpose of exterminating all
heresy, the northern provinces, on January 23, 1579, formed the

Union of Utrecht, and renounced allegiance to the blood-thirsty
King, July 26, 1579.^^ Prince Alexander of Parma, Stadtholder

since 1578, did indeed succeed, by the Treaty of Arras, May 17,
1579, in reconciling the "Walloon provinces with the King,^^ insur-
ing their civil freedom ; for in these provinces the Catholics had
remained predominant, and the Protestants had succumbed. "With
their help he also invaded the cities of Brabant and Flanders, and
annihilated or expelled all the Reformed without pity f^ and he
also made a fanatical Catholicism supreme, by means of the Jes-
uits, whom he introduced in all quarters.^^ On the other hand,
the northern provinces maintained their freedom under the great
"William of Orange, and, after he had been murdered by a fanatic
(July 10, 1584), under his son Maurice. Spain was compelled to
grant to them, in 1609, a truce of twelve years.^^ After the war
had broken out again, in 1621, in connection with the Thirty
Years' War in Germany, Spain also, in 1648, in the Peace of
Westphalia, gave them independence.
The United Netherlands insured their spiritual independence by
immediately establishing institutions of education. They found-
ed universities in Leyden, 1575 f^ Franecker, 1585 ; Gfroningen,
1612 Utrecht, 1636 ; Harderwyk, in 1648.^*
;
=' In Dumont, v. i. 322.

'' la Dumont, v. i.All political conditions of the Treat}' of Ghent were confirm-
350.
ed ; —
on the other hand, this treaty was made au service de Dieu, a I'entretenement de
la Religion Catholique Apostolique et Romaine.
Decisive was particularlj' the capture of Antwerp after a long siege, Aug. 17, 1585.
'•"'
Comp. the treat}' of the Prince with Brussels, March 10, 1585, in Dumont, v. i. 444, and
with Antwerp, Aug. 17, 1585, ibid., p. 446.
^' Thej' first settled in the Walloon cities of St. Omer and Douay, and thence spread
into all the captured cities Historia Soc. Jesu, P. v. lib. iv. No. 58 (auct. Sacchino)
;
Alexandre et privati ejus consilii viris ea stabat sententia, ut quaeque recipiebatur ex

haereticis civitas, continuo fere in eam immitti societatem debere valere id tum ad pie-
:
tatem privatam civium, tum ad pacem tranquillitatemque intelligebant.

^^ The treaty, in Dumont, v. ii. 99.
^' As a reward for their heroic defense of the city against the Spaniards in 1574, they
had the choice between ejiemption from taxation for some j'ears and the possession of a
university, and chose the latter Hooft, i. 398.;
^* H. L. Benthem's Holland. Kirch- u. Schulen-Staat, ii. 1.

;
318 FOUKTH PEKIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
§ 25.
IN SCOTLAND.
The Historie of the Reformation of Eeligioun within the Realm of Scotland— together"
with the Life of Johne Knoxe the Author (f 1572). Edinburgh, 1732.— The Historj-
of the Establishement of the Reformation of Religion in Scotland, by Gilb. Stuart (Doc-
tor of Laws and Fellow of the Antiq. Society in Edinburgh). Lond., 1780. (German
version, G. Stuart's Gesch. d. Ref. in Schottland. Altenburg, 1786. 8.) History of the
Reformation in Scotland, bj' Ge. Cook, 3 vols., Edinb., 1811. Stiiudlin's Kirchenge-
schichte von Grosbritannien (2 Th., Gottingen, 1819), i. 409.
[Other histories in German are Karl Gustav von Rudloff, Gesch. d. Ref. in S,, 2 Thle.,
:
Berl., 1849. A. Gamberg, Die Schottische Nationalkirche, Hamb., 1827. K. H. Sack,

Die Evang. Kirche Schottlands, Heidelb., 1844. J. Kostlin, in the Deutsche Zeit-
schrift, 1851, Nos. 17-25 ; ibid., Die Schottische Eirche, ihr inneres Leben, u. ihr
—
Verhaltniss zuni Staate, u. s. w., 1853. Merle D'Aubigne, Trois Siecles de Lutte, 8vo,
1850.]
l^Wodrow Socieifs Publications, 26 vols. 8vo, comprising Calderwood's Hist., 4 vols.;
Knox, 4 Blair Melville, 2 Scot's Narration Row's Kirk of S. Wodrow's Corresp.,
; ; ; ; ;
etc. SpottisiBOode's Society's Publications, 12 vols. Spottiswoode's Historj', bj' Rus- :
sel, 3 vols. Keith's Hist., by Lawson, 3 vols. Miscellanj-, 2 Sage's Works, 3 vols.
; ; ;
Patrick Forbes, 1 vol. ; John Skinner, Eccl. Hist., 2 vols. 8vo, 1788.]
[W. H. Hetherington, Hist, of the Church of S., 3d ed., 2 vols. 1843. Stephen's, Th.,
History, 4 vols., Lond., 1844. A. Stevenson, Hist, of the Church and State of S. to
1645, Edinb., 8vo, 1845. M. Russell, History (vols. is. x. of Theol. Lib., Rivington's).
E. C. Harrington, Brief Notes, 1555-1842, Exeter, 1843. H. Leighton, Church of Unit-
ed Kingdom, vol. i., Scotland, Edinburgh, 1845. Spalding's Hist, of Troubles under
Charles I., 8vo, 1829. H. Caswell, Scotland and Scotch Church, 1853. Th. M'Crie,
Sketches in S. Ilistorj-, 2 vols. 12mo ; Life of Melville, 2 vols. 8vo, 1824. J. Marshall,
Scotch Eccl. and Civil Affairs, 1851. John Cunningham, Church Histor}' of Scotland
to the Present Time, 2 vols. 8vo, 1859.]
[Principal Robert Baillie, Letters and Journals, 1637-62, Edinb., 1775, 2 vols. 8vo; new
ed. by D. Laing, 3 vols. 8vo, Edinb., 1841-42. Sir James Balfour's Annales, 4 vols.
8vo, 1640-52; Edinb., 1824. David Camerarius, De Scotorum Fortitud. . . . de Ortu
et progr. Haeresis, 4to, Paris, 1631. apud
Geo. Conaeus, De duplici Statu religionis
Scotos, Rom., 4to, Buchanan, Rerum Scoticarum Historia. W. Robertson,
1628.
Hist. Scotland. J. Scott's Lives of Prot. Reformers in Scotland, Edinb., 1810. (D,
Defoe) Mem. of Church of S., 8vo, 1717. Lesley's Hist., 1436 to 1561, by Bannat3'ne
Club, 4to, 1830. C. J. Lyon, Hist, of St. Andrews, 2 vols. 8vo, Edinb., 1843. Moli-
naeus, Rerum nuper in Scotiam gestarum Hist., Dantisci, 1641. James Stirling, Napli-
thali, oi*Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland until 1667, 12mo.]
James V. of Scotland favored the clergy, so as to counteract the

predominance of the nohility. In this conflict there were many
martyrs to the Reformation, which, with Luther's writings, had
been early introduced into the country. The first of these vic-
tims was [March 1, 1527-28] Patrick Hamilton.^ Yet still the
numher of its adherents increased, especially among the nobles.
After the death of James Y., in 1542, the Reformed party at first
^ Stuart's Gesch. d. Ref. in Schott., s. 7. [Lorimer's Life of Hamilton, 1856.]
:
CHAP. II.— REFOKilATION. § 25. IN SCOTLAND. 319
got the upper hand, made James Hamilton, Earl of Arran, Lord
Protector, and formed with England, But the Cath-
an alliance
olic party, led by the widowed Queen, a sister of the Cruises, and
David Beautoun (Beton), Archbishop of St. Andrews, soon brought

the weak regent over to their side, 1543, and persecution began
afresh. When, however, the Queen mother took up arms against
the regent, she fell out with his brother, John Hamilton, Arch-
bishop of Andrews, and with the clergy, and was forced to
St.
make use of the Reformed party as a counterweight.^ Thus, just

at this juncture, the Reformers were able to take a more decided
stand, to advance more firmly, and to develop their ecclesiastical
affairsmore definitely and they were led to do this by the influ-
;
ence of John Knox, who in 1555 had returned to his fatherland

from Geneva and the most intimate intercourse with John Cal-
vin.^ At the marriage of the young Queen Mary with Francis,
heir to the French throne, a plan was formed, first to Catholicize
Scotland with the help of France, and then to enforce the claims
of Mary upon the English throne. This plan was made known
in Scotland by Knox. Thereupon the Reformed nobility formed a
defensive league —
the Congregation of Christ.* At last, in 1559,
2 The Life of John Knox, containing Illustrations of the Historj' of the Reformation
in Scotland, bj' Th. M'Crie, Edinb., 3d In German, omit-
ed., 2 vols. 8vo, 1814 (1839).
ting the documents Leben des Schottischen Reformators Job. Knox mit einem Abrisse
:
der Schottischen Reformationsgeschichte von Dr. Th. M'Crie, in einem kurzeren Auszuge
ubersetzt, herausgeg. von Dr. G. J. Planck. Gottingen, 1817. 8. Comp. s. 224. [David
Laing, Life and Writings of John Knox, 2 vols. 8vo, Edinb., 1847. Two Reformers had —
been burned in 1534 in 153D, five in Edinburgh and two in Glasgow. Geo. Buchanan,
;
in 1539, was exiled. Several Scottish noblemen, in 1542, were carried as prisoners to
England, where they were fiivorabl}' impressed for the Reformation. In 1545, George
Wishart was burned bj' order of Cardinal Beautoun and the cardinal was murdered;
the same 3'ear.]

3 M'Crie-Planck, s. 229.
* [This covenant, as given in Stevenson's Historj-, p. 47, reads perceaving how : "We
Sathan in his niemberis, the antichristis of our tyme, crueillie doth rage, seiking to
dounthring and distro}- the evangill of Christ, and his congi-egatioun, aucht, according
to our boundin dewtie, to stryve in our Maisteris cans, evin unto the deithe, being cer-
tane of the victorie in him the quhilk our dewtie being v<-eill considderit, we do prom-
;
eis befoir the Majestic of God and his congregatioun, that we, be his graice, sail with
all diligence continuallie applj' our haill power, substance, and our verj' Ij'ves, to main-
teine, set fordward, and establish the most blissit word of God, and his congregatioun
and labour at our possibilitie to have faythfull rainisteris, puirlie and trewlie to
sail
minister Christis evangill and sacramentis to his pepill. We sail maintein thame, nur-
ische thame, and defend thame, the haill congregatioun of Christ, and every member
thairof, atour haill poweris and wairing of our Ij-ves, against Sathan and all wicked
power that dois intend tirannie or trubil against the foirsaid congregatioun. Unto the
quhilk holie word and congregatioun, we do joj-n us and also dois renunce and forsaik
:
the congregatioun of Sathan, with all the superstitionis, abbominatiounis, and idolatry
measures began to be enforced against tlie Reformation, and French

troops were to carry them into effect. Then the rage of the peo-
ple broke forth in a general destruction of churches f and cloisters
and the Reformers, supported by England, forced a recognition of

their rights in the Treaty of Edinburgh, 1560.*^ The strict Calvin-
ism preached by Knox became the religion of the state ; the Par-
liament, July 10, 1560, forbade the Catholic worship,'' and sanc-
tioned an entirely Calvinistic Confession of Faith (Confessio Sco-
tica).^ In the same sense the church government was immediately
set in order in the Book of Discipline.^
By the death of Francis I., 1560, the union of France with
Scotland came so speedily to an end that it could not imperil the
new order of things. Mary Stuart returned to Scotland in Aug.,
1561, and was obliged to tolerate, though she did not formally
confirm, the Reformation. She herself remained a zealous Cath-
olic, and in 1565 secretly joined the League of Bayonne. As the
Catholic clergy in Scotland, though deposed from their offices, still
held their property and had their political rights, and as many of
the Reformed clergy began to show signs of weakness, being daz-
zled by the seemed not improb-
brilliancy of the court, a reaction
able. On the other hand, Knox, now a preacher in Edinburgh,
supported by the people, guarded the interests of his party with
keenness and power, fought against the plans of their foes and the
timidity of his own party with fearless vigor, and made himself
thairof. And selfis mauifestlie enemies tliairto.

mairover, sail declair our Be this our
God, testified to his congregatioun, be our subscription at thir
faj'thful proraeis befoir
presens. At Edinburghe the 3d day of December 1557 yeirs. God caillit to witness."]
5 Stuart, s. 133. M'Cric-Planck, s. 318.
^ The assent of Francis and Marj-, dated Edinburgh, Julj- 6, 1550 see in Stuart, Ap-
;
pendix, s. 53. It was confirmed bj' the treaty of peace (in Dumont, v. i. 65) made the
same daj' between those princes and Elizabeth.
' Stuart, Anh., s. 74.
8 M'Crie-Plancli, 381. The Confession of Faith, originallj' drawn up in the Scot-
s.
a Latin version, in Augusti Corpus Librorum Sj-mbol. qui in Eccl.

tish dialect, see, in
Reform. Auctoritatem publicam obtinuerunt, p. 143; in Niemeyer Collectio Confessio-
num in Ecclesiis Reformatis publicatarum, p. 340.
' First Book of Discipline, see M'Crie-Planck, s. 391. The highest church court was
the General Assembly superintendents were placed over particular districts.
; [The
Book Book of Discipline, was not ratified in form b}' the
of Policj-, or First civil author-
ities. Ane Schort Somme of the First Bulk of Discipline was published at the same
time. The Second Buik of Discipline, or Heidis and Conclusiones of the Policie of the
Kirk, was agreed upon bj' the General Assembly in 1578 inserted in the Registers of
;
the Assemblj-, 1G81 and sworn to in the National Covenant, and ratified bj- the Assem-
;
bly in 1638, and at divers other times.]

CHAP. III.—ENGLISH REFORMATION. 321
terrible to the Queen.^" Meanwhile, by her marriage with Lord

Darnley in 1565, she had already lost the afleotions of her peo-
ple ;" and when, after his murder, she married Lord Bothwell,
1567, she became the object of their aversion.^" In 1568 she was
forced to flee to England, where, after a long imprisonment, she
was executed in 1587.^^
During the regency, which administered the government in the
name of James VL, the parliamentary decrees of 1560 were con-
firmed, in Dec, 1567,^* and the affairs of the Church arranged in
accordance with them. After the Catholic bishops had died out,
in order to keep for the throne the clerical representation in Par-
liament, the superintendents were appointed as bishops in 1572.^*
But in 1592 strict Presbyterianism conquered and the bishops ;
and abbots which the King appointed after 1598 were, as such,
mere members of Parliament, without ecclesiastical weight or
functions. ^^ Presbyterianism was so deeply rooted in Scotland,
that the episcopate, re-estabhshed by James in 1610, could not
take any root ;" and that Charles I., by his attempt to introduce
here, too, the whole Anglican Church system, only occasioned a
revolt, which in the end cost him his kingdom and his life, in
1649.^^
THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION.
The History of the Reformation of the Church of England, by Gilb. Burnet (Bishop of
Salisbur}', ^ 1715), P. i. ii. London, 1679. 1681. Edit, iv., 1715, foL (to 1559, Lat. Ge-
nevae, 1686 u. 1689 fol.*), the third part, being supplement to the two volumes for-
merly published. London, 1715, fol. ,• 7 vols. 8vo, 1829 ; 8vo, 1846. German transl.
Braunschweig, 1765. 70. (Comp. G. Weber iiber die Leistungen d. Engliinder auf d.
Gebiete d. Kg. Englands, in Schmidt's Zeitschrift f. Geschichtswissenschaft, i. 385.)
" M'Crie-Planck, s. 442.

" Ibid, s. 542. Raumer's Gesch. Europas seit dem Ende des ISten Jahrh., ii. 469.
^^
Raumer, ii. 478.
" See on this, at length, Raumer, ii. 554.
1* M'Crie-Planck, s. 578.
'^ Ibid, s. 619. Staudlin, i. 464.
" Staudlin, i. 473.
*'
Stiiudlin, ii. 18. Raumer, iv. 278.
1* Staudlin, ii. 32. Raumer, iv. 357.
* This Latin version is here cited ; the third volume of Burnet is only in English.
VOL. IV. 21
;
and the Reformation of it, and the

Ecclesiastical Memorials relating chiefly to Religion
Emergencies of the Church of England under King Henry VIII., King Edward VI.,
and Queen Marj-, bj' John Strj-pe 3 vols. London, 1721, fol. and the two continu-
; ;
ations Ijy the same author. Annals of Reformation and Establishment of Religion
under the reign of Queen Elizabeth 3 vols. London, ed. 2. 1725-37 (1558 to 1588)
;
and Brief Annals of the Church and State under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth.
London, ed., 2. 1738 (1589 to 1603), fol. [Strype's Complete Works, 27 vols. 8vo,
1821-40.]
The History of the Puritans, or Protestant Non-Conformists, by Dan. Neal ; ed. 2.
Lond., 1723-38. 4 vols. 8vo. A new edition, revised, corrected, and enlarged by
Joshua Toulmin, 5 vols. 8vo, Lond., 1797. (German transl., 1 Th. Halle, 1762. 8.)
[Repeated editions New York, Harpers, 2 vols. 8vo. Comp. J. B. Marsden's His-
:
tcrj' of Earlier and Later Puritans 2 vols. 8vo. Lond., 1852. S. Hopkins, The Pu-
;
ritans ; 1. 2. 8vo. Bost., 1859-60.]

The Histoiy of the Reformation of the Church of England, by Henry Soames (M.A.,
Rector of Shelley, Essex) vol. i. ii. (Henrj- VIII.) vol. iii. (Edward VI.) vol. iv.
; ; ;
(Marjr and Elizabeth). London, 1825-28. 8. Also his Elizabethan Religious Histor}-.
London, 1839. 8.
The Roman Catholic view is in the Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain, by Jeremj'
Collier (2 vols. London, 1708. 14. fol.), 9 vols. 8vo, 1845, and, in a work for the most
part based on that of Collier, History of England till the Revolution of 1688, bj'
John Lingard (Cath. priest at Newcastle-on-the-Tj-ne, in Northumberland) 14 vols. ;
London, 1819-31. 8, 4th ed., 1838 ; German, In- Von and Von Berlj-. 14 Bde.,
Salis
1828-33. [Dod's Church Hist. Eng., 1500-1688 ; G vols. 8vo also in 3 vols. 8vo,
;
1837-42 : Roman Catholic]

[General Histories. — H. Ilallam, Constb. Hist., 2 vols. 8vo. S. Turner, 12 vols. 8vo.
Lond., 1836-38. Henry's Hist., 12 vols. 8vo, 1788.]
[Biographical Worhs.—V. F. Tytler, Life of Henry VIII. Edinb., 1838. F. von Rau-
mer, Contributions, etc., transl. 1836. Fronde's Hist, of Eng. from 1529
Henrj- (1. 2.
VIII.), 1856, 9 vols. Audin's Life Henry VIII. transl. E. G. K. Browne, 1851. Ri- ,
dej-'s Life of Bishop Ridley, 1763. Gilpin's Lives of Latimer, Hooper, and other Re-
formers, 1753 and 1800. Strype's Lives of Cranmer, Parker, Grindal, Whitgift, Ayl-
mer, Cheke, and Smith. 10 vols. 8vo, 1812-20 ; new ed., 1821-40. Strype's Cranmer,
publ. by C. Wordsworth, Eccles. Biography, 6 vols. 8vo,
Eccl. Soc, 3 vols. 8vo.
1809 4 vols. 8vo, 1839.
; Wbarton's Anglia Sacra. Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Angli-
canae, 1716 (new editionbj' Hardy, 3 vols. 8vo, 1854).]
—
[Reformation. J. V. Short, History of Church of England to Rev. of 1688, 2 vols. 8vo,
1832 8vo, 1847 (also New York). F. C. Massingberd, English Reformation. Blunt's
;
Reform. Peter Heylin's History of Reformation, 1674 (Eccl. Soc). S. R. Maitland,

Essays on Subjects connected with the Reformation, 8vo. Carwithen's Church His-
tory to Revol. new ed., 2 vols. 8vo, 1852. Church of England in the Reigns of the
;
Tudors and Stuarts, 2 vols. 12mo, 1851. J. Baxter, Church History of England.
Lond., 1846.]
[On the CoimczVs of England, Wilkins ; Spelman ; R. Hart, Eccles. Records, 1846 ; Edm.
Gibson, Synodus Anglic ; ed. G. Cardwell, 1854.
England's Sacred S}-- J. W. Joj-ce,
nods, 1855. On Convocation, Hooly Trevor, Hist, of Convoc, 1853; cf. Christ,
;
Rembr., Oct., 1854 Church of England Quarterly, October, 1854. Sparrow's Coll. of
;
Articles, Injunctions, etc., 1661. Documentary Annals of Ref. Church, Refornatio Le-
gum new ed. bj' Cardwell, 1850. Chs. Hardwick, Hist. Articles Religion, new ed.,
;
1859. Formularies of Faith put forth by Henry VIII. Three Primers, ibid., new edi- ;
tion, 1850.]
[The Books of Common
Prayer, reprinted, 7 fol., 1844. F. Bulley, Tabular View of Va-
ria#ons, 1842. Archd. Berens, Hist. Prayer-book, new ed., 1855. E. Cardwell, Two
Books Com. Prayer of Edward VI., 2d ed. Hist, of Conf. and Revised Book of Pray- ;
ers, 3d ed. Thos. Lathburj-, Hist. Book Com. Prayer, 2d ed., 1859. C. Wheatlej-, Ra-
tional lUustr. of Book Com. Prayer, 1720 1846. Shepherd on Com. Prayer, 2 vols.
;
CHAP. Ill—ENGLISH REFORMATION. § 26. HENRY VIII. 323
8vo, 1801. W. Keeling, Liturgiae Britannicae, Svo. W. Maskell, Ancient Liturgy

of Church of Eng. and Monumenta Ritualia. Lend., 1845-47. W. Palmer, Origines
;
Liturgicae, 4th ed., 2 vols. 8vo, 1845.]
§ 26.
UNDER HENRY VIII. (f JAN. 28, 1547).
The Life and Raigne of King Henrj' the Eighth, by Edw. Lord Herbert of Cherbury.
Lend., 1649, fol. [Other lives, see above.]
In England, the doctrines of WyclifFe were not yet forgotten,-

when the mighty voice of Luther also resounded in the land, and
was welcomed by many, in part, on account of the abiding influ-
ence of the previous movement.^ King Henry VIII., as stiff a

Thomist as he was a despot, contended against the new heresy
with both sword and pen. His Adsertio VII. Sacramentorum ad-
versus M. Luthenim,^ was hailed by the Pope and his adherents
with the loudest applause the King was rewarded by the Pope ;
with the title of Defensor Fidei.* This, together with Luther's

rough reply ,^ animated the King with redoubled zeal for the old
' On who were put to death as late as the beginning of the sixteenth
the Lollards,
centurj', see John Fox (who lived in exile at Basle, but returned and died as prebendarj'
in Salisburj', April 18, 1587), Rerum in Ecclesia gestarum, quae postremis et periculosis
his temporibus evenerunt, maxiraarumque per Europam persecutionum, ac Sanctorum
Dei Martyrum commentarii, P. i. de rebus per Angliam et Scotiam gestis (Basil., 1559,
fol.), p. 117. Additions to Burnet, i. 15. [G. Weber, Gesch. d. akatholischer Secten in
Grossbrit. 1. i. (Die Lollarden), 2 vols. 8vo, 1846 ; new ed. 1857.]
"The wide prevalence of the feeling of a necessity of a Reformatio Cleri et Sacrorum
omnium is proved by the letter of the Bishop of Winchester, Richard Fox, to Cardinal
Thorn. Wolsey, Jan. 2, 1517 (in Strj'pe Ecclesiastical Memorials, T. i. Docum., p. 19;
and in Gerdes, T. iv. Monum., p. 109), in which it is demanded, as oblatrantem diu-po- —
pulum placatura, Clerum illustratura, Regem ipsum Serenissimum et Optimates omnes
Clero conciliatura, et Deo imprimis Opt. Max. plus omnibus sacrificiis placitura.
3 Lond., 1521. 4., against Luther's work, De Captiv. Babjd., reprinted Antverp., 1522.
4. sine loco, 1523, 4to, German bj' Hieron. Eniser., 1522. 4. Comp. Planck's Gesch. des
Prot. LehrbegrifFs, ii. 98. —Compare Henry's Letter, May 20, 1521, to Louis, Elector of
the Palatinate (Kapp's Nachlese, ii. 458), and to the Emperor, in which he calls for the
extirpation of heretics.
* For which he had previously made endeavors; Pallavicini Hist. Cone. Trid., lib. ii.
c. 1. The Bull of Leo X., 11th Oct., 1521, in Rymeri Foed., xiii. 756. Cone. Magn.
Brit., iii. 693. Confirmatory Bull of Clemens VII., 5th March, 1523, in Rymer, xiv. 13.
Cone. M. Brit., iii. 702. The book in MS. was laid before the Pope for his approval,
and hence that Bull of Leo appeared in the very first edition, with the postscript : Li-
brum hunc Henrici VIII. legentibus — x. annorum et totidem quadragenarum indulgen-
tia apostolica auctoritate concessa est (Gerdes, iv. 178).
5 Contra Henricum Regem Angliae, 1522. 4., in his Opp. Lat. ed. Jen., ii. 516. Hen-
ry complained to the Saxon princes about this work of Luther (see his letter, dated 22d
Jan., 1523, in Cypriani Epistt. Clarorum Virorum, ex Bibl. Goth, autographis, p. 9; in
324 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. II.—A.D. 1517-1648.
doctrine. Yet still the Reformation found access even into the
universities of Oxford and Cambridge*' among the younger mem-
bers ; and John Fryth and William Tyndal,'' though driven from
Oxford, worked with less restraint in foreign lands in the diffusion
of its principles among the English people by numerous writings ;^
so that the replies even of Thomas More,^ and the efforts of the
bishops,^" and the severest penalties, could not stay its progress.
Tyndal's translation of the New Testament had the most decisive
effect."
But the self-will of Henry VIII. was mightier than his submis-
sion to the Pope. His marriage with Catharine of Aragon, his
brother's widow, in spite of the dispensation of Julius H., had pre-
viously seemed to himself and others open to objections.'^ His
passion for Anne Boleyn now furnished the occasion for an out-
break ;^^ and he demanded of the Pope, 1527, to declare his mar-
Gerdes, iv. ; Monum., p. 119). The Elector replied unfavorablj'- (Cj'prian's ntitzliche
Urkunden, lu opposition appeared, Joannis Ep. Roffensis (Joli. Fisher, Bishop
ii. 27G).
of Rochester) Adsertionis Lutheranae Confutatio, 1523. 4. Guil. Rossei (i. e., Thomas
Moro) Responsio ad Convitia M. Lutheri congesta in Henricum R. Angl., 1523.
^ The first traces are found in Oxford, 1521 see Wood's Hist, et Antiquitates Univer-
;
sitatis Oxoniensis, i. 247. Gerdes, iv. 187. In 1526 Cardinal College (afterward Christ
College), just founded by Wolsey, was the chief seat of Lutheranism. In the subter-
ranean prisons of this College several died, others were burned, others expelled, some
recanted. Wood, p. 250. Foxe, p. 128. In Cambridge several bishops thought that a
visitation on account of heres}'was needed in 1523, but it was prevented by Wolsey.
Burnet, i. 18.
' On both, Foxe, p. 127 and 138. Gerdes, iv. 181 ss.
^ The list of books forbidden by the Archbishop of Canterbury', 1526, is in Cone. M.

Brit., iii. 707. —Another, 1529, in Jo. Foxe's Acts and Monuriients of the Church, or the
Book of Martyrs (Lond., 1583, fol. 2 vols.), ii. 234 and in Gerdes, iv., Monum., p. 139.
;
A given us 1529, in Cone. M. Brit., iii. 719, in Gerdes, 1. c, p. 134, must be later,
third,
for the Augsburg Confession is named in it.
9 Thomas Morus, von Rudhart. Niirnberg, 1829, s, 275 ff., 433 ff. [Life of More, by
Sir James Mackintosh.]
">
Their Visitations; Gci-des, iv. 214.
"Pentateuch and New Testament. Cochlaeus prevented the printing of it in Cologne,
as was first intended see his Comm. de Actis et Scriptis Lutheri, ad ann. 1526, p. 132.
;
It was then issued in Antwerp, 1526, and was afterward reprinted several times, and
brought to England by German traders; see Gerdes, Hist. Ref., iii. 107, iv. 205. Fox,
Reruni in Eccl. gestarum, p. 138, relates that Cuthbert Tonstall, Bishop of London, to
suppress it, bought up the first Antwerp edition, and thus gave to Tj-ndal the means of
preparing a second improved edition. [Tj-ndal was burned at Vilforde, Holland, 1536.]
'- Burnet, i. 21 ss. Ranke's Deutsche Gesch. im Zeitalter d. Reform., iii. 16.
'^ The older English historians take the ground that the proposals for divorce were
made before the King became connected with Anne Bolej'n (Burnet, i. 24) ; the Catho-
lics (Lingard, vi. 131) say that his passion for her was the sole cause of the request. Th«
reasons alleged for the divorce, see in the letter of Cardinal Wolsej', Dec. 5, 1527, to
Gregorius Cassali, the English agent in Rome (Burnet, i., App., p. 9) A variis multis- :
que Doctoriljus asseritur, quod Papa non potest dispcnsare in primo gradu affinitatis,
;
CHAP. III.—ENGLISH REFORMATION. § 26. HENRY VIII. 325
riage null and void. The latter would gladly have yielded to the
Kino-, had this not forced him to declare the dispensation of his
predecessor of no effect, and compelled him to offend the Emperor;^*

and so he thought that he would let the King cool off by tedious
processes of investigation.^^ By the advice of Thomas Cranmer,^^
the King thereupon laid the matter before all the Christian univers-
in order thus to compel the Pope to pronounce judgment.^'
ities,
Thereupon decrees were also issued to limit the papal power in

England; and the English clergy willingly sacrificed the Pope to
the King, in order to avoid the popular hatred, the disfavor of the
tanquam ex jure divino (Lev. xviii. 16, xx. 21), moraliter, naturaliterque prohibito, ac
si potest, omnes affirmant et consentiunt, quod hoc non potest, nisi ex urgentissimis et
arduis causis, quales non subfuerunt. Bulla praeterea Dispensationis fundatur et con-
cessa est sub quibusdam falso suggestis et enarratis in ea enim asseritur, quod haec
:
Regia Majestas matrimonium hoc cum Regina percupiebat pro bono pacis inter Henri-
cum VII., Ferdinandum et Elizabetham, quum revera nulla tunc dissensio aut belli sus-
picio esset inter dictos Principes vel Regiam Majestatem praedictam, quae in teneris
adhuc annis, nee in discretione aut judicio constitutis agebat, nunquam deinde assensit,
aut quicquam cognovit de hujusmodi Bullae impetratione, nee unquam hoc matrimoni-
um optavit, aut aliquid de eo accepit ante Bullae impetrationem. Quocirca ab his
omnibus Doctoribus atque Praelatis judicatur hujusmodi dispensationem non adeo vali-
—
dam, ut praedictum matrimonium manifeste justum legitimumque sit; sed potius
quod multa possunt objici —
in non leve periculum Regiae prolis, totiusque Regni ac
subditorum gravem perturbationem. Ad haec, postquam Regia Majestas, qui Walliae
Princeps tunc erat, decimum quartum annimi attigisset, contractus revocatio subsecuta
est, Rege patre expresse nolente, quod hujusmodi matrimonium ullo pacto sortiretur ef-
fectum.
'* See the i-eports of Knigth, the King's secretary, sent from Rome, Jan. 1, 1528 (in
Burnet, i., App., p. 18), according to which the dispensation was already' conceded and
drafted. But Gregorius Cassali, Jan. 13, communicated in the strictest confidence the
secret advice of the — quod Rex deberet committere
Pope causam Cardinali, —et ubi
istic
causa fuerit commissa, Rex conscientiam suam persentiat coram Deo exoneratam, et
si
quod recte possit facere quod quaerit, — aliam uxorem ducat. In that case theaffair
must and would soon be adjusted. But still, against this proposal there was the doubt
about the legitimacy of children born in such a marriage.
^^ The two cardinals, Wolsey and Campeggio, handed to the Pope the investigation
and result, Febr., 1528 (see the bull in Burnet, i., App., p. 20). But after he had be-
come reconciled to the Emperor (Div. I., § 4, Notes 32 and 43) he called the case before
him at Rome, July 19, 1529 (Burnet, 1. c, p. 49). Ranke, iii. 131.
" John Strype, Memorials of the most Rev. Father in God, Thom. Cranmer. Lon-
don, 1694, fol.
" Burnet, i. 70. The judgment of Oxford and the acts about it, see in Wood's Hist,
et Ant. Univ. Oxon., i. 254. Burnet, Angl., iii., App., p. 25. Cone. M. Brit, iii. 726
of Cambridge, Burnet, i., App., p. 51; of foreign universities, Burnet, i., App., p. 53.
Rymer Foedera, xiv. 391. The Reformers judged the most unfavorably for the King.
Zwingle, asked by Simon Grjmaeus, was against the marriage; advised a judicial di-
vorce. Luther, in a private opinion to Rob. Barnes (Luther's Briefe, ed. de Wette, iv.
Mosaic law was not binding, but that the marriage was indisso-
294), declared that the
luble. For the King were Andreas Osiander (whose niece was Cranmer's wife), in a
work, De Matrimoniis Incestis, published at Augsburg, and at once forbidden by the
Emperor; and also Oecolampadius.
tyrannical monarch, and the Reformation.^^ As the Pope still
remained immovable, Henry, sustained by the opinions of the uni-

versities, determined to regard his previous marriage as void, and
married Anne Boleyn, Nov. 14, 1532. To the papal ban he re-
pliedby declaring that the Pope had lost all authority in England
(1534) ;^^ and the oath of supremacy was administered, recogniz-
ing him as the head of the English Church.-°
' ^ Complaints in the Lower House about the morals and avarice of the clergj' see ;
—
Raumer, ii. 22. After the fall of Wolsey, October, 1529, the King had the whole clergy
arraigned, because, in opposition to the old law of Praemunire (long since fallen into
disuse), they acknowledged a foreign jurisdiction, sought for papal bulls, and had proc-
esses before the legate. To free themselves they had to make a large grant. It is said,
in the document which makes this grant, of the Synodus provincialis Cantuariensis, 24.
Jan., 1531 (Cone. M. Brit., iii. 742), that: Tanta sunt illustrissimae ejus Majestatis in
—
nos merita, quod nuUis laudibus aequari queant. Etenim sicut superioribus diebus
—
universalem Ecclesiam studiosissime calamo et sumtuosissimo bello contra hostes de-
fendit ;
—
sic impraesens quamplurimos hostes, maxime Lutheranos, in perniciem Eccle-
siae et Cleri Anglicani, cujus singularem protectorem unicum et siqn'emuni dominuni, et
quantum per Ckristi legem licet, etiam supremum caput ipsius Majestatem recognoscimus,
conspirantes, ac in Praelatorum et Cleri famam et personas sparsis famosis libellis,
mendaciis et maledictis jampridem hoc animo debacchantes, ut illorum aestimationem
laederent, etvulgo contemnendos propinarent; sapientissimaejus Majestas taliter con- —
tudit et repressit, quod illorum audacia coepit refrigescere. —
The Annates were forbid-
den by Parliament, February, 1532 confirmed by the King July 9, 1533 Burnet, 1.,
; :
App., p. 61. On Elizabeth Barton, the Maid of Kent, who had prophesied against the
new marriage of the King, and was hung, April 20, 1534, with the priests who favored
her, see Burnet, i. 87.
^' After the Pope had decided against Henry about the marriage, March 23, 1534
(Concil. Mag. Brit., iii. 769), the latter sent to all the spiritual corporations of his king-
dom the question An Komanus Pontifex habeat aliquam majorem jurisdictionera col-
:
latam sibi a Deo in s. Scriptura in hoc regno Angliae, quam alius quivis externus Epis-
copus ? The answers, sent in Maj' and June, replied in the negative to all the questions :
they are given in Burnet, iii. p. 52 Cone. M. Brit., iii. 769 ss. those of the Convoca-
; ;
tions (provincial sj-nods) of Canterbury and York, and of the universities of Oxford and
Cambridge, are the most noteworthy. Thereupon followed a roj-al edict, June 9, 1534,
abolishing the usurped authority of the Pope (Cone. M. Brit., iii. 772) and the Parlia-
;
ment, Nov. 3, 1534, passed the Acts of Supremac}-, reading (Stat, of the Realm, iii. p.
492, chap. 1. Thomas Morus bj- Rudhart, s. 442), " That the Kj-ng our Soveraign Lorde
his heires and successours Kjmges of this Realme shal be tak3-n accepted and reputed
the onely supreme heed in erthe of the Churche of England callj-d Anglicana Ecclesia."
'" The formulas then emplojêd, see iii Burnet, i., App., p. 74. Cone. M. Brit., iii.
780. Rymer, xiv. 487 ss. 554. The substance is Loj'alty to King Henry, in terris Ec-
:
clesiae Anglicanae supremo immediate sub Christo capiti, quod posthac nulli externo
Principi aut Praelato, nee Romano Pontifici, quem Papam vocant, fidelitatem et obedi-
entiam promvttam aut dabo ; further, quod Episcopus
Recognition of the royal marriage ;
Romanus, qui in suis BullisPapae nomen usurpat, et summi Pontificis primatum sibi
arrogat, nihilo majoris neque auctoritatis aut jurisdictionis habendus sit, quam caeteri
quivis Episcopi in Anglia vel alibi gentium in sua quisque dioecesi. Item quod soli die-
to domino Regi et suceessoribus ejus adhaerebimus, atque ejus decreta ac proclama-
tiones, insuper omnes Angliae leges —
perpetuo manutenebimus, Episcopi Romani legi-
bus, decretis et canonibus, si qui contra legem divinam et sacram Scripturam esse inve-
nientur, imperpetuum renunciantes. Item quod nullus nostrum omnium in ulla vel pri-
CHAP. III.—ENGLISH REFORMATION. § 2G. HENRY VIII. 327
Thus Henry VIII. broke loose from the Pope-^ without acceding
to the Reformation. He wished to form an Enghsh State-Church,
with the scholastic and Cathohc dogmas, in which the King should
rule as Pope."^ The adherents of the Pope"^ and the friends of the
Reformation-^ now, in turn, ascended the scaffold. All, through
fear, bowed to the will of the despotic ruler. Here, too, opinions
were divided only between the two great antagonisms of the times.
Thus, even in the Court, there was a reforming and a papal par-
ty. At the head of those who wished to advance to a complete
reformation were Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury
since 1533, and Thomas Cromwell, since 1534 Regis Vicarius
generahs in rebus ecclesiasticis."^ The leaders of the papal party
were the Duke of Norfolk, and Grardiner, Bishop of "Winchester,
who tried to hinder all innovations, so that at some future time
they might more easily return to the old state of affairs. The Re-
forming party, supported by the Q,ueen, Anne Boleyn, executed
vata vel publica condone quicquam ex sacris Scripturis desumtum ad alienura sensum
detorquere praesumet, sed quisque Christum ejiisque verba et facta simpliciter, aperte,
ad norraam seu regulam sacrarum Scripturaruni
sincere, et et vere catholicorum atque
orthodoxorum Doctorum praedicabit catliolice et orthodoxe.
^' To defend his revolt, Henry wrote, De Potestate Christianorum Regiun in suis Ec-
clesiiscontra Pontificis Tyrannidem et horribilem Impietatem (which seems not to have
been published Gerdes, iv. 236), Ed. Foxe, Bishop of Hei-eford, De Vera Differentia Re-
:
giae Potestatis et Ecclesiae, 1534 Steph. Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, De Vera Obe-
;
dientia (Extracts in Schelhornii Amoenitates Hist. Eccl., i. 837). The King was most
pleased with Rich. Sampsonis Oratio de dignitate et potestate Regis, 1535 (reprinted in
Gerdes, iv., App., p. 148. All these Avritings are collected in the Reformatio Ecclesiae
Anglicanae, quibus gradibus inchoata et perfecta sit. Lond., 1603, fol.). He sent it to
his relative, Reginald Pole, then living in Italy, who, in published the violent work,
replj-,
Pro Unitatis ecclesiasticae Defensione, 1535, and was made Cardinal for it, 1536. It ap-
peared, Romae, 1539, fol. an account of it in Schelhornii Amoenitates Hist. Eccl., i. 1 ss.
;
^- Compare the Preface of the King to the Biblia Latina, of which he had an edition
published, 1535 : Nos itaque considerantes id erga Deum officii, quo suscepisse cognos-
cimur, ut in Regno simus, sicut anima in corpore, et sol in mundo, utque loco Dei judi-
cium exerceamus in Regno nostro, et omnia in potestate habentes, quoad jurisdictionem,
ipsam etiam Ecclesiam vice Dei sedulo regamus ac tueamur, et disciplinae ejus, sive au-
geatur, aut solvatur, nos ei rationem reddituri simus, qui nobis eam credidit, et in eo Dei
vicem agentes, Deique habentes imaginem, quid aliud vel cogitare potuimus, quam ut —
eodem confugeremus, ubi certo discendum asset, caet. Coins, with Latin, Greek, and
Hebrew inscriptions Henricus VIII. Angliae Franc, et Hib. Res in terr. Eccles. Angl.
:
et Hib. sub Christo caput supremum. See Biblioth. Anglaise, xiv. 18 ss.
•" There were several monks, especially Carthusians then Fisher, Bishop of Roches-
;
ter, 22d June, 1535 (Burnet, i. 192), Thomas More, 6th July, 1535 (Rudhart's Thomas
More, s. 398).
7), June 22, 1533.
-* Joh. Frj'th, burned in London (see above. Note In 1536 twelve
German Anabaptists were burned (Foxe, p. 144) in 1538 Jo. Lambert, for denying
;
transubstantiation (Foxe, 146). [In 1538 the Sacramentarians persecuted. Harding

and Hewett were burned.] -^ Ills powers in Cone. M. Brit., iii. 784.
—
328 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-16i8.
May and Jane Seymour, who died Oct. 24, 1537, easily
19, 1536,
gained the ear of the King against the monks, who were the most
zealous adherents of the Pope. The cloisters were subjected to a
visitation^^ in 1535 the smaller ones were then confiscated
;
f-"^
and at last, after a revolt, set on foot by some monks, 1536,^^ they
were all abolished,^^ and their pious frauds exposed to the gaze of
the people.^'' To confirm the position that neither the papacy nor
monasticism was instituted by Christ, the Bible was diffused in
the mother tongue, 1538,^^ and recognized as the only source of
^* Burnet, i. 105- Instructions for the Visitors, Cone. M. Brit., iii. 786. Burnet, i.,
App., p. 75.
^^ Immediately manj' of the cloisters were given up to the King
after the Visitation
b}' their occupants. the Premonstrants, in Langdon, the Abbot of
First, the cloister of
which had been surprised in companj' with a prostitute. In the document, Nov. 13,
1535 (in Rymer, xiv. 555), the Abbot and Convent themselves declare Domus statum : —
— considerantes, quod nisi celeri remedio Regia provisione huic monasterio brevi suc- —
curratur et provideatur, funditus in spiritualibus et temporalibus adnihiletur, dedimus
et concessimus —
Illustrissimo Principi Henrico VIII. —
dictum Monasterium, caet. A —
list of cloisters given up in the same form (1. c, p. 557). In other deeds resigning the
property it is said (Burnet, i., App., p. 86) Quandoquidem serio perpendimus, totam
: —
Vivendi rationem, quam nos et Religio nostra hactenus observavimus, potissimum in —
certis quibusdam ceremoniis et constitutionibus Episcopi Romani consistere, illasque —
solummodo ixrgeri, nee veram legis divinae cognitionem ostendi, submittentes nos ip- —
sos potissimum exteris Potestatibus, quibus nunquam curae erat eos corrigere errores et
abusus, qui nunc inter nos regnare deprehensi sunt, caet. Or Quandoquidem serio ad : —
animum revocavimus, perfectionem vitae christianae non consistere in ceremoniis, tuni-
ca alba, larvis, nutationibus, gestations cuculli, aliisque hujusmodi pontificiis cere-
moniis, quibus nos hactenus potissimum exercuimus sed veram viam Deo placendi, ;
sincere nobis a domino nostro Jesu Christo, ejus Evangelistis, et Apostolis ostensam
esse nos imposterum eandem secuturi, et ad voluntatem supremi nostri sub Deo in ter-
;
ra capitis et Regis nos ipsos conformaturi, neque superstitiosas potestatis alicujus exte-
rae traditiones observaturi, — renunciamus, caet. As a result of the decree of Parliament,
1536, for the suppression of monasteries that had less thaa twelve occupants (Burnet, L
110), 376 were abolished.
^' First in the county of Lincoln Burnet, i. 129. ;
^^ In the form of resigning them however, this was in part forced Burnet, i. 133.
; ;
The Parliament confirmed, in May, 1539, all these resignations (1. c, p. 146), and con-
fiscated, in 1540, the property of the Johannite Order (p. 154).
=» Burnet, i. 136.
^^ This had been alreadj- set on foot in 1534 (see Cone. Mag. Brit., iii. 776), and iu 1536
(Burnet, I. iii.), by the provincial Sj-nod of Canterburj', on the proposal of Cranmer.
The publishing was at first begun in Paris, but destro_yed before its completion (Sleida-
nus, 1. xii., ed. am Ende, ii. 124) then again printed in London (Le Long Biblioth.
;
Sacra, ii.At the same time appeared a royal order (Burnet, i., App., p. 101.
325).
Gerdes, iv., App., p. 186) that the parish priests should so put up this English Bible in
the churches that it could be read b}' all, and should exhort to the reading of it ita ta- :
men ut sedulo moneas, ut omnes vitent altercationes et litigia, atque in pervestigando

vero sensu honesta utantur sobrietate, explicationemque locorum obscurorum viris in
Scriptura sacra exercitatis relinquant. Eveiy four months there must be preaching at
least once in everj' church, ia which should be proclaimed, pure et sincere verura
Christi —
Evangelium, and the people exhorted ad opera caritatis, misericordiae et fidei in
CHAP. III.-ENGLISH REFOEMATION. § 26. HENRY VHI. 329
doctrine.^^ While the way was thus opening for the knowledge
of a purer faith, the separation from Rome was made remediless
by the bull of excommunication issued by Paul III., Dec. 7,
1538,^^ who had hitherto refrained in the hope of yet gaining the
King. Yet Henry was still very far behind the principles of the
German Reformation ; his relation to the <xerman Protestant rul-
ers was merely an external one, founded in their common interest
against the Pope.^* By the bloody statute of July 28, 1539,^^ lim-
its were imposed upon the Reformation. A Catechism, The Insti-
tution of a Christian Man, 1537 (new edition, 15^0), explained

to the people the royal system of belief :^^ all who went beyond
—
Scriptura mandata ; and be taught non fidendum esse in ullis aliis hominum arbitrio
extra Scripturas excogitatis op«ribus, peregrinationibus religiosis, oblatione niimmorum,
candelarum, vel cereorum, imaginibus ac reliquiis, vel earundeni deosculatione, recita-
tione certarum precum, caet.
^^ As earlj- as 1536 Cromwell had proposed a Convocation in the name of the King
(Burnet, i. 122), ut ritus et ceremoniae ecclesiasticae ad normam Scripturae sacrae cor-
rigantur, —
absurdum namque esse, potius ad glossas et Pontificum decreta, quam ipsam
Scripturam, quae sola religionis leges contineat, recurrere. In consequence. Articles of
Reformation were agreed upon by the Convocation, and modified and decreed by the
King (Burnet, 1." c. Cone. M. Brit., iii. 817) I. All were to believe the Holy Scriptures
; :
and the three oecumenical sj-mbols. II. Against the Anabaptists. III. Repentance
consists in contritio, confessio, and emendatio vitae. With contrition must be joined faith
in God's grace, so that the forgiveness of sin is not to be looked for from one's own mer-
it,but from the merits of Christ. Priestly absolution and auricular confession are rec-
ognized. IV. Transubstantiation. V. Necessity of good works, which, however, are
wrought within the soul bj- the Holj' Ghost. VI. Images are means of edification, but
are not to be worshiped. VII. From saints can not be received any thing that can not
be received from God alone their virtues are to be imitated, and they may be invoked
;
for their intercessions, yet without superstition. VIII. Ritual and ceremonies of worship
the people are to regard, not as necessarj', but as useful. IX. To pray for souls in pur-
gator}', and to do this in the mass, and to give alms, is accordant with Christian love.
But it is a superstition that papal indulgences and masses, read at certain places, are
of any special avail there. [Comp. C. Hardwick, Art. Relig., new ed., 1859.]
^' It was made out Aug. 30, 1535 (Cone. M. Brit., iii. 792), but suspended and pro-
claimed Dec. 7, 1538 (1. c, p. 840). See it in Burnet, i., App., p. 93.
^* The Smalcald confederates, Feb. 16, 1531 (Melanthonis 0pp., ed. Bret-
letter of the
schneider, ii. 477), he answered in a friendly way, referring to their errors. May 3 (Seck-
—
endorf Comm. de Lutheranismo, iii. 13). On the negotiations, 1535, 1538, see above,
Div. I., § 7, Note 24.
=^ Cone. M. Brit., iii. 848. Burnet, i. 145, Eanke's Zeitalter d. Reform., v. 158. It
consisted of VI. Articles: I. II. Communio sub utraque
Transubstantiation confirmed ;
needless; III. can not marr}-, divina lege; IV. Vows of

Priests, after consecration,
chastity, V. Private masses, and, VI. Auricular confession, are confirmed. Those who
disobeyed these articles were to be punished, in most cases, by death and confiscation of
property. —
Comp. the opinion of the Wittenberg divines on this edict, Oct. 23, 1539, in
Bretschneider, iii. 797 and Melancthon's letter, Nov. 1, to the King, by request of the
;
Elector, full of the most earnest representations against Edictum contra piam doctrinam —
et Ecclesiae necessariam, quam c, p. 804. Seckendorf, iii. 226.
profitemur, edituui, 1.
^^ On the first edition, see Neal's Hist. Puritans, on the second, wholly revised,
i. 33 ;
Burnet, i, 159. (The theological controversy on the sacraments that here sprung up.
;
it,^^ as well as those who did not come up it, were executed
to f^
even Cromwell's head fell, July 20, 1540.^^ Only Cranmer, under
these difficult circumstances, was able to maintain the confidence
of the King.'*'' The theological despot at first believed that by
making the Scriptures free he would gain the convictions of the
people in favor of his doctrines ;^^ but he soon found out his error,
and limited the reading of them to those in high life, 1543.'*-
In Ireland the ecclesiastical decrees of Henry were also pro-

claimed ; but they met with invincible hinderances from the rude
culture of the clergy and people, and the opposition of the latter
to the English rule.*^
§ 27.
UNDER EDWARD VI. (f July 6, 1553) AND MARY (f Nov. 17, 1558).
Edward VI. came to the throne at the age of nine years. A

regency was formed, with the Duke of Somerset, as Protector, at
the head, in which the Reforming party had the majority.^ Cran-
in the App., p. 112.) A third edition, 1543, is said to deviate again from the second
(Gerdes, Hist. Ref., iv. 316).
^' In a short time after this statute 500 persons were imprisoned, among them Bish-
ops Shakton, of Salisburj', and Latimer, of Worcester, who were compelled to resign
(Burnet, i. 149). The executions began after Cromwell's fall. Three preachers were
executed Jul}' 30, 1540 one of them was Robert Barnes, who had treated with Me-
;
lancthon in 1535 as the King's envoy (Burnet, i. 163 ss.). Luther published in German
an account of this martyr's death (Walch's ed., Th. xxi., App., s. 186). Among the
later executions, that of Anna Askew, 1546, made a great excitement Foxe, p. 184 ;
Gerdes, iv. 334. [In Henrj-'s reign the victims were two queens, two archbishops, eight
bishops, thirteen abbots, five hundred monks, thirty nobles, and four hundred others.]
-^ With Barnes two papists were also executed (Burnet, i. 164).
^^ Foxe, Burnet, 154.
p. 154. i.
*° He wasaccused 1543 (Burnet, i. 170), and 1546 (1. c, p. 187).

*i
In May, 1542, the order was renewed for setting up the English Bible in the churches
for the use of the laity (Burnet, i., App., p. 134), but with the notice that this was not
ut aliquis ex laicis, Biblia sacra legens, ullam disputationem, vel mysteriorum divino-
rum expositionem instituere praesumat ; sed ut quivis laicus cum humilitate, mansuetu-
dine et reverentia pro sua instructione, aedificatione et vitae emendatione ea legat. —
*^ Burnet, i. 177. In the order it is said Quemvis nobilem posse curare, ut Biblia
:
in aedibus suis placide et sine turbis legantur. Cuivis mercatori, si sit paterfamilias,
eadeni legere licitum esse : mulieribus vero, opificibus tironibus, artificibus servis, aliis-
que servis, imo etiam agricolis vel colonis minime.

" See Primordia Reformationis Hibernicae, in Gerdesii Miscellanea Groning., vii. 1
(translated from the English, The Phenix, 2 vols., Lond., 1707. 1708. 8.), p. 120 ss. [The
Irish Parliament in 1537 recognized the ecclesiastical supremacy of Henrj', though
Archbishop Cromer, of Armagh (f 1543), resisted. Relics and images were banished,
but no spiritual reform eft'ected. Dorodull, Cromer's successor, opposed all innovations.
Bishop Bale, of Ossorj', preached more decisive reforms, 1553.]
1 Burnet, ii. 26.
1
CHAP. III.-ENGLISH KEFORMATION. § 27. EDWARD VI. 33
mer Martyr and Bernh. Ochino^ to Oxford, 1547, and

called Peter
Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius to Cambridge, 1549, in order, with
their help, to introduce the Reformation.^ The basis was laid in
the Book of Homilies, 1547,* the new English Liturgy (the Book
of Common Prayer, 1548, revised 1552),^ and the Forty-two Arti-
cles, Catechisms^ were prepared for instruction in schools.
1552.^
As Cranmer went to work with great prudence, and endeavored,
as far as possible, to harmonize the conflicting views, he did not
2 See Div. I., § 19, Notes 14, 15, 27, 28.

3 Immediately after Henrj''s death images wei-e taken down in many places, and the
proceedings favored by those in high places Burnet, ii. 6. In 1547 the Communion
;
under both kinds was restored, and private masses abolished (1. c, p. 27). In March,
1547, a decree of Parliament allowed the marriage of priests, although pure celibacy
was said to be much more appropriate for priests (p. 59) this was misinterpreted as ;
though it meant that the marriage of priests was only connived at, while really invalid,
and was met bj' a law of 1552, declaring such marriages legal, and the children born
in marriage p. 128. ;
—
The question about the Lord's Supper gave rise to much excite-
ment. Henry VIII. had laid great stress upon transubstantiation many had been ex- ;
ecuted for denying it. The question was now started in the two universities anew by
the foreign divines. Peter Martj-r taught Zwingle's doctrine Bucer maintained an in- ;
termediate opinion, between Luther and Zwingle, resembling that of Calvin. The for-
mer held a disputation about it in Oxford, May, 154D in Cambridge the disputation ;
followed in June, 1549 Burnet, ii. 71. ;
* Twelve homilies by Cranmer, Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, and Eidlej-, Bishop of
Rochester; Burnet, ii. 18; Nichols, Defensio Eccl. Anglic, P. ii. c. 14, p. 326. [Cran-
mer probabl}' wrote the 3d Homil}', on the Salvation of Mankind ; Gardiner ascribed it
to him, and he did not den}' it.Becon and Hopkins also wrote a part Becon wrote the ;
11th in three parts ; see his Works. The best edition of the Homilies is by Professor
Corrie, 1850.]
* Burnet, ii. 47 ss., 102, 113. Neal's Hist. Puritans, i. GG. At first the vestments of
the Catholic priests were retained ; when Hooper, chosen Bishop of Gloucester 1550,
refused to wear them, he was kept in durance for a time. The whole Liturgj', however,
was subjected to a newwhich Bucer co-operated, especially bj- his Censura
revision, in
super Libro Sacrorum (in Ejusd. Scriptis Anglicanis Basil., 1577, fol., p. 456). The re-
sult was given in the Second Praj-er-book, 1552, by which the use of consecrated oil,
prayers for the dead, auricular confession, and the sign of the cross, were abolished.
From this time the clergj' ceased to wear the vestments of Catholic priests.
^ Burnet, ii. 111. The Latin text, in App., p. 123 [in the German edition], is a new
translation from the English, made by the translator of Burnet's work, who overlooked
the fact that these Articles have an official Latin text, which is given in the Cone. Mag.
Brit., iv. 73, and also, after a Zurich edition of 1553, in Niemeyer Collectio Confessio-
num in Ecclesiis Reform, publicatarum, p. 592.
Cranmer's Catechism, 1548 (Burnet, ii. 47), was the Catechism of Justus Jonas,
'
translated into English (see Foxe, Eerum in Ecclesia gestarum Comm., p. 418), and there-
fore contains the Lutheran doctrine of the Eucharist, which Cranmer then received see ;
Fortges. Sammlung von A. u. N. theol. Sachen, 1731, s. 97. Kocher's Catechet. Ge-
schichte der Ref. Kirchen, Jena, 1756, s. 61. He afterward adopted the Calvinistic view,
which is expressed in the XLII. Articles and the Catechism of 1553 (Ranke, Reform.,
v. 165). This last, the basis of the Church Catechism, was probablj' written by John
Pointer, Bishop of Winchester, and was accepted by the King, May, 1553 (Cone. M,
Brit., iv. 79) ; see Kcicher, s. C7 £f.
fully satisfy any one party.^ However, he had against him not
only many opponents,^ but also ecclesiastical abuses difficult to be
eradicated.^" Besides, the people were not yet ripe for thorough-
8 Calvin, who had made proposals to the Protector about a Reformation in a long
epistle (Epistol., ed. Genev., 1575, p. 65; in the original French in Calvin's Leben, by
Heurj', Bd. 2, Beilagen, s.26), wrote to Cranmer (Epistt., p. 101) Conjecti sunt in te
:
bonae partis oculi, vel ut tuum motum sequantur, vel ut cessationis tuae praetextu tor-
peant. Atque utinam te duce aliquant© longius jam ante triennium progressi forent,
ne tantum hodie negotii crassis superstitionibus toUendis ac certaminum restaret. Fa-
teor equidem, ex quo serio refloruit Evangelium in Anglia, intra breve tempus non par-
vas accessiones esse factas. Verum si reputas, et quid adhuc desit, et quam nimis fuerit
in multis rebus cessatum, non est quod remissius ad metam, quasi magna stadii parte
confecta, properes. — —
Ut libere loquar, magnopere vereor, ne tot cunctando transigan-
tur autumni, ut perpetuae tandem hiemis frigus succedat. Jam aetas quo magis ingra-
mundo sit migrandum, magna
vescit, acrius te stimulare debet, ne, si rebus confusis e
te ex conscientia Res confusas appello quia sic cor-
tarditatis anxietas constringat. :
rectae sunt externae superstitiones, ut residui maneant innumeri surculi, qui assidue
puUulent. Imo ex corruptelis Papatus audio relictam esse congeriem, quae non obscu-
ret modo, sed propemodum obruat purum et genuinum Dei cultum, caet. His opinion
—
on the English Liturgj-- is given, in a letter ad Anglos Francfordenses, dd. 18. Jan.,
1555 (1. c, p. 158) In Anglicana liturgia, qualem describitis, multas video fuisse tole-
:
rabiles ineptias. His duobus verbis exprimo, non fuisse earn puritatem, quae optanda
fuerat.
' At head was the Princess Mar}-, who held fast to her Catholic private worship
their
(Bui'net, 68 s., 115 ss.), and the bishops Gardiner of Winchester, and Bonner of
ii.
London. They insisted upon it that no changes should be made during the minorit)-
of the King (comp. on Marj-, Burnet, ii. 26, App., p. 71). Bonner was deposed on this
account in 1549 (Burnet, ii. 81), Gardiner in 1551 (1. c, p. 110).
1" See Epistola (Buceri) ad Calvinum, dd. Cantabrig. d. Pentec, 1550 (in Calvini
Epistt., p. 96) Res Christi hie quoque geritur, ut, nisi Dominus innocentissimura et re-
:
ligiosissimum Regeni et alios aliquot pios homines singular! respiciat dementia, valde
verendum sit, ne horrenda Dei ira brevi et in hoc Regnum exardescat. Inter Episcopos
hactenus de Christi doctrina convenire non potuit, raulto minus de disciplina. Paucis-
simae Parochiae idoneos habent Pastores, pleraeque venundatae sunt Nobilibus sunt :
etiam ex ecclesiastico Ordine, atque ex iis quoque qui Evangelici videri volunt, qui tres
aut quatuor atque plures Parochias tenent, nee uni ministraut, sed sufficiunt sibi eos,
qui minimo se conduci patiuntur, plerumque qui nee Anglice legere possunt, quique
corde purl puti Papistae sunt. Et Priraores quidem regni multis Parochiis praefecerunt
eos, qui in coenobiis fuerunt, ut pensione eis persolvenda se liberarent, qui sunt indoc-
tissimi, etad sacrum miuisterium ineptissimi. Hinc invenias Parochias, in quibus ali-
quot annis nulla sit habita concio. Quid autem nudis edictis et remotione instrumento-
rum superstitionum profici queat ad regni Christi restitutionem, non ignoratis. Utraque
hie Academia habet permulta egregia collegia. —
Sed ea pridem inolevit conniventia, et
hoc maxime tempore ita est corroborata, ut multo maxima pars collegarum sint vel
acerbissimi Papistae, vel dissoluti Epicurei, qui quantum possunt juventutem ad sua
studia pertrahunt, et odio imbuunt sanae Christi doctrinae atque disciplinae. Atqui
nostri quoque adeo sunt parci concionum suarum, ut per totam Quadragesimam excepto
—
uno aut altero dominico die, in die ipso memoriae mortis Christi ac etiam resurrectio-
nis, neque hodie ullam populo concionem dederint. Interim plerique Parochorum sic
sacra recitant et adniinistrant, ut populus tantundem de Christi mj-steriis intelligat, at-
que si adhuc Latina et non vernacula lingua uterentur. Cum vero de hac tam horrenda
Ecclesiarum deformitate querelae deferuntur a Sanctis hominibus ad regni Proceres, di-
cunt, his malis mederi esse Episcoporum cum deferunt ad Episcopos Evangelium pri-
:
dem professos, respondent illi, se ista emendate non posse, nisi publica regni constitutio
;
CHAP. III.—ENGLISH EEFOEMATION. § 27. EDWAED VI. 333
going reforms ;" preachers must first be trained, that through

them the Reformation might strike its roots in men's minds.^"
Cranmer was not permitted to complete his work by the introduc-
tion of thenewly revised ecclesiastical statutes ;^^ for Edward YI.
died, July 6, 1553, and all the hopes of the friends of the Refor-
mation seemed to expire with him.
Mary, who succeeded, did not long keep the promise which she
made on ascending the throne —not to use coercion in matters of
religion.^* The married clergy were first dislodged. The Church
WEls to be restored to the state in which it was at the end of the
reign of Henry VIII.^^ Union with Rome was again effected
de eo fiat. The same complaints, see in Buceri De Ee Vestiaria in Sacris Eesponsum

(Ejusd. Scripta Anglicana Basil., 1577, fol., p. 705). This picture can be completed from
Petri Martj-ris Epist. ad H. Bullingerum, dd. 1. Jun., 1550, in Burnet, iii., App., p. 199
(e. g., Permulta certe sunt, quae nobis obstant, cumprimis adversariorum copia, concio-
natorum inopia, et eorum qui profitentur Evangelium crassa vitia, et quorundam prae-
terea humana prudentia, qui judicant religionem quidem repurgandam, sed ita vellent
demutari quam minime fieri possit, quod, cum animo sint et judicio civiles (politicians),
existimant maximos motus reipublicae fore perniciosos) and Pauli Fagii Epistt. ad
;
Marbacbium, dd. 2G. Apr. and 29. Jul., 1549, in Jo. Fechtii Hist. Eccl. saec. XVI. sup-
plementum, plurimorum Theologorum Epistolis ad Marbachios constans, Durlaci, 1684.
4. Epistt., p. 8 and 11. (E. g., Putant, vix decern Concionatores in toto Eegno Angliae
extare, qui aliquid praestare possint. —
Non tantum rari sunt hie concionatores, sed etiam
apud ipsos concionatores rarissimae conciones aut plane nullae. Interim tamen habent
magnas, multas et pingues praebendas, et sunt magqi domini satis esse putant, in con-
:
viviis et colloquiis posse aliquid de Evangelio nugari, captiosas ac curiosas quaestiuncu-

las movere, cui vilio video Anglicam gentem admodum obnoxiam. In summa luditur
cum Christo, cum sancto Evangelio, et Ecclesia ejus. —Nos libenter faceremus, quicquid
possemus sed quia linguam ignoramus, non videmus, quomodo multum prodesse possi-
:
mus neque enim concionari, neque cum hominibus loqui valemus.)

:
" The insurrections in several provinces were, for the most part, against the oppres-
sions of the nobilitj' but those that revolted in Devonshire (1549) demanded, in fifteen
;
articles, a restitution of the old doctrines and order of the Church (Burnet, ii. 76). After
this, too, many persons refrained from taking part in the new forms of worship, and ec-
clesiastical censures were imposed upon them bj' law (1. c, p. 126).
'- On account six able preachers were made chaplains to the King in 1550, four
this
of whom were constantly on journej's in the kingdom to preach to the people (Burnet,
ii. 114). —
The ecclesiastical laws, drawn up bj' Cranmer, Tit. vii., provided that in everj'-
diocese evangelists should be appointed for this object (ibid., p. 131).
'^ Cranmer had alreadj' mooted the necessity of this under Henry VIII., 1544 (Bur-
net, i. 181; App., p. 137). B}- a royal decree, Nov. 11, 1551 (Cone. Mag. Brit., iv. 69),
a commission was established for this purpose, which ended the work, under Cranmer's
superintendence, in Februarj', 1553; but its actual introduction was hindered b}' the
death of the King. Comp. Eeformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum ex Auctoritate primura
Henrici VIII. inchoata, deinde per Eegem Eduardum VI. provecta adauctaque. Lou-
din., 1640. 4. Burnet, ii. 130 Gerdesii Hist. Eef., iv, 383.
; ;
1* Burnet, ii. 159. (Edicts of August 18, 1553, in Cone. M. Brit., iv. 86.) Eaumer's
Gesch. Europas, ii. 76. The Emperor Charles V. had also earnestly advised prudence
and mildness Eaumer's Briefe, ii. 78.
;
'^ The acts of a conference of the clergj', called by the Queen for this object, see in
Reginald Pole appeared as the papal nuncio in Sept., 1554 ;^^ and
the Q,ueen was married to the fanatical Philip II., King of Spain,
in July, 1554. With the year 1555 began such a terrible perse-
cution of the Reformation,^^ that even Pole thought it unwise.^^
Cranmer fell a victim, in Oxford, March, 1566 ;^^ thousands fled to
avoid death. The death of Mary, Nov. 17, 1558, introduced a

new order of things.
§ 28.
«
UNDER ELIZABETH (f April 3, 1603).
The bloody persecutions under Mary had by no means increased

the love for the papacy yet it was a great task which Elizabeth
;
undertook when the highest authority in the Church was com-

mitted to her by the Parliament, in February, 1559.^ Professing
to desire full freedom of conscience, she yet believed that an ex-
ternal ecclesiastical conformity might be attained without doing
violence to and such a uniformity seemed to her to be neces-
it ;
sary to the well-being of the state.^ And so she had the Liturgy
of Edward VI. made more acceptable to the Catholics by some
alterations f and by the Act of Uniformity, June, 1559,* made it
Foxe Rerum in Ecclesia gestarum Comm., p. 215 ss. The decree of the Parliament fol-
lowed at once ; Burnet, ii. 166.
" The decrees which Pole drew up for the direction of this reformation, see in Cone.
M. Libri duo D. Reginaldi Poli.
Brit., iv. 792. Primus liber de concilio agit, alter de
Reformatione Angliae sancta et huic aetati valde commoda decreta describit. Dilingae,
1562. 8., p. 172.
" and chancellor, who, how-
Chiefly under the lead of Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester
ever, died Nov. more of Bonner, Bishop of London. The larger part
12, 1555, and still
of Foxe's Rerum in Ecclesia gestarum Comm., Basil., 1559, is devoted to the account
of this persecution, from p. 215.
18 Burnet, ii. 196, 215.
1'
Foxe, p. 708 ss. There, too, Bishops Ridley, of London, and Latimer, of Worcester,
had been already (1555) burned at the stake Foxe, p. 705 Burnet, ii. 209. Hooper,
; ;
Bishop of Gloucester, M-as burned in Gloucester, Februarj' 8, 1555 Foxe, p. 279 Bur- ; ;
net, ii. 199. Under Mary from 300 to 400 persons were executed on account of religion
[28 were burned at the stake] ; Raumer's Gesch. Europas, ii. 93.
1 Burnet, ii. 252. Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, i. 155 if.
= See the letter of her minister, Francis Walsingham, to a French noble, in Burnet,
ii. 275.
^ In the Litany the passages were struck out which spoke of " the tyranny of the Bish-
op of Rome," and all his abominations and also the note that declared that kneeling at
;
the Lord's Supper did not imply the worship of the bodily presence of Christ. Pictures,
crucifixes, vocal and instrumental music, and the priests' vestments (see § 27, Note 5),
were to be retained.
* Neal, i. 171.
CHAP. III.—ENGLISH EEFORMATIOX. § 28. ELIZABETH. 335
binding on all the churches of the kingdom. Most of the Catho-

lics did, in fact, conform, even the majority of the lower Catholic
clergy but the bishops could not well assent to an order of things
;
which they had just been persecuting, and they were deposed.^
Matthew Parker, the former teacher of the Queen, became Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and the ecclesiastical father of the subse-
quent English episcopate.^ In respect to doctrine, full freedom
* Of 9400 clergj-, their benefices were lost bj' 14 bishops, 15 heads of ecclesiastical
corporations, 50 canons, and about 80 priests : see Neal, i. 192. Raumer's Gesch. Euro-
pas, ii. 428. — Cf. Nic. Sanderi (Saunders, canonist in Oxford, leftEngland, 1560, in or-
der to work for the Pope in regaining his fatherland, died in 1583), De Origine ac Pro-
gi-essu Schismatis Anglicani, lib. iii. (Colon., 1585. 8., by Ed. Rishton, also an English
Catholic priest and missionarj', f 1595, who added the third book often reprinted. I ;
use the edition of Gedanus, 1698. 8.) lib. iii., p. 509 Praeter plurimos ex Optimatibus
:
praecipuis — pars
major inferioris nobilitatis erat plane catholica plebeji quoque, qui ;
—
agriculturam per totum regnum exercent novitatem istam inprimis detestabantur nee :
regni illius provinciae aliae, qnam quae sunt prope Londinum et aulam, nee civitates
fere, nisi maritimae, —
ultro haeresim amplexabantur. —
Praeter istos ergo licet caeteri
fere essent corde Catholici, tamen putabant aliquousque in exterior! vita et obediendum
legibus, et regiae voluntati cedendum et si quid in ea re peccetur, id tribuendum Prin-
;
cipi vel Magistratui, et non sibi, qui judicabant se utcuraque hac necessitate excusari.
Venerunt quoque in banc ipsam sententiam nonnulli ex inferior! Clero Presbyteri et
Parochi, Ecclesiaruraque cathedralium vel collegiatarum Canonici non pauci, qui ex
animo sectam damnabant, et aliquamdiu etiam a faciendis istis novis officiis propter con-
— —
scientiam abstinebant. Sed cum Elizabetha paulo post visitationem Cleri fecisset, ac
—
in Parochos, qui ritus parlamentarios in Parochiis suis non obibant, diligenter inquisi-
visset plurimi nietu amissionis bonorum et officiorum ad nova ista sacra se accommo-
;
—
dabant. Atque itavel vi vel arte factum^ est, ut maxima Catholicorum pars usque adeo
—
his primis initiis hostibus paulatim cederet, ut Schismaticorum Ecclesias, conciones,
communionem ac conventicula aliquando publice adire non recusarent. Ita tamen, ut
interim IMissas secreto domi per eosdem saepe Presb}-teros, qui adulterina haereticorum
sacra in templis publice peragebant, aliquando per alios non ita schismate contamina-
tes, celebrari curarent, saepeque et mensae Domini, ac calicis Daemoniorum, hoc est
sacrosanctae Eucharistiae et coenae Calvinicae, uno eodemque die, illo luctuoso tempore
participes fiercnt. Imo quod magis mirum ac miserum erat, Sacerdos nonnumquam pri-
us rem sacram domi faciens, deferebat pro Catholicis, quos ipse id desiderare cognove-
rat, hostias secundum formam ab Ecclesia usitatam consecratas, qnas eodem tempore
iisdem dispensabat, quo panes haereticorum ritu confectos caeteris catholicae fidei minus
studiosis distribuebat.
^ He was consecrated bj- away under Marj-, December 17, 1559, in the
bishops driven
chapel of Lambeth Palace. His consecrator was Barlow, Bishop of Bath and Wells,
who had been himself consecrated under Henry VIII., and now, returned from his exile
in Emden, was appointed Bishop of Chichester. Three bishops assisted him. The va-
liditj- of this ordination, not sanctioned by the Pope, nor made according to the Roman
rite, was at once contested in numerous Catholic controversial writings published in
Belgium against the English Church. But the Jesuit, Christopher Holj-wood (De in-
vestigauda Vera et Invisibili Christi Ecclesia, Antwerp, 1604, p. 68), first related the
sorry fable that Parker and the other bishops, not being able to get a bishop, were not
consecrated, but appointed in a ridiculous manner to the office, by an apostate monk, at
the Nag's-IIead Tavern in Cheapsido. In spite of all the refutations from authentic doc-
mnents, this calumny was often repeated by Catholic writers and when P. F. Le Cou- ;
raj-er defended the validity of the English ordinations (Dissertation sur la Validite dcs
;
of conscience was allowed to the laity ; the clergy, in convocation,

adopted as the doctrinal basis the XXXIX. Articles, reduced from
the XLII. of Edward VI., January 23, 1563 f was not con-
this
firmed by Parliament until April, 1571.^ Thus was formed the
Episcopal Church of England — an attempt to separate from the
errors of the Romish Church without giving up the Catholic
priesthood. In consequence of this it came into a wavering me-
dium between Catholicism and Protestantism, now recognizing
the Holy Scriptures as the only source of doctrine, and again see-
ing itself forced to concede a lawgiving authority to the tradition
of the older Church.^
Since no change could be effected in the course of ecclesiastical
affairs, either by papal threats or papal promises,^" Pius V. at
Ordinations des Anglois et sur la Succession des Eveques de I'Eglise Anglicane, a Brux-
elles ; really at Nancy, 1723. 8.), he was so persecuted by the Jesuits that he had to take
refuge in England. See Relation hist, et apologetique des sentimens et de la conduits
du P. le Courayer, 2 T., a Amsterdam, 1729. 8. Olai Kiorningii Comm. qua nobilissi-
ma Controversia de Consecrationibus Episcoporum Anglorum recensetur et dijudicatur.
Helmstadii, 1739. 4. [Comp. Palmer on the Church, vol. ii. ; S. Seabury, Continuit}'
of Church of England, New York, 1853 ; Brown's Storj^ of the Ordination Examined,
1731.]
' See these Articles in Benthem's Engeland. Kirch- u. Schulenstaat, 2te Aufl., s. 170,
where the deviations from the XLII. Articles are also noted and in Niemeyer Collec- ;
tio Coufessionum, p. 601. Cf. Neal's Hist, of Puritans, i. 217. [Cf. Hardwick, u. s.]
^ The law of Parliament made subscription to the Ai'ticles binding only on the cler-
gy and so they appeared, too, in 1571, under the title, Articuli, de quibus convenit in-
;
ter Archiepiscopos et Episcopos utriusque Provinciae et Clerum universum in Synodo,

Londin. 1562, secundum computationem Eccl. Anglicanae, ad toUendam opinionum dis-
sensionem, et consensum in vera Religione firmandum. Neal, p. 327.
^ (Jochmann's) Betrachtungen iiber den Protestantismus. Heidelberg, 1826. 8., s.
206. At first the episcopal constitution was defended as a wise human order Dr. Ban- ;
croft, chaplain of the Archbishop of Canterbmy, first preached, in 1588, that bishops
were superior to presbyters jure divino, but was veiy generallj' opposed. Even Arch-
bishop Whitgift rather desired than believed the truth of this doctrine (Neal, i. 605).
Under James I. it became predominant in the English Church. [On the constitution
and doctrinal position of the Church of England, see Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polit}-;
Bull's Vindication Stillingfleet's Protestant Religion Burnet on the XXXIX. Articles
; ;
Pearson on the Creed Veneer on XXIX. Articles, 2 vols. 8vo, 1794 Archbishop Law-
; ;
rence, Bampton Lectures Todd's Inquiry into the Declarations of the Reform-
for 1804 ;
ers, 8vo, 1818 Archbishop Seeker on the Catechism, 2 vols. 8vo, 1769 Archbishop Pot-
; ;
ter on Church Government, edited hx Crossthwaite, 8vo, 1839 Daubcnj-'s Guide to the ;
Church, 3 vols. 8vo, 1799 W. Palmer, Treatise on the Church, 2 vols. 8vo, 1838 Tracts
; ;
for the Times, Oxford, passim, etc.]

"" —
Raynaldi, Ann. Eccl. ann. 1559, No. 2: Elisabetha cmn suam in Regno succes-
sionem —
significasset Paulo Pontifici, ille, ut erat juris pontificii assertor acerrimus, re-
spondit, Regnum Angliae beneficiarium esse sedis apostolicae, nee ipsam ob impedi-
menta natalium, jurisque controversiam Regni administrationem sede apostolica incon-
eamque est hortatus, quo rite omnia fierent, ut se pontificio
sulta jure corripere potuisse,
arbitrio permitteret, patcrnique in eam animi nulla ofEcia praetermissum iri. Pius IV.,
the successor of this fanatical Paul IV., was a moderate man, and at once struck a dif-
;
CHAP. III.—ENGLISH KEFORJIATION. § 28. ELIZABETH. 337
length pronounced sentence of ban and deposition upon Elizabeth,

April 27, 1570.^^ Seditious writings^^ came forth in great num-
bers from the English colleges^ ^ thathad been founded in several
Catholic countries, and from zealous priests,^* to produce an effect
in England in favor of Catholicism and of Mary Stuart. These
rebellious measures were opposed by severe laws ;^^ Mary Stuart
atoned for her participation in them with the forfeit of her life,
February 16*, 1587.^'^
Unhappily, a lamentable division also grew up in the English

Church itself. Among who had been burned at the
the English
stake under Mary's rule, many had come to love the simple Cal-
ferent tone. He sent a nuncio, and wrote in his credentials, Maj- 5, 1560 (in Ra3'nald
ad No. 42), to the Queen: Omnia de nobis polliceare, quae non modo ad animae
b. a.,
tuae salutem conservandam, sed etiam ad dignitatem tuam regiam stabiliendam et con-
—
iirmandam a nobis desideraris. Through the nuncio he offered to sanction the English
Liturgy, to allow the Lord's Supper sub utraque, and to revoke the condemnation of the
marriage of Elizabeth's mother but the Queen would not give up her supremacy. A
;
second nuncio, 1561, was not even allowed to come into England Neal, p. 210. ;
" This is the date (5 Gal. Maj., 1570) of the Bull in the Eoman Bullarium in Burnet, :
ii., App., p. 221, it has a wrong date — 5 Gal. Mart, 1569 (i. e., according to our calendar,
1570).
^^ Particularly from William Allen (Alan), see Note 12; Thomas Harding, in Lou-
vain, f 1572 ; Thomas Stapleton, canon in Louvain, f 1598 ; the Jesuit, Eobert Persons
(Parsons), f in Rome, 1610, etc.
'^ William Allen (Wilhelm Alauus), driven from a canonrj- in York (made cardinal,
and died 1594), procured the establishment of the first, that of Douaj-, in 1569, by Philip
II. that at Rome, 1579, by Gregory XIII. at Valladolid, 1589, and at Seville, 1593, by
; ;
Philip II. Afterward others were founded at St. Omer, 1596 Madrid, 1606 Louvain, ; ;
1606; Li^ge, 1616; and Ghent, 1624 (see Neal, p. 41). Besides these, there was also
founded a Gougregatio Angliae Monachorum uigrorum, 1607, or Monachi Anglicanae
Missionis, which also had several cloisters in Belgium ; see Glem. Eej-neri Apostolatus
Benedictinorum in Anglia, Duaci, 1626, fol.
-* Thus the two colleges in Douay and Rome had secretlj' sent, up to
1585, over three
hundred priests to England see Nic. Sander, De Schismate Anglicano, lib. iii., p. 548.
;
'*Several insurrections from 1579 to 1582 (Raumer, ii. 549). Edicts of 1580, in which
education in foreign seminaries or colleges was forbidden priests or Jesuits who tried ;
to seduce the subjects of the Queen into the Roman Ghurch to be punished as traitors,
and those who received them as harborers of treason (Sander, ubi supra, p. 571 Neal, p. ;
455). Edict of 1585 all who traveled in foreign lands, excepting tradesmen, must have
:
permission from the authorities. Englishmen in foreign colleges to return, under pen-
alty of the confiscation of their propertj'
and banishment for life. All Jesuits to leave
the kingdom within and those who secretly harbored them to be punished
forty days,
with death (Sander, p. 625 Raumer, ii. 551). Until 1570, no Gatholic was executed
;
1570 to 1580, twelve priests, and 1580 to 1590, fifty priests, were executed, and fifty-five
banished cf. Sander, p. 615 Et banc in omnes Ordines crudelitatem dicunt se non cx-
; :
ercere propter religionem, —sed ad Reginae ac Reipublicao securitatem, quam per Gath-
olicos indies numero ac studio in Reginam Scotiae crescentes, magis magisque periclitari
asserunt.
" She knew of Babington's conspiracy: instigated bj' the Jesuits iu Rlieims, he had
conspired with several others to murder Elizabeth ; Raumer, ii. 554.
VOL. IV. —22
vinistic cultus ;^''

those who imbibed from them these opinions
could not now be satisfied with the Enghsh church government and
liturgy, and took special offense at the retaining of the vestments
of the Catholic priests.^^ The most active and zealous preachers
" W. Chlebus, die Dissenters iu England, in Niedner's Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theol.,

1848, i. 80. There was a controversj' in Frankfort, 1554-56, in the Maine, among the
English exiles, whether they should use in their church the Liturgj' of Edward VI. or a
service like that of the other Reformed churches; see Neal, p. 135. *The Calvinistic
party thereupon formed a Church in Geneva, elected John Knox preacher, adopted the
Genevese forms of worship, which thej- set forth in the book. The Service, Discipline,
and Form of Common Prayers, and administration of Sacraments used in the English
Church of Geneva, 1556. Neal, p. 141. —
[The English Liturgy was adopted by artifice ;
cf. Troubles in Frankfort, Zurich Letters, published by Parker Societj'.]^

etc.
'^ See the points in controversy in Neal, i. 177. The Puritan Lor. Humphrej- rep-
resents them to the Zurichers as follows (Burnet, iii., App., p. 334): Aliquot maculae,
quae in Ecclesia Anglicana adhuc haerent. 1. In precibus publicis, etsi nihil impurum,
est tamen species aliqua
superstitionis Papisticae. Quod non modo in matutinis et ves-
pertinis, sed in sacra etiam Coena videre est. 2. Praeter musicae sonos fractos et ex-
quisitissimos Organorum usus in templis invalescit. 3. In administratione Baptismi
Minister infantem alloquitur ejus nomine sponsores parente absente de fide, de mundo,
:
carne, Diabolo deserendo respondent baptizatus cruce signatur. 4. Mulierculis etiam

;
domi baptizandi potestas facta est (baptism in extremis). 5. In Coena dominica sacrae
vestes, nempe Cappa et Superpelliceum, adhibentur; communicantibus geuuflexio in-
jungitur; pro pane communi placentula azyma substituitur. 6. Extra templum et
Ministris in universum singulis vestes Papisticae praescribuntur, et Episcopi suum line-

urn, rochetum vocant, gestant, et utrique pileos quadros, liripippia, togas longas a Pa-
pistis mutuo sumptas circumferunt. 7. De nervo autem Religionis, disciplina, quid di-
cemus ? Nulla est, nee habet suam virgam Ecclesia nostra nulla censura exercetur.
:
8. Conjugium Ministris Ecclesiae, publicis Regni legibus, concessum et sancitum non
est sed eorum liberi a nonnullis pro spuriis habentur. &. Solennis desponsatio fit more
;
rituque Papistico per annulum. 10. Mulieres adhuc cum velo purificantur (after Ij'ing
in). In regimine Ecclesiastico multa antichristianae Ecclesiae vestigia servantur.
11.
Ut enim olim Romae in foro Papae omnia fucrunt venalia sic in Metropolitani Curia
;
eadem fere omnia prostant: pluralitates Sacerdotiorum, licentia pro non residendo, pro
non initiando Sacris, pro esu carnium diebus interdictis et in quadragesima, quo etiam
tempore, nisi dispensetur et numeretur, nuptias celebrare piaculum est. 12. Ministris
Christi libera praedicandl potestas adempta est. Qui jam concionari volunt, hi rituum
innovationem suadere non debent, sed manus subscriptione ceremonias omnes approbare
coguntur. Postremo, articulus de spiritual! manducatione, qui disertis verbis op-
13.
pugnabat toUebat realem praesentiam in Eucharistia, et manifestissimam continebat
et
veritatis explanationem, Eduardi VI. temporibus excusus, nunc apud nos evulgatur mu-
tilatus et truncatus. (This refers to an omission in the 28th Article, hy which, however,
the doctrine is not altered.) Cf., in reply, the letters of the bishops of London and Win-
chester to Bullinger and Walter, in Zurich, February 6, 1567, 1. c, p. 341. They denj-
some charges, concede others, and promise to keep in mind a gradual abrogation. Thej-
further say that up to that time only the priests' vestments had been in dispute Sum- :
ma controversiac nostrae haec est nos tenemus, Ministros Ecclesiae Anglicanae sine
:
impietate uti posse vestium discrimine publica auctoritate jam praescripto, turn in ad-
ministratione sacra, turn in usu externo, praesertim cum ut res indifferentes proponan-
tur,tantum propter ordinem ac debitam legibus obedientiam usurpari jubeantur, et om-
quod ad conscientias attinet, opinio omnino
nis superstitionis cultus ac necessitatis, —
condemnetur. Illi contra clamitant, vestes has in numerum tuiv aoia<f)6p(ov jam haud-
quaquam esse adscribendas, impias esse, papisticas, ac idololatricas et propterea omni- :
,
CHAP. III.—ENGLISH REFORMATION. § 28. ELIZABETH. 339
were among the Puritans, or Non-conformists, the very men who

had been chiefly instrumental in disseminating the doctrines of
the Reformation among the people ; for among the rest of the
bus uno consensu Miuisterio cedendum potius, quam cum istis panniculariis papis-
piis
ticis, sicenim loquuntur, Ecclesiae inservire licet doctrinam sincerissimam praedican-
:
di nee non omnimodos errores seu abusus sive in ritibus, sive in doctrina, sive in sacra-
mentis, sive in moribus, per sanam doctrinam subaccusandi, exagitandi, condemnandi
summam habemus libertatera. Bullinger had previously (Tiguri Cal. Maji., 1566) ad-
vised the Puritans, who had put to him questions about the vestments, to be pliable (1.
c, p. 325): Si in ritibus nulla est superstitio, nulla impietas, urgentur tamen et impo-
uuntur bonis Pastoribus, qui mallent illos sibi non imponi dabo sane, et quidem ex :
abundanti, onus et servitutem ipsis imponi sed non dabo ideo justissimis ex causis,
;
. Stationem vel Ministerium propterea esse deserendum, et locum cedendum lupis,—vel

ineptioribus Ministris. Worthj^ of note is the following question proposed to him, and
his answer : An in reformatis Ecclesiis a Principe praescribendum in ceremoniis sine
voluntate et libero consensu Ecclesiasticorum Resp. Si voluntas Ecclesiasticorum
?
semper sit expectanda Principi, nunquam forte sapientissimi et piissimi Reges, Asa,
Ezechias, Josaphat, et Josias, aliique Principes boni Levitas et Ministros Ecclesiarum
redegissent in ordinem. Quamvis nolim prorsus excludi Episcopos a consultationibus
Ecclesiasticorum, nolim rursus eam sibi potcntiam vindicare, quam sibi usurparunt con-
tra Principes et Magistratus in Papatu, nolim item tacere Episcopos, et consentire ad
iniqua Principum instituta. The bishops had this opinion of Bullinger printed and dif-
fused, to injure the Puritan cause. Bullinger, on the representation of the Puritans,
complained of because he had spoken only of the priests' vestments, that being
this,
the onlj^ point of dift'erence that he then knew about, and now his declarations were ap-
plied to all the points in controversy see his letter to Lord Bedford, 11th September,
;
1566 (1. c, p. 337) Audimus enim jam non de solo vestitu apud vos contendi, sed insu-
:
per multa alia obtendi piis Ministris, quae merum Papatum redolent, imo in Antichrist!
schola primura fabricata sunt, ot proinde salva pietate recipi aut dissimulari non pos-
sunt. Beza, too, on the appeal of the Puritans, gave an opinion in this matter, dd. Ge-
nevae, 24. Oct., 1567 (Epistolarum theologicarum Th. Bezae Vezelii liber unus. Ge-
nevae, 1573. 8., p. 103). He disapproved of all these usages, but advised that they
should be borne with, since thej- were not per se impia et idololatrica suademus Pas- :
toribus, utpostquam et coram Regia Majestate et apud Episcopos suas conscientias mo-
desta quidem —
et tamcn gravi —
obtestatione liberarint, aperte quidem apud sues greges
ea inculcent, quae ad tollendum hoc offendiculum pertinent, et in istorum etiam abusu-
—
um emendationem, prudenter simul ac placide, incumbant sed ista tamen, quae mu- :
tare non possunt, ferant potius, quam Ecclesias ob eam causam deserendo, majoribus et
periculosioribus malis occasionem Satanae nihil aliud quaerenti praebeant. — Sin vero
Ministris non tantum ut etiam ut ea tanquam recta vel
ista tolerent, praecipitur, sed
chirographo comprobent, vel suo silcntio foveant quid aliud suadere possimus, quam
:
ut de sua innocentia tcstati, et omnia remedia in timore Dei experti, manifestae vio-
lentiae cedant ? At last the earnest exhortation to all, Anglicarum Ecclesiarum fratres,
ut omni animorum exacerbatione deposita (quae sane veremur ut utrinque hoc malum
vehementer auxerit), salva manente doctrinae ipsius veritate, et sana conscientia, alii
alios patienter ferant, Regiae Majestati clementissimae et omnibus Praesulibus suis ex
animo obsequantur, Satanae denique occasiones omnes tumultuum et infinitarum calam-
itatum quaerenti, animis in Domino concordibus, etiamsi non statim idem de quibusvis
sentiant, constanter obsistant. He made the most earnest representations to the Bishop
of London, Edward Grindal, dd. 5 Cal. Julias, 1566 (1. c, p. 73). There, too, he says,
p. 87 :Denique quo tandem jure, sive Dei verbum, sive veteres omnes canones spectes,
vel civili Magistratui per se liceat constitutis jam Ecclesiis novos aliquos ritus superin-
ducere, aut veteres abrogare : vel Episcopis absque sui presbyterii judicio ac voluntate
quicquam novi ordinare fas sit, ego quidem nondum didici.
clergy the inactive or incompetent holders of livings and the secret

Catholics had the majority.^^ As the measures against the Non-
conformist clergy became more strict, and many of them were de-
posed, they began, in 1566, to form a separate church organization
according to Calvinistic principles,^" with which, however, many
of the clergy and laity were secretly connected, who still remained
formally in the Episcopal Church. The rupture between the par-
ties became much wider after the Non-conformists had been im-
prisoned^^ in 1592, and after the doctrines respecting the Sabbath
and election had been brought into discussion, 1595,^^ in addition
to matters of external order. Yet Puritanism still continued to
have one foot in the Church and it was the most living principle
;
in it, constantly attracting the noblest minds, and thus showed

that, in altered circumstances, it might become the ruling system
in the English Church.
On the other hand, the fanatical Robert Brown embraced Cal-
vinism in such a harsh form that, from 1580, he preached against
the English Church as a false Church, and declared that a com-
pletely democratic constitution was alone scriptural.^^ Although
15 Neal, i. 419, 446, 679.
2° Neal,281. [Dispersion at Plumber's Hall, 1576.] In 1572 -was secretly formed
i.
the Puritan Church in Wandsworth, a village not far from London, and a presbj--
first
tery was chosen ; Neal, i. 368. A secret Presbyterian church constitution was soon dis-
seminated, and the churches united in Classes (presbyteries), particularlj- in Essex,
Northamptonshire, etc. ; and great numbers of the clergy of the Episcopal Church were
privately connected with them ;
[This Presbytery at Wandsworth was
Neal, i. 421, 593.
of ministers : See Hopkins, Puritans, ii. 265, Note.]
no separate Church was formed.
-1 Acts of Parliament, that all who obstinately refused to attend public worship, or
led others to do so, should be imprisoned and submit, or, after three months, be banish-
ed (1592) Neal, i. 663.
;
[Admonition to Parliament, 1572, defended hy John Cart-
wright against Archbishop Whitgift, 1573-77 ; and Cartwright was driven abroad.
Grindal, Archbishop Parker's successor, was mild toward the Puritans. Prophesyings
of the clergj' (1576) were put down by force, and Grindal was sequestered. Whitgift
(1583-1604) enforced uniformity, and revived the High Court of Commission. Martin-
mas Prelate Tracts (1588), ascribed to Penry, Throgmorton, Udal, and Fenner; bishops
and Book of Praj'er fiercelj' assailed.]
'^ The Presbj-terians applied the Mosaic Sabbath laws to the Christian Sunday
(Neal, i. 707) while the Episcopalians of that period made use of Sunday especially for
;
recreation and sports, Neal, i. 476. Calvinistic particularism was first opposed, after
Arminius led the waj-, by Barret, in Cambridge (Neal, i. 710) but he had to recant, ;
as the ilnglish Church still held fast to Calvin's Institutes. The Archbishop of Can-
terbuiy (Whitgift), on the other hand, had strict Calvinism laid down in the so-called
Lambeth Articles (the Nine Articles of Lambeth) but these were suppressed, as they
;
never received the royal assent (Benthem's Engel. Kirche, s. 521 ff.) among the Epis- ;
copalians many were Armenians, and only the Puritans were strict Calviuists.
=3 Neal, i. 457. Stiiudlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv fiir Kirchengesch., ii. iii. 564. H.
F. Uhdeu's Gesch. d. Congregationalisten in Neu-England bis 1740 [translated under
;;
CHAP. Ill—ENGLISH REFORIVIATION. § 29. JAMES I. 341
he himself afterward returned to the Church, and though his fol-
lowers fared the hardest,^* yet his doctrine met with great success,
and soon numbered thousands of adherents (Brownists, Independ-
who renounced all fellowship with the
ents, Congregationalists),
Episcopal Church."^ A fanatical Anabaptist party, the Familists,
resembling the Jorists, never attained to any importance.^^
§ 29.
UNDER JAMES I. (f April 6, 1625), AND CHARLES I. (executed January 30,

1649).
Keal's Hist, of Puritans, vols. ii. iii. Raumer's Gesch. Europas, iv. 248 ff v. 1 ff. .
;
[Macaulaj', i. Marsden's Earlj' Puritans, 1852. Vaughan's England under the

ch. ii.
Stuarts, 2 vols. 8vo, 1840. Lucy Aikin, Mem. Courts James I. and Charles I., Lond.,
1823-33. Brooks, Lives of Puritans, 1813. C. Walker, Hist, of Independency, Lond.,
1660-61. Sir R. Bulstrode, Mem. of Charles L and II., 1721. W. Hams, Lives of
James I., Charles I., etc., 1814."]
James I., long since restive under the restrictions imposed upon
him in Scotland by the sombre and mistrusting Presbyterianism,^
the title New England Theocracy, Boston, 1858], Leipzig, 1842, s. 19. Chlebus iiber
die Independenten in Niedner's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol., 1848, i. 129. [Comp Han-
bury's Memorials, 3 vols. Fletcher's Hist, of Independents, 3 vols.
; Bogne and Ben- ;
net's Dissenters, 2d ed., 1835 Brooks, Lives of Puritans, 1813 Edm. Calamy, Non-con-
; ;
formists' Memorial, ed. S. Palmer, 2d ed., 3 vols., 8vo, Lond., 1802; W. H. Stowell,
The Puritans in England, 1850 Walter Wilson, Hist, of Dissenting Churches, etc., 4
;
vols. 8vo, Lend., 1808. Particularly Hopkins, Puritans, ii., chap, xi.]
"* Their preachers were Elias Thacker and John Copping, hung in 1583 Neal, i, ;
474. In 1593 one of their congregations was broken up, and about 56 persons put in
prison (Neal, i. 667), and their leaders, Barrowe and Greenwood, hung; ibid., p. 683
[also Udal and Penrj-. There were 20,000 in England in 1593].
^^ Many fled to Holland, and there founded churches there Robinson, who had es-
;
tablished a church at Lej'den (see Kist in the Nederlandsch Archief^vooT Kerk. Gesch.,
viii. 369), became their leader. [Some of them] took the name of Independents ; Uh-
den, p. 23. Many of these emigrated to New England, in America ; Neal, i. 707
Staudlin u. Tzschirner's Archiv, ii. iii. s. 571 Uhden, p. 33. [Jos. Hunter's Historical
;
Collections, 2d ed., 1854. Robinson's church in England was at Scrooby; his church
at Lej-den had three hundred communicants. J. Smith had another English church at
Amsterdam.]
*^ Their founder, Henry Nicholas
(Niclas), came to England in the last j'ear of Ed-
ward VI. ; law against them. James I., in the Prooemium to
Elizabeth issued a strict
the VjaaiKiKou Awpov (0pp., p. 13), called them infamem Anabaptistarum sectam, quae
familia amoris vocatur. Comp. Baumgarten's Gesch. der Religionsparteien, s. 1065
Walch's Religionsstreitigkeiten ausser der Luther. Kirche, iv. 840. On the Jorists, ses
Div. I., § 24, Note 14.
' His view of the Scottish Reformation, in the Baa-iXLKoi/ Awpov ad Henricum filium,
lib. (Jacobi M. Brit. Regis Opera edita ab Jac. Montacuto, Lond., 1619, fol., p. 147):
ii.
Religionis in Scotia reformatio non sine arcano numinis auxilio peracta fuit tam multa :
in popular! tumultu, et rebellione civium perturbate facta fuere ab iis, qui suis indul-
gentes affectibus Dei opus nescientes promovebant :
—
et haec omnia absque Principis
imagined that upon the Enghsh throne he would find, both in-
Church and State, a really unlimited royalty,^ hased upon the prin-
jussu. — Hie e ministerio homines nonnulli praecipites, ignei, audaces in bac humana-
nim divinarumque rerum confusione tam gratiosi ad plebem facti sunt, ut degustata do-
minationis dulcedine coeperint democratieam Reipublicae formam sibi somniare : et pri-
mo aviae, deinde matris meae subversione elati (et nimium sane blandiebatur iis suc-
cessus) postremo pupillari mea aetata ad democratiae suae stabilimentum diu abusi,
jam potestatem tribunitiam spe certa devoraverant : ut in populari republica, cum ple-
bem quo vellent facile circumducerent, omnium negotiorum momenta soli temperarent.
— Crebrae adversus me in tribunitiis concionibus calumniae spargebantur non quod :
crimen aliquod designassem, sed quia Rex eram, quod omni crimine pejus habebatur.
Ac quoniam banc odii causam palam profiteri pudor ei'at, sollicite in vitam meam mo-
resque inquirebant, minima quaeque errata augentes in immensum, rumoribus etiam
falsis ad calumniam arreptis. —
Consilia, quae tanto studio tegebant, suo prodebant indi-
cio, nempe omnes Reges et Principes Ecclesiae libertati esse inimicos, et jugum Christi
non ferre aequanimiter hac doctrinae salubritate suos illi greges pascebant. Homines
: —
factiosi unum furoris sui praesidium in paritate coUocarunt, qua freti homines improbi,
audaces, imperiti pios, sapientes et modestos redarguerent. Est haec paritas mater cou-
fusionis, inimica unitatis, quae est ordinis parens quod genus si, ut in Ecclesia ita quo-
:
que in Republica obtineret, omnia certo certius misceri necesse foret. Si utramque ames,
ex utraque pestem banc egere, Puritanos inquam, quos nee beueflciis devincias, nee jure-
jurando fidos facias, nee promissis constringas sine modo ambitiosos, sine causa male-
:
dicos, nee quicquam spirantes nisi seditiones et calumnias quibus una conscientiae re-
:
gula est, non divini verbi auctoritas, sed commentorura suorum vanitas. Tester ilium
magnum Deum, nuuquam inter Montanos aut limitaneos nostros latrones majorem in-
gratitudinem aut perfidiam reperiri posse, quam inter hos fanaticos nebulones nee pa- :
tera, sipacate vivere decreveris, ut hi eadem tecum patria fruantur. Una est contra —
—
hanc pestem cautio, si e Ministerio viros doctos et pios ad Episcopatus, aliosque in Ec-
clesia honores selegeris, pudenda ilia Annexationis lege (^Covenant), nisi mea opera an-
tiquatam inveneris, abrogata. Ita subrutis fundamentis non modo imaginariam illam
paritatem evertes, quae cum legitima administratione Ecclesiae, aut Reipublicae pace,
aut Monarchiae bene iustitutae legibus nunquam conveniat sed etiam in regni comitiis ;
antiquum ilium trium ordinum honorem restitues, id quod aliter fieri omnino non potest.
Ego tibi hac in re (si Deus dederit) viam praemuniam tu, quod reliquum erit, iisdem
:
vestigiis persequere. Ad summam, id tibi de ordine ecclesiastico consultum velim, ut

bonum pastorem impense diligas, superbum Puritanum impense oderis, nee ullum titu-
lum splendidiorem putes, quam ut Ecclesiae nutritius saluteris.
^ James's address to Parliament in 1609 (0pp., p. 524) Nihil est in terris, quod non
:
sit Monarchiae fastigium. Nee enim solum Dei vicarii sunt Reges, Deique throno
infra
insident, sed ab ipso Deo Deorum nomine honorantur. P. 526 Regum, qui ab initio :
aut belli aut electionis jure praeerant, arbitria pro legibus erant ut primum autem hu- :
manitate et prudentia civili firmari coeperunt regna, Reges etiam legibus mentem suam
exponere coeperunt, quae rogantiir a populo, sed a Regibus solis proprie feruntur, iisque
auctoribus vim habent. Atque ita Rex evasit lex loquens. Quisquis igitur in regno —
composito susque deque habet leges suas, Regis nomen amittit, et in tyrannum degene-
rat. : —
P. 527 Quemadmodum apud Theologos blasphemia est, quid Deus possit, inqui-
rere, licet autem vestigare, quid velit :
—
ita quid Rex suprema potestatis suae vi possit
facere, nemo subditus nisi seditiosus inquirat at justi Regis est, si divinam iram vitare
:
cupiat, notam facere populo voluntatem suam. Non patior disputandi materiam fieri
potestatem meam, at factorum meorum causas indicare, eaque omnia ad leges exigere
semper utique paratus sum. Ejusdem, Jus Uberae Monarchiae (0pp., p. 184) Quum :
omnibus Christianorum regnis tanquam exemplar quoddam proponi debeat Monarchia

Judaica, quae ab ipso Deo instituta nuUas leges habuit, nisi divino editas oraculo, cur,
obsecro, turbulent! et factiosi homines in Christianorum Principura regnis libertatem
::
CHAP. III.—ENGLISH REFORMATION. § 29. JAMES I. 343
ciples of the Episcopal Church. Accordingly, ho turned his face

to Episcopacy.^ The Catholics expected, indeed, too much favor
from the son of a martyred queen after the Grunpowder Plot' ;
(1605) they were forced to forswear the doctrine that the Pope
was supreme ahove crowned heads.^ However, after this perilous
sibi vendicent, quae Dei populo non debebatur ? praesertim cum nuUius unquam Uc^h
major fuerit enormitas aut superbia, quam populo Israclitieo hie praedicta est (1 Sam.,
viii. 9 ss.). — Nuuquam Icgimus suadentibus Proplietis, quantumvis in impium, fuisse
olira a populo rebellatum.
James's first address to Parliament, 19th March, ICOi (0pp., p. 489) Advenicns
^ :
unam in Anglia religionem publicam et probatam lege, quam et ipse proliteor, oftendi
at altera in ejus visceribus latere raihi visa est, praeter sectam quandam occultam.
Prima vera est et orthodoxa religio, quae mihi semper cordi fuit, et jure regni meruit
sola obtiuere. Secuuda est, quae injuste nomen usurpat catliolicae, cum sit papistica.
Tertia, quae magis secta est,quam religio, Puritanorum est et Novatorum, qui non tarn
fide distinguuntur a nobis, quam politiae specie, nempe ochlocraticae paritatis studio, ct
potestatis superioris impatientia, praesentisque Ecclesiae regiminis odio, unde lit, ut in
bene constitute Republica iutolerabiles sint. — Romanam Ecclesiam
Ecclesiarum agno-
sco matrem, erroribus tamea et corruptelis inquinatam, quales erant Judaei cum Chris-
tum crucifigerent. The laws against Catholics are to be examined, quo demum pacto
— dubitatio omnis tolli possit, si forte severius, quam legislatoris mens erat, hae leges a
judicibus fuerint exercitae, aut ita conscriptae, ut insontibus pariter ac sontibus noce-
ant. Die moderati et pacis publicae amantes unter den Kathol. Laien sollen geschont
werden. Ego auctor non essem ut mentis errores, quos divinac emendationi par est
—
comraendare, luant corporibus. De Clericis vero hoc sine circuitione eloquar, ni duas
res, quarum alteram docent, alteram faciunt, prorsus ejurarint, merito ex hoc regno ex-
ulare. Docendo, fastuosum ilium Romani Pontificis primatum citra modum extollunt
ilium non modo esse christian! orbis spiritualc caput, verum etiam (si Diis placet) in
Reges et Imperatores potestatem habere civilem plane et imperatoriam faciendo au- :
—
tem, publicum merentur odium, dum sua aut aliena manu Reges occidunt, sibique laudi
ducunt, quod in suos quoque Principes, pontillcio damnatos anathemate, nihil hostile
omittunt, subditos ab omni fidelitatis sacramento liberant, et regna TpiXotpw Monarchae
vel monstro potius, ipsorum capiti, in justam praedam exponunt. Pluribus hie opus
non est : utinam niveus mihi luccat, quo omnes Christian! posita pertinacia ab
ille dies
extremis recedant, et in medio, perfectionis centre, dextras conjuugant nihil mihi pri- :
us foret vel antiquius, quam beatissimae illius uuionis membrum censeri. Certe si re-
'
centia ilia et crassa commeuta, quae nee ipsi possunt tueri, et corrigi oportere non ne-
gant, tandem aliquando pudore abjicerent, et novitatis studium hinc indeque ponerent,
non dubitarem ego in media via illis occurrere. Nam ut fides mea vera antiqua est, catlio-
lica et apostolica, sacris Uteris et expresso Dei verbo fundata ; sic in rebus ad politiam
Ecclesiasticara spectantibus antiquitatem inprimis revereor : qua ratione satis mihi cum
Deo cavebo, ne vel in fide haereticus, vel in politia schismaticus jure videar.
* The King's own narrative Conjuratio sulphurea, 0pp., p. 211. On the
: trial of
Garnet, Superior of the Jesuits in England, and his fellow-conspirators, see Pulverver-
schworung, in the Miscellen aus der neuesten ausliind. Literatur, Heft 12, 1827. [Hal-
lam's Constl. Hist., p. 232 (New York ed.) Birch's Negotiations, p. 233; Townsend's
;
Accusations of Histor}-, 1825, p. 247 Lingard, ix. 160 Butler's Mem. of Catholics.]
; ;
^ The Oath of Allegiance, in the Cone. M. Br., iv. 425. Thej' were to take oath, " that
our sovereign lord King James is lawful and rightful King of this realm, and that the —
—
Pope neither of himself, nor bj- any authority' of the Church hath anj- power or author-
itj- to depose the King, —
or to discharge any of his subjects of their allegiance and obe-
dience to his majest}-, or to give licence, or leave to an)' of them to bear arms, raise tu-
mults, or to offer any violence or hurt to his majesty's royal person, state, or govenie-
doctrine had been set aside, the mother Roman Church seemed
to the King to stand so near to the EngHsh daughter that a re-
union might at some future time be hoped for and so Cathohcs ;
were not only tolerated, but also not repelled. The Puritans, on
the other hand, were to be forced to immediate conformity, and
were persecuted if they hesitated. But they were thus made
more thoughtful about their rights, and defended them against the
royal caprice,^ often, indeed, on dangerous principles. Thus they
ment." Then they had to promise such "faith and true allegiance to the King," that
no papal dispensation or absolution could release them from it, and also to divvxlge all
conspiracies which should become known to them. Farther, the}' must testify their ab-
horrence of the accursed opinion, " that princes, which be excommunicated or deprived
by the Pope, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other whatsoever."
In fine, thej- must take oath that thej' believed they could not be released by the Pope
or any one else from this oath, and that thej'- said this without mental reservation. The
Pope, Paul v., issued a brief against it to the English Catholics, dd. X. Cal. Oct., 1606
(Jacobi, 0pp.. p. 241), in which he declared, quod hujusmodi juramentum, salva fide
i.
catholica, et salute animarum vestrarum, praestari non potest, cum multa contineat,
quae fidei ac saluti aperte adversantur, without stating more definitely what it is this :
was repeated in a brief, dd. X. Cal. Sept., 1607 (1- c., p- 250). The Cardinal Bellarmin,
in a letter to the English archpriest, G. Blackwell, maintained, juramentum eo tendere,
ut auctoritas capitis Ecclesiae a successore S. Petri ad successorem Henrici octavi in
Anglia transferatur. Against these three letters James I. wrote his Apologia pro Ju-
ramento Fidelitatis, Lond., 1608. 8. (0pp., p. 237). Bellarmin replied, and there sprung
up a livelj' controversj', in which there mingled, on the Catholic side, Jac. Gretser,
Mart. Becanus, and Francis Suarez on the Eeformed side, Dav. Parens, Petr. du Mou-
;
lin, and others. See the literature in Walch, Bibl. Theol., ii. 213. Most of the English
Catholics took the oath. This power was denied in Guil. Barclajus de PotestatePapae,
an et quatenus in Reges et Principes saeculares jus et imperium habeat. Lond., 1609. 8.
In opposition, again calling forth many controversial writings, appeared Rob. Bellarmi-
nus de summi Pontificis in rebus teniporalibus potestate. Rom., 1610. 8. (Walch, ii. 211).
^ In 1609 a baccalaureate in Oxford, Edmund Campion, defended the thesis, licere
subdito Eeligionis causa a Principe deficere, et arma contra eum sumere, which, how-
ever, he was obliged to recant before the Academical Senate (Wood, Hist, et Antiquita-
tes Univ. Oxon., i. 315). In 1662 a Master of Arts in Oxford, Will. Knight, preached
on 1 Kings, xix. 9, on the Persecution of Elijah, maintaining the same doctrine, 1. c,
p. 326. Cf. Doubletii Ep. ad G. J. Vossium, dd. Lond., 16. Aug., 1622, in Vossii 0pp.,
T. iv., Ep. 48 Cum prius generalia quaedam proposuisset, ex quibus vereri videbatur,
:
ne quid Ileligio reformata, ubique fere terrarijm nunc concussa, etiam in Anglia detri-
menti caperet, tandem eousque deveniebat, ut assereret, in tali casu fas fore subditis,
aut saltem inferioribus Magistratibus, etiam invito et aliud moliente Principe, omnibus
modis, atque adeo vel armis, Religionem veram ejusque publicum exercitium tueri:
addens illustrandae theseos suae causa, existimare se, Eegem Galliarum, si, dum exer-
citui Reformatos in urbe aliqua obsidenti interest quotidie, ferro per manum subditi ca-
deret, juste et sine ullo mactationis crimine occisum iri. Called to account for this, he
replied Credidisse se, esse hanc communem omnium Reformatorum sententiam, atque
:
ita se a Reformatis Doctoribus esse edoctum, citans Paraeum (David Pareus, professor
in Heidelberg, f 1622) in commentariis in Epist. ad Rom. (chap. 13), Bucanum (professor
in Lausanne at that time) in locis communibus, et Stephanum Junium Brutum, sive
auctorem libri, cui titulus Vindiciae contra Tyrannos (the author was Hubert Languet,
:
from Bourgogne, successively in the civil service of Saxonj', the Palatinate, and Hol-
land he died 1581. The work was first issued under the false name Steph. Jun. Bru-
:
;
CHAP. III.—ENGLISH REFORMATION. § 29. JAMES I. 345
came to have the character of a patriotic opposition ; so that many

Episcopalians became Puritans in the State, and thus aUied with
the Puritans in the Church. James at first professed to be in
harmony with the Puritans as to matters of faith ;^ but his wrath
against their obdm-acy made him increasingly averse to all their
peculiarities. And so, in 1617, he enjoined the Sunday Sports,^
which they so thoroughly detested. At first he had defended
strict Calvinism against the Arminians, and sent commissioners
to the Synod of Dort f but he refused to accept the decrees of this
Synod for the English Church,^" and thus prepared the way for
tus). — Itaque ipso in carcere detento, censurae Academiarum postea traditi fuere prae-
dicti auctores. Ac Oxoniensis quidem capita aliquot selecta pro erroneis, falsis, impiis
damnans (see the Decree in Wood, i. 327), Paraei solum commentarios ad Eomanos
publice conflagrandos censuit, quod etiam factum, conquisitis quotquot in Officinis Bib-
liopolarum et Museis studiosorum reperiri poterant, exemplaribus. Cantabrigiensis vero
etiam Bucaui locos communes, et Bruti vindicias publice flammis tradidit. Videbar ego —
in Cantabrigiensi Senatusconsulto videre plusculum bilis in rigidos istos Genevensis re-
formationis professores sive ea causa sit, quod Puritanorum omne nomen exosum ha-
:
bent, sive quod plerique ibi Remonstrantium sententiae sunt addictissimi. Kuight had
to spend two years in prison.
' See Prooemium ad BacriXiKot; Swpov (Opp., Quod ad caeteros concionatores
p. 133) :
attinet, aliosve etiam, quibus simplex ilia nostrae Ecclesiae (Stoticae) politia Anglicanae
ceremoniis praefertur, quibus episcopalis dignitas papalem fastum redolet, et pileus qua-
dratus et superpellicium, et id genus alia, Papatus insignia videntur, hos (tester honorem
meum) nuuquam intellexi. Imo vero tantum abest, ut de talibus rebus, quas semper
adiaphoras aestimavi, rixandum putem, ut utriusque partis eruditos et graves assertores
pari honore et amore prosequar. Non nostrum est inter eos litem tam veterem compo-
nere de fundamento fidei per Dei gratiam inter nos convenit. Et ex polemica hac par-
:
tium acerbitate pax Ecclesiae turbatur, et schismatis occasione Papistis aperitur janua,
qua redeant. Una tamen his cautio est atque provisio, vit suarum quisque opinionum
conscientia domi
et apud se contentus sit neque in publicum, ubi legibus contrarium
;
definitum eas producant, neduni ut pervicacia sua schismatis aut seditionis in popu-
est,
lo auctores esse velint; sed legibus et patria cousuetudine acquiescentes modestiae et
paci studeant, et rationum momentis aut suam sententiam caeteris persuadeant, aut, si
alteram partem fortiorem senserint, positis opinionum praejudiciis ne erubescant acce-
dere.— Religious conference at Hampton Court, in presence of the King, January, 1604
Neal, ii. 6. Roj'al order that all should conform, 16th July, 1604; Cone. M. Brit., iv.
406. [In the Millenary Petition (signed by 750 persons) the Puritans asked for the
abolition of certain ceremonies, of non-residence, etc. In the conference at Hampton
Court they asked for a revision of the Prayer-book, stricter discipline, and the declara-
tion that the Bishop of Rome "ought not" to have jurisdiction, instead of "has not,"
in England.]
8 In the Book of Sports, 1618. Stiiudlin, ii. 15.
' His instructions
to the English clergy who were sent thither (Cone. M. Brit., iv. 460)
enjoined that they should hold to Scripture and the doctrines of the English Church,
but endeavor to bring about a decision that the disputed points be left to the schools,
and not examined in the pulpit. That he and the doctrine of the English Church were
then Cahinistic, see Moshemii not. ad Jo. Halesii Historiam Concilii Dordraceni (Ham-
burgi, 1724. 8.), p. 233, 450. [The English commissioners were Carleton, Bishop of
:
LlandafF, Hale, Davenant, Ward, Bishop Balcanquall, from Scotland, etc.]

'" The King, in consequence of Knight's preaching, enjoined, see Note 6 (Doubletii
the introduction of Arminianism, in the shape of Latitudinarian-

ism, into the Episcopal Church.^ ^ He also tried to bring about a
complete union of the Scottish with the English Episcopal Church,
by restoring the episcopacy in Scotland, 1610,^^ and by the Arti-
cles of Perth, 1618." Such arbitrary measures made James de-
tested his want of force made him despised
; and thus he left ;
the kingdom to his son, Charles L, 1625, in a critical state of fer-

mentation.'* Charles conceived that he must be true to the prin-
ciples of his father, and paid so little respect to the Parliament,
which endeavored to limit his arbitrary rule, that after 1629 he
no longer convened it. Discontent increased, and became threat-
ening. The Episcopal Church, by preaching passive obedience,'^
Ep. 1. c), Pontificios oinnes e carcere liberari, qui, quod juramentum fidelitatis Regi
praestare recusarant, magno numero per totam Aiigliam detinebantur captivi ; Ministris
praeterea omnibus iiiterdixit, ne ulla inter Pontificios et Eeformatos controversa capita
in publicis concionibus disputarent solis enim Episcopis, Decanis et Doctoribus ea in
:
umbone attingere, si opus sit, fas esse voluit. Particular!}-, 1622, he forbade preaching
upon the rights of the King, and upon Predestination (Cone. M. Br., iv. 4G5).
'^ Although the name Latitudinarianism first came into vogue about 1C60, 3-et the
tendencj- alreîdy existed. At the head stood William Laud, then Bishop of Bath and
Wells, who had great influence Avith the King see Wood's Hist, et Antiq. Univ. Oxon.,
;
i. 329. Besides him was John Hales, teacher in Eton (died 165G), who had been a com-
missioner at the Sj-nod of Dort, and was there gained over to Arminianism by Episco-
pius (see Moshemius in Vita Jo. Halesii vor dess. Hist. Cone. Dordr., p. 149) wholly ;
latitudinarian in his book, De Schismate, 1636 (1. c, p. 159). So, too, his friend, John
Chillingworth, Chancellor of the Church of Salisburii-, f 1644, in his work, the Religion
of Protestants a safe Waj- to Salvation, 1637.
»=>
Rudloft^'s Gesch. d. Reform, in Scbottland (2 Th., Berlin, 1847-49), i. 266. The first
three Scottish bishops had to be consecrated in England James commanded some En-
;
glish bishops. Cone. M. Brit., iv. 443, eos in Episcopos juxta ritum et formam consecra-
tionis in Ecclesia nostra Anglicaua receptani et iisitatam ordinare, auctorizare, et conse-
crare. Yet still the General Assembl}' remained the highest ecclesiastical authoritj-.
[James began to press episcopacy upon Scotland, in 1606, by an ecclesiastical commis-
sion; in 1601 the bishops were made perpetual moderators. The three consecrated in
England were Spottiswoode, Lamb, and Hamilton. The Articles of Perth, 1618, forced
the episcopal rites upon a reluctant people. Comp. John Spottiswoode's Hist. (Spott.
Society); John Skinner's Hist., 1788, and Annals, 1778-1816; H. Caswall, Scotch
Church, 1853 Lawsons Epis. in Scotland, 1842.]
;
'^ 1. The Lord's Supper was received kneeling. 2. It might be given to the sick at
their houses. 3. Private baptisms allowed. 4. Children might be confirmed at eight

yeai's of age. 5. Certain festivals to be restored. EudlofF, i. 273.-
'* Histoire de la Revolution d'Angleterre, par M. Guizot. Partie i., in 2 Tomes. Par-
is, 1826 and 1827. 8. (1625 to 1649). German, 2 Bde., Jena, 1844. Collection des Me-
moires relatifs a, la Revolution d'Angleterre, par M. Guizot, 2 vols. Paris, 1823 ss. 8.
'^ Thus Dr. Sibthorp preached, that when a King commands what the subjects can
not do, because it is against God's commands, or in its nature impossible, thej- must yet
undergo the punishment of their disobedience, and submit in passive obedience. Dr.
Manwaring preached, in presence of the King, that the King is not under obligation to
regard the laws of the kingdom-about the rights and privileges of the subject. Everj-
royal command, e. g., about taxes or loans, lays the consciences of the subjects under
CHAP. III.—ENGLISH REFORMATION. § 29. CHARLES I. 347
could not allay it, especially as the Churcli under the lead of Will-
iam Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury since 1633, was more and
more secularized and inclined to Catholicism.^^ The ecclesiastic-
al regulations of the King in Scotland^'' decided his unhappy fate.
He tried to effect a complete union of the Scotch with the English

Church in opposition to this was formed, in 1638, the Solemn
;
League and Covenant, a league of the Scotch people for Presby-

terianism.^^ The King vainly sought by partial concessions to
allay the storm. In England, too, sprung up disturbances, which
were only heightened by the slavish doctrines of the Episcopal
Church.^^ The Scotch invaded the north of England. The En-
glish Parliament, convened in this extremity, soon showed as
slight respect for the King as he had shown for them, and began
a reform in State and Church. The King wavered at first be-
tween concession and resistance. In 1642 open war broke out
between him and his Parliament. Scotland joined the latter in
1643, and Parliament accepted the Covenant, and introduced the
Presbyterian church constitution in place of the now hated Epis-
copal Church.^" The contest with civil and ecclesiastical tyran-
obligation with the penalty of eternal damnation. Consent of Parliament is not neces-
sary for laj'ing or raising taxes, etc. Raumer, iv. 308, 324.
'^ Restoration of pictures, crosses, altars, and the like Neal, ii. 178, 212. Many par-
;
ish priests became justices of the peace Juxon, Bishop of London, became Lord Chan-
;
cellor (see T. May, Hist. Long Pari. in Guizot's Coll. des Memoires, i. 55). At the same
;
time the bishops, while attributing to the King an unconditional authority in the State,
endeavored to find a basis in the Church, ex jure divino, for a power independent even
of the King. See Guizot, Hist, i., i. 88 ss. 96. Cf. Can. 6 of the Synod of 1649, below,
Note 19.
'' Book of Canons, 1635 (v. Rudloff, j. 327). The introduction into Edinburgh, in Julj',
1637, of the new Liturgj-, corresponding with the English, gave occasion to the first dis-
turbances ibid., s. 333. [Comp. Iletherington and Cunningham Stevenson's Historj%
; ;
Book ii., chap, i.]

IS Given in K. H. Sack's Kirche von Schottland
V. Rudloff, i. 348. (2 Th., Heidel-
berg, 1844^5), ii. 1. [Stevenson, chap, ii.]
"
See the decrees of the Synod, 1640, in Cone. M. Brit., iv. 543. Particularly Canon
I., on the royal power, where is ascribed to kings an unconditional right as to the prop-
ertj' of their subjects and Canon VI., by which was to be imposed upon all the clergy
;
an oath to maintain the doctrine and constitution of the Church': here, among other
things, it reads " Nor will I ever give mj' consent to alter the government of this
:
Church bj' archbishops, bishops, deans, and archdeacons, etc., as it stands now estab-
lished, and as bj- right it ought to stand." This is the so-called Et caetera Oath. Comp.
Jochmann's Betrachtungen iiber den Protestantismus, s. 248, 265.
-" The Parliament, Julj' 1, 1643, summoned an assemblj- of divines at Westminster,
consisting of la)'men and clergj-, to consult in respect to ecclesiastical changes see ;
Benthem's Engeland. Kirch- u. Schulenstaat, s. 536. Die Westminsters3'node, 1643-49,

bj- v. Rudloff, in Niedner's Zeitschrift, 1850, ii. 238. In October, 1643, pictures, altars,
organs, etc., were ordered to be removed from the churches. January 4, 1645, a Direct-
ny-^ had, however, with the love of freedom, also evoked fanati-
cism ; and soon, in opposition to the intolerant Presbyterianism,^^
there sprung up all sorts of sects^^ and private opinions. Many
persons, made distrustful of all positive Christianity by this strife
of sects, would have only a religion of reason.^* The Independ-
ents grew most rapidly, supported by the parliamentary army^^
and its leader, Oliver Cromwell. Charles could not withstand the
fanatical host of the Independents ; he was forced, in 1646, to
take refuge with the Scottish army, and was, in 1647, delivered
up to the English Parliament."^^ The Presbyterianism that here
orj', like the Scotch, was substituted for the Liturgj'. Afterward the assembly was oc-
cupied with drawing up a Confession and two Catechisms. The Confession (Articles
of Religion, afterward usuallj"- called Confessio Westmonasteriensis, ed. Dr. H. A. Nie-
meyer, in Collectionis Confessionum in Ecclesiis Reformatis publicatarum Appendice,
Lips., 1840, 8., p. 1) was accepted by the English Parliament, June 20, 1648, after striking
out, for the security' of the civil authorities. Chap. 20, § 4, on Procedures against Error-
ists and Schismatics ; a part of Chap. 24, on Marriage and Divorce Chap. 30, on Eccle- ;
siastical Penalties and Chap. 31, on Synods and Councils. Thereupon the Kirk of
;
Scotland adopted the whole Confession. The Catechisms the Larger for the instruc- —
tion of older persons, and the Shorter for children (both in Niemej-er, 1. c, p. 47) were —
sanctioned, Sept. 15, 1648 see Neal, iii., chap. 8. [Hetherington's Historj' of the West-
;
minster Assemblj-, 1843. Baillie's Letters, etc. The original Minutes of the Assembly
were discovered, 1859, in Dr. Williams's librarj-, Red Cross Street, London. From these
it appears that Dr. Anthony Tucknej' drew up the Shorter Catechism.]
-' William Laud, executed January 10, 1645 Raumer, v. 142. August, 1646, all the
;
property of the Episcopal Church was sequestrated, and used to defraj^ the costs of the
war and pay the debts. Many churches were thus left without clergy Raumer, v. ;
244. [Laud's Works, 4 vols. 8vo, 1848 sq. Conference with Fisher, the Jesuit, fol.,
1631.]
^^ Guizot's Hist., i. ii. 1.
-^ Levelers, who rejected all external authority and order, even that of the Bible, in
religious matters, merel}' obej'ing the Spirit, and who desired freedom and equality in
all external matters. The Seekers were those who doubted all the truths of Christian-
ity,and were seeking after the right doctrine. Cf. Anonymi epistola (1654) De Nova
Secta Quaerentium, vulgo Seekers, in Anglia exorta (Pentecost-programme at Gottin-
gen, 1814, by Staudlin). The Erastians adopted the principles of Thomas Erastus, pro-
fessor of medicine in Basle, f 1583, as laid down in his work Explicatio gravissimae :
quaestionis,utrum excommunicatio mandate nitatur divino, an excogitata sit ab homi-

nibus ? Thej' rejected all church authority. [Comp. J. R. Prettj'man, The Church of
England and Erastianism since the Reform., 1854; Vierordt, Gesch. der Kirche in Ba-
den, 1847. His proper name was Liebler, or Lieber; his treatise was a posthumous pub-
lication.] The Anabaptists, called Baptists in England, had numerous adherents thej- ;
began to grow about 1608 [1646, Conf. of Seven Baptist Churches of London. Or-
chard, Hist. For. Baptists, 1855. Jos. Ivimej-, Hist. Eng. Baptists] Sttiudlin's u. ;
Tzschirner's Archiv f. Kirchengesch., ii. 582. —On the Ranters, Mugletonians, etc., see
Benthem's Engel. Kirch- und Schulenstaat, s. 549.
^* Rationalists, Naturalists. G. V. Lechler's Geschichte des Englischen Deismus.
Stuttgart u. Tubingen, 1841, s. 61. [Leland's Deist Writers, 2 vols., 1798.]
" V. Rudloff, ii. 95.
*« Raumer, v. 175. Guizot's Hist., i. ii. 196. V. Rudloff, ii. 108.
:
CHAP. IV.—MINOR PARTIES. § 30. 349
prevailed was soon forced to succumb to the Independent army.^^

The Parhament was at length brought to terms by force, in De-
cember, 1648 ;^^ and Charles I,, in accordance with sentence pro-
nounced [by a tribunal created for the occasion], was executed,
January 30, 1649.^^ In the new Commonwealth freedom of con-
science was given to all excepting Catholics and Episcopalians.
FOURTH CHAPTER.
§ 30.
HISTORY OF THE MINOR RELIGIOUS PARTIES OF THE REFORMATION

PERIOD.
By the Reformation the Scriptures were laid open, the author-

Church was broken, and thought became free. In the
ity of the
midst of this powerful stimulus of men's minds it was inevitable
that many opinions and parties should be formed, each of which

believed that it alone could produce a genuine reformation, unvail-
ing the and establishing in the world the true morality.
full truth,
Although the Reformation, where it was a living power, had a

most marked influence in improving the moral condition,^ yet
there were also many persons connected with it by external rela-
tionship alone and there were those, too, who misunderstood and
;
abused the new-found freedom.^ And this furnished occasion for

" Raumer, v. 223. Guizot, 252. i. ii.
-' Raumer, v. 264. Guizot, i. ii. 373.

.
=' Raumer, v. 268. Guizot, i. ii.V. Rudloff, ii. 127. [T. May, Hist. Long Par-
384.
liament, Lend., 1647. M. Noble's Lives of English Regicides, Lond., 1798. Carlylc's
Cromwell.Clarendon's Hist, of Rebellion. Carwithen's History, ii.]
' By
the example of a moral clergy, and by promoting the instruction of youth
comp. the testimonies of contemporaneous chroniclers of Constance, in Schreiber's
Taschenbnch fiir Geschichte u. Alterthum in Siiddeutschland. Freiburg im Breisgau,
1841, s. 73. The most striking example was given in Geneva see Div. I., § 10, Note 39.
;
2Erasmus, in his Spongia adv. Huttenicas Adspergines (0pp., ed. Lugd., x.), 1523:
Sunt quidam indocti, nullius judicii, vitae impurae, obtrectatores, pervicaces, intracta-
biles, sic addicti
Luthero, ut nee sciant, nee servent quod Lutherus docet. Tantum
Evangelium habent in ore, negligunt preces et sacra, vescuntur quibus libet, et maledi-
cunt Romano Pontifici sic Lutherani sunt. He often repeats this opinion in still se-
:
verer terms after his controversy with Luther, especially in his Epistola contra quos-
dam, qui so falso jactant Evangelicos, 1529 (0pp., T. x.). But Luther also and his
friends chime in with these complaints; e. g., Hauspostille (Walchsche Ausg., xiii.
19) " Der Teufel fiihret nun mit Haufen unter die Lcute, dass sio unter dem heilen
:
some to assert that the Reformation had deviated too widely from
the old Church,^ while to others it seemed to have stopped half-
way. And so the former tried to discover the truth in the via
media between the contending parties while the latter thought ;
that they must go beyond the Reformers. The peculiarities of

the latter are found, in part, in a strictly literal interpretation of
the Holy Scriptures ; in part in a rational criticism of the Church
doctrine ; and partly in a wild, fantastic speculation. In the first
doctrinal systems of this kind these different elements were often

mingled in strange confusion. Their contemporaries, in view of
Lichte des Evangelii sind geiziger, listiger, vortheilischer, unbarmlierziger, unziichti-

ger, frecher und arger, denu unter dem Papstthum." Comp. Hans Sachsen's Gesprach
eiiiesevangelischen Christen mit einem Lutherischen, worm der argerliche Wandel et-
licher, die sich Lutheriscli nennen, angezeigt und briiderlicli gestraft wird. 1524 (see
the extracts of Veesenmeyer in Vater's Kirchenhist., Archive fiir 1826, s. 263). Eber-
lin (see Div. I., § 1, Note 103) Works
von Giinzburg's Vom Misbraiich christlicher
:
Freiheit, 1552. Wie sich ein Diener Gottes Worts in all seinem Thun halten soil, 1525.
Eine getreue Warnung an die Christen in der Burganischen Mark, sich auch fiirohin zu
hiiten vor Aufruhr und vor falschen Predigern, 1526 (see the extracts in the Altdorlisches
Literar. Museum, i. 374, 403, 417). Man}- passages of this kind are collected in Arnold's
Kirchen- u. Ketzerhistorie, Th. ii., B. xvi., cap. 13.
- Thus Erasmus he secretlj' allowed to the ini-
in respect to ecclesiastical order, while
tiated (esoteric) allfreedom in doctrine. This view was at the basis of all his proposals
for union see Div. I., § 1, Notes 67 and 93
; § 3, Note 18. ;
Others, on the other hand,
believed that the doctrine of salvation by faith alone promoted immorality. So George
Wizel, 1525 to 1531 Lutheran pastor in Niemeck, and who then went back to the Catho-
lic Church, and, though married, was a Catholic priest in Eisleben, 1533-38 and then ;
lived in Fulda and Ma3-ence, dj-ing in 1571. His idea was to restore the old Apostolic
Church, as intermediate between tlie old and new Church. His chief work was written
at the suggestion of the Emperor Ferdinand I. Via Eegia s. de Controversis Rcligionis
:
Capitibus Conciliandis Sententia, 1564. Comp. on him Strobel's Beitrage, Bd. ii., st. 1
u. 2. Eienacker in Vater's kirchenhist. Archiv, 1825, s. 312 1826, s. 17. A. Neander, ;
Comm. de G. Vicelio, Berol., 1839. 4. Neander's das Eine u. Mannichfaltige des christl.
Lebens, Berlin, 1840, s. 167. Holzhausen in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1849, s. 382. A simi-
lar position was taken by Theobald Thamer, 1543-49, Professor of Theologj^ in Marburg,
but brought back to the Catholic Church by his repugnance to the doctrine of justifica-
tion b}' faith alone he lived afterward in Minden and Mayence, and was at last Pro-
;
fessor of Theolog}- in Freiburg, in Breisgau; see Salig's Gesch. d. Augsb. Confession,

iii. 199. Bullinger's Lebensgesch. v. Hess, ii. 60. Th. Thamer, der Repriisentant und
Vorgiinger moderner Geistesrichtung, von Dr. A. Neander. Berlin, 1842. 8. Here, too,
belongs Ruprecht von Mosheim, who was, however, somewhat crack-brained, and had
been clerk of the cathedral in Passau, f 1543 Comp. Strobel's Miscellaneen, v. 1. So,
;
too, most of the Catholic theologians who took part in the religious colloquy in Eatisbon
(Div. I., § 7, Note 40), and in the Augsburg Interim (§ 9). Besides these, there was
George Cassander, who taught in Brugge and Ghent, and then lived at tlie court of
William of Cleves, and at last died in Cologne, 1566 see his writings De Officio pii ac
; :
publicae tranquillitatis vere amantis viri in hoc Religionis Dissidio, 1561. De Articulis
Eeligionis inter Catholicos et Protestantes controversis ad Impp. Ferdin. I. et Maxim.
II. 1564. Comp. Conring's collection of his irenical writings G. Wicelii Via Regia, etc. :
Helmstadii, 1650, and Cassandri et Wicelii, de sacris nostri temporis Controversiis, libb.
ii, 1659.
;
those departures from doctrine which were most abhorred, called

them Anabaptists and Antitrinitarians.
First came up the Anabaptist prophets, striving to establish the
visible kingdom of Grod upon the ruins of Church and State.* In
the catastrophe of Miinster these excesses reached at once their
highest point and their overthrow.^ Many fantastic systems
sprung up along with this anabaptism ; in the larger part of them
the rejection of infant baptism w^s, however, only a subordinate
element, while their attacks upon the doctrines of the Trinity
and the Person of Christ made them appear like heathenish abom-
inations. Of a pantheistic tendency were the systems of Johannes
Denck, who died in Basle, 1528,'' who was joined by Louis Hetzer,
beheaded in Constance, February 4, 1529 and of Michael Serve- ;''
tus, burned in Geneva, October 27, 1553 f David Joris, who died
* See Div. I., § 1, Note 87; § 3, Notes 43-50, GO-67. [Cf. Die Strassburger Wieder-
taufer, 1517-43, by T. W. Rohrich, in Zeitschrift f. d. Hist. Tiieol. ; Heft, i. 1860. Hase,
Neue Propheten, Anabaptist Literature. Vicomte Th. de Bussiere, Les Anabap-
for the
tistes, Paris, 1853. K. W. H. Hoclimuth, in Zeitsch. f. d. Hist. Tlieol., 1858-59.]
5 See Div. I.,
§ 7, Note 13.
* Deposed from the rectorate of St. Sebaldus, in Nuremberg, 1524 afterward in St. ;
Gall, Basle, Elsace, and again in Basle see Bock, Hist. Antitrinitariorium, ii. 238.
; F.
Trechsel protestantische Antitriuitarier vor Faustus Socin, Buch i. (Heidelberg, 1839), s.
16. J. Denk u. s. Biichlein voni Gesetz, yon Heberle, in d. Studien u. Krit. 1851, i. 121
ii. 412. Six of his shorter tracts have been reprinted under the title Geistliches Blu- :
mengiirtlein, Amsterdam, 1680. Extracts, not ahvaj-s important in their bearing on his
doctrines, see in Arnold's Kirchen- u. Ketzerhist. Schafhausen, 1740, i. 1303. According
to him, God is the original source of all creatures through the Spirit (i. e., the power
;
of God) was produced from God the Word (i. e., the totalit}' of human souls). Christ is
a mere man, in whom lived the highest love of God he saves by doctrine and example. ;
The Word of God is above the Holj' Scriptures an elect one can be saved without preach-
;
ing and Scripture. Infant baptism is not commanded hj God, but is sufficient. In the
kingdom of God there is no external human authority. At the end of all things will be
a restoration of all, even the evil spirits.
' Previously a Catholic priest in Zurich and Basic, and from 1527 with Denck in El-
sace. Comp. Bock, ii. 231; Trechsel, i. 18. He and Denck published together: Alle
Propheten nach hebr. Sprache verteutscht, Worms, 1527, fol., praised by Luther against
—
W. Link (de Wette, iii. 172). Denck and Hetzer are verj' probablj' the Samosateni neo-
condemned in the Augsburg Confession, Article I. This was formerlj- referred
terici,
to Servetus and his disciples; Mosheim conjectured that it meant Campanus (Hist.
Mich. Serveti, Helmst., 1727. 4.) but the old view is defended by J. G. Walch (Diss,
;
de Samosatenianis neotericis, quorum mentio fit in A. C. Jenae, 1730. 4.) see Mosheim's ;
anderweit. Versuch einer Ketzergesch. s. 116. Servetus can not be meant, for chronolo-
gy is against it nor Campanus, for his doctrine was a different one. Jacob Kautz,
; —
preacher in Worms, was a friend of Denck see Lehrsiitze in Fussli's Beitrage, v. 148.
;
Cf. Hagen's Reformationszeitalter, iii. 289. [Comp. on Denck and Hetzer, Th. Keim in
the Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Theologie, 1856, s. 215-289 and in Herzog's Real encyclo- ;
padie. Heberle, Stud. u. Krit., 1855 Hase, Neue Propheten.]

;
* From Villanueva, in Aragon he came, in 1530, to Basle from 1532, under the name
; ;
of Mich, de Villeneuve, he was in Paris, Orleans, and Lyons ; in 1540 he was in Vienne,
— :
in Basle, August 26, 1556, and who, as Christm David, gave him-
and there (1553) imprisoned \)y the Inquisition on account of his work, Christ. Restitutio,
but he escaped from prison. Comp. J. L. v. Mosheim's anderweitiger Versuch einer
vollstandigen und unparteiischen Ketzergeschichte, Helmstadt, 1784. Ibid, neue Nach-
richten von Mich. Serveto, Helmstadt, 1750. 4. F. Trechsel, i. 61, u. 222. Henr3''s Le-
ben Calvins, iii. i. 95. On the Trinitj' and Christologj- of Servetus, see Heberle, in the
Tubinger evang. theol. Zeitschrift, 1840, Heft 2, s. 5 ; Baur's Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit,
iii. 54. Schenkel's Wesen des Protestantismus, i. 371. Relation du proces criminel cen-
tre M. Servet, redigee d'apres les documents originaux par A. Rilliet, Geneve, 1844. (Cf.
Ebrard's Abendmal, ii. 573.) — His works
De trinitatis erroribus libb. vii., per Michae-
:
lem Serveto, alias Reves ab Aragonia Hispanum (Hagenau), 1531, kl. 8. Dialogorum
de Trinitate, lib. ii. de justitia Regni Christi capitula iv. per Mich. Serveto, etc. (Hage-
nau), 1532, kl. 8., Christiauismi Restitutio. Totius ecclesiae apostolicae ad sualimina
vocatio, in integrum restituta cognitione Dei, etc. (Vienne), 1553. 8. (reprinted at Nu-
remberg 1791). His first two works are incorporated in this last, yet wholly recast, in
accordance with the doctrinal progress of the author. The doctrine of the Restitutio is,
p. 128 : Deus est omnis essentiae fons, fons luminis, fons vitae, pater spirituum, pater lu-
minum. Coelestes spiritus ille essentiat, ab eo fluunt essentiales divinitatis radii, et es-
sentiales angeli, qui iterum ejus essentiam in res alias effui>dunt. — Ipse pater hanc es-
sentiandivim ita Christo totam tribuit, ille ut alias res omnes essentiet. Omnia per
ipsum Christum, et in ipso sunt, et consistunt, ut docet Paulus. — Per angelos Deus
lucem suam mittit, et hoc ipsum est ipsemet Deus : et Christus ipse est ejus lucis
dispensator, earn de substantia sua mittens, spiritum de substantia sua mittens, cui
angeli ministrant. Per angelos spiritum ipse mittit, et hoc ipsum est ipsemet Deus.
Semper ibi relucet essentia Dei^ spiritus ipse Dei, divinitas ipsa, lux ipsa Deus. —Ea
ipsa Dei universalis et omniformis essentia homines et res alias omnes essentiat
ejus spiritus est nobis ab initio insitus, et postea iterum in nos copiosus effusus.
Unde concludimus oppositum eorum, quae trinitarii sophistae decent. Nam ipsi meta-
physicas tres res invisibiles in una essentia et natura ponunt, quasi in uuo puncto tria
puncta. Nos contra unam solam rem esse dicimus, et habere infinitorum millium essen-
infinitorum millium naturas. Non solum innumerabilis est Deus ratione rerum,
tias, et
quibus communicatur, sed et ratione modorum ipsius deitatis. Unions est modus divinus —
insignis, et prmcipium aliorum. Hie est modus plenitudinis substantiae, modus divinus
sine mensura, in solo corpore et spiritu Jesu Christi. That is, God is the essence of all
things ; in himself incomprehensible, he perpetually reveals himself by his ideas (inodi) ;
the sum of these ideas is the ideal world, mundus archetypus (p. 137), Xoyos, idealis ra-
tio (p. 141), Christus, prima Dei cogitatio
284) the visible world is something un-
(p. :
real, p. 148 : mutaretur enim corporibus mutatis. Vani-

Veritas in corporibus non est : —
tas ergo vanitatum hie mundus est, et res, quae non est ac alterius rei existentis, scili- :
cet intelligibilis mundi simulacrum et umbra. The Word and the Spirit are only different
forms of manifestation of the same divine essence, and in this sense persons (p. 48), to
be referred to a divine economj- (p. G76, personam dico esse faciem, vultum sen rem ip-
sam apparentem). In Christ's conception God took the place of the father (p. 150), in his
person divine and human are so closely united that thej' can not be sundered (p. 263).
Besides the Trinitj' Servetus especially contended against infant baptism, which should be
altogether rejected (p. 564, ss.). A mortal sin can not be committed before the twentieth
j'ear (p. 363), and hence no sin be washed away from children bj- baptism. The right
time of baptism is the thirtieth j'ear, as with Christ, p. 412. Comp. p. 576 Paedobap- :
tismum esse dico detestandam abominationem, Spiritus sancti extinctionem, Ecclesiae

Del desolationem, totius professionis christianae confusionem, innovationis per Christum
fiictae abolitionem, ac totius ejus regni conculcationem. From the Anabaptists Servetus
differs, in allowing a magistracj' and arm}' (p. 655), and also taking the oath in witness
of the truth, but not in promises for the future p. 430. [Comp. Calvin and Servetus,
;
by T. K. Tweedie, Edinb.—Ed. Schade, Etude sur le Proces de Serv., Strasb., 1853. Sais-
set in Revue d. deux Mondes, Feb. Mar., 1848. J. S. Porter, Calvin and Serv., Lond.,
—
self out to be greater than Jesus Christ,^ seems to have been in-
fluenced by the sect of the Free Spirit, which at that time had
followers in the Netherlands/*^ and excited great disturbances in
Geneva. ^^ Melchior Hoffman, who died in prison in Strasburg
about 1540, the head of an Anabaptist party, denied that Christ
assumed his flesh from Mary.^- John Campanus, who died in
1854. Deutsche Kirchenfreund, 1857. Bulletin de la Soc. pour

So. Presb. Rev., 1855.
I'hist. Notes and Queries, passim, 1855.]
du Prot. Fran?., 1858.
^ He was bisliop of the Anabaptists in Delft; driven thence in 1539, he went to East
Friesland, and 1544 to Basle, where he lived, externally connected with the Reformed
Church, under the name of Joh. von Bruck. See Div. I., § 24, Note 14. Historic David
Joris des Erzketzers aus Holland, durch den Rector u. die Universitat einer lobl. Stadt
Basel Basel, 1559. 4.
; Historia Vitae, Doctrinae ac Rerum gestarum Dav. Georgii
haeresiarchae, conscripta ab ipsius genero Nicol. Blesdj-kio, edita a Jac. Revio Da- ;
ventr., 1642. 8. His life by A. M. Cramer in Kist en Royaards Nederlandsch Archief

vor kerkel. Geschiedenis, v. 1. (1845), Nachtrag, vi. 289 (1846). Some yet unpublished
accounts of him in Mosheim's anderw. Versiiche einer Ketzergesch., s. 425. Comp.
Trechsel, i. 36. His writings, T' Wonderboeck, 1542. 4. enlarged axiA improved, 1550,
;
fol. Verklaeringe der Scheppenissen, 1553, fol. Christlijke Sendtbrieven, 3 Bde. 4.

(sine anno) ; and many short tracts (Cf. Hallische Bibliothek, v. 261, 305. Bock, ii.
286.), V. Harderwyk in d. Nederl. Archief voor kerkel. Geschiedenis, vii. 393. Full ex-
tracts in Jessenius Aufgedeckte Larve Davidis Georgii. Kiel, 1670. 4. He also con-
tests the doctrine of three jjersons. " God is and remains impersonal ;" but he has re-
vealed himself in threehuman persons, with whom began three periods of the world
Moses, Christ, and David [Joris]. The true Christ is the eternal Word, in itself hidden,
and did not become man, but dwelt in Jesus so that -what befell Christ in his bod}' is to
;
be understood as the corporeal type of the new life. In David (.Joris), however, the true
Christ appeared in spirit, to bring perfect spiritual knowledge, and to establish the
eternal kingdom of God, in which all power of human magistracy comes to an end and ;
Christus David is to be shepherd and king, without commands or force, by the mere im-
pulse of the Spirit working in all. By repentance and faith man is made just before
God, and is then wholl}' free from the law ; he may do all that he lusts for ; he can no
longer sin " all is good which the good tree brings forth, in the ej'es of God, but not so
;
in man's e3'es." Hypocritica- compliance with civil and ecclesiastical regulations is al-
lowed ; it is even a dutj-. " Let no one know your heart, for you must seem, what j'ou
—
are not, an Esau without, but within a Jacob in truth." The estate of marriage and nat-
ural shame are works of the devil. Union is to be free, in the burning love of God, for
the procreation of a pure generation.
>» See Div. Note 11.
I., § 24,
" See Div. Note 36.
I., § 10,
'2 He was a furrier from Suabia; in Sweden, 1524, with Rink and Knipperdolling;
twice in Dorpat and Wittenberg preacher in Kiel, 1527-29 banished thence hy turns
;
;
;
in Strasburg and Emden and in 1533 was imprisoned in Strasburg. Compare B. N.

;
Krohn's Gesch. d. Wiedertaufer vornehmlich in Niederdeutschland. M. Hofmann, und

die Secte der Hofmannianer. Leipzig, 1758. 8. Joh. Molleri Cimbria literata, ii. 347.
Bock, ii. 292. At the conference in Strasburg, 11th June, 1533 (see M. Bucer's Hand-
lung in dem oifentlichen Gesprach zu Strasburg jiingst im Synodo gehalten, gegen M.
Hofimann durch die Prediger daselbst. Strasburg, 1533. 4.), he was examined for four
errors 1. That the eternal Word of God did not receive our nature or our flesh from the
:
Virgin Mary, so that our Lord Jesus Christ had only one and not two natures (he had
tried to show this in the work. Von der Menschwerdung, wie das Wort Fleisch geworden,
und unter uns gewohnt habe. Strasburg, 1532,) 2. The Redemption of Christ in the
;
VOL. IV. —23

prison at Cleves after 1574, taught that there are not three, hut
two, divine persons.^^
In the fermentation of these fanaticisms, fantastic extravagan-
ces were gradually dissipated, and after the separation of con-
tending elements which did not helong together, there proceeded

from them, as permanent parties, the Unitarians, or men of crit-
ical understanding, the Mennonites, or biblical literalists, and the
Schwenkfeldians, with a practical, mystical tendency.
§ 31.
UNITARIANS.
Christoph. Sandii (from Konigsberg, separated, with his father, as Arians, from the Lu-
theran Church, and died in Amsterdam, 1680) Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum. Frei-
stadii (i. e., Amsterdam), 1684. 8. F. S. Bock, Historia Antitrinitariorum, maxime
Socinianismi et Socinianorum. Regiom. et Lips., 1774-84. 8. (T. i. contains a Bibli-
oth. Antitr. ; T. ii., De Antitrinitariis ante Socinos and De Socinis. There was still to
be published T. iii., Hist. Antitr. in Polonia et Lithuania; T. iv.. In reliquis Europae
regionibus; T. Sj'stema theol. Socinianae, etc.). F. Trechsel, die Protest. Anti-
v.,
trinitarier vor Faustus Socin, 2tes Buch, Lelio Sozini u. die Antitrinitarier seiner Zeit,
Heidelberg, 1844. Der Socinianismus nach s. Stellung in d. Gesammtentwickelung
d. christl. Geistes, nach s. hist. Verlauf u. nach s. Lehrbegriff dargestellt von 0. Fock.
2 Abthl., Kiel, 1847. [Histoire du Socinianisme, 4to, Paris, 1723. Fock, D. Socinia-
nismus in Zeitschrift f. d. Hist. Theol., 1845. Literatur d. Socinianism., ibid., 1853, s.
43-46. J. P. Baucrmeister, De System. Socin. dogmat. Comm. tres, Rostock, 1830-
32. L. Lange, Gesch. u. Lehrbegriff ds. Socin., Leips., 1831. Baur, Lehre d. Drei-
einigkeit, iii. s. 46 ss. Dorner, Lehre d. Person Christi, ii. 751 ss. Theoph. Lindsey,
Hist. View of Unitarianism from the Reformation. Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biogra-
phy. T. R. Beard, Hist. Illustrations, etc. Thos. Rees, Racovian Catechism, with
Historical Introduction, Lond., 1818.]
payment of original sin is equal for all ; it is given to all to be the children of God, if
they use well the offered grace 3. He who has once known and received Christ, if he
;
willfully sin, can never expect to be pardoned (according to Heb., vi. 4; and x. 26);
4. The baptism of children is from the devil.
' He came in 1528, as tutor of some young persons of noble families, to Wittenberg.
'
They made an excitement among the peasants in Jiilich by proclaiming that the end of
the world was at hand, and was imprisoned in Cleves after 1553. Comp. J. G. Schel-
horn, De Jo. Campano
Antitrinitario in his Amoenitates literariae, xi. 1. Bock, ii. 244.
Trechsel, i.His work, "Wider die Lutherischen und alle Welt nach den Aposteln,"
26.
which Luther read in MS., 1531 (Table Talk, fol. 277. Melanchthon ad C. Heresbach, dd.
15. Jul. 1531, Corp. Reformat., ii. 513), seems not to have been printed. Extracts from
his " Gottlicher u. heil. Schrift Restitution und Besserung, 1532. 8." in Schelhorn, 1. c,
p. 78. He taught that, according to Gen., i. 26, 27 and v. 1, 2, the marriageable man,
;
i. e., two persons in one man, was created in the image of God, and hence that in God
there were two persons, Father and Son, one as man and wife (John, x. 30). The Son,
eternall}' begotten of the substance of the Father, is his representative, underlord,
servant, messenger, and hence Logos. The Spirit is not person, but, on the one hand,
the common nature of the Father and Son ; on the other hand, their common working
in man.
CHAP. IV.—MINOE PARTIES. § 31. UNITARIANS. 355
The critical tendency which, from the middle of the fifteenth

century, had led many Italian humanists^ to reject all religion,
though it became reconciled with Christianity in the circles at-
tached to the Reformation, yet it also began to subject particular
doctrines of the Church to strict examination. The work of Ser-

vetus, De Trinitatis Erroribus, 1531, ^ especially fostered this tend-
ency; and in and near Vicenza there were reported to be about
forty men of learning inchned to the Reformation, and closely
united for the secret interchange of such ideas,^ who rejected the
' See above, ii. iv., § 154, Note g, ff.

^ See above, § 30, Note 8.
^ Stanislai Lubieniecii, Jun. (Socinian preacher, died in Hamburg, 1675), Historia Ee-
formationis Polonicae. Freistadii (Amsterdam), 1685. 8., p. 38: Ex commentariis mss.

Budzinii (Budzinius was secretary of Lismaninus, a friend of Laelius Socinus, and left a
historj' of the Unitarians in Polish, in MS. see Bock, i. 1, 85) et vitae Laelii Socini cur-
;
riculo (lost) colligo, circa annum 1546, in agro Veneto, Vicentiae et in aliis urbibus non
paucos veritati indagandae operam dedisse, et huic fini collegia et coUoquia pia institu-
isse. Pertractabant hi praecipua fidei christianae capita. Unum scil. esse Deum altis-
simum, qui cuncta, ut crearit, potenti verbo et efiicaci jussu suo, ita et sapienti ac be-
nigna providentia sua conservet. Filium ejus unigenitum esse Jesum Nazarenum, ho-
minem verum, at non simplicem, utpote virtute Spiritus Sancti in casta virgine genitum.
Hunc a Deo Patribus promissum tempore definito posteris eorum missum, mysterium
Evangelii salutaris hominibus annunciasse, viam vitae aeternae non indulgendo carni,
sed pie vivendo consequendae monstrasse: ex voluntate patema vitam parandae et san-
ciendae peccatorum remissioni impendisse, ab eo resuscitatum et exaltatum esse, cre-
dentes in Christum eique morigeros a Deo justificari: ita pios homines immortalitatem
in primo Adamo perditam in novissimo Adamo eandem recuperare hunc solum populi :
sibi subjecti esse caput et dominum : hunc omnium vivorum et mortuorum constitutum
judicem, in ultimo die ad nos venturum interea regnnm mille annorum recuperaturum
:
et obtenturum ad ultimum Deo Patri regnum traditurum, eique subjectum iri, ut Deus
;
sit omnia in omnibus. Caeterum dogmata vulgo recepta de Trinitate, de Christo Dei,
qui sit ipse Deus Creator, idem Deus, qui Pater, de Spiritu Sancto Dei, qui Deus pariter
sit, de justiiicatione, vel per opera meritoria, vel per fidem solam meritura Christi sibi
applicantem, aliaque his similia esse opiniones per Philosophos Graecos introductas.
Quae sane praecipuam religionis christianae partem constituunt, et in lucem prolata to-
tum christianum orbem, ut excusso vitiorum veterno evigilaret, concusserant. Erat ex
hac pia societate Abbas quidam, Bucali dictus (in Sandii Bibl. Antitrin., p. 18, he is called
Leonardus, Abbas Busalis), qui, arcanis suis coUegiis et studiis evulgatis, in praesen-
tissimo cum versarentur discrimine salutis, una cum aliis XL. vlris fuga se eripuit, et
quam Christianus inter Christianos habere non poterat, apud Turcas quaesivit et invenit
salutem. Thessalonicam isti concesserant, exceptis tribus, Julio Trevisano, Franco de
Ruego, et Jacobo de Chiar, quorum illi duo Venetiis suffocati, tertius iste morte natural!
obiit. Et Abbas quidem Damasci vitam finivit. Qui vero ad Turcas se non contulerunt,
silentio tempestivo tecti, nee tamen satis in patria tuti, i^ Helvetia, Moravia, tandem et
in nostra Polonia refugium invenerunt. Inter hos Laelius Socinus Senensis fuit, vir non
tantum natalium splendore, utpote vel sanguine, vel affinitate Pontificibus et raultis Ita-
licisPrincipibus, ut vidimus, innexus, sed et eruditione ac singulari morum probitate
clarissimus. Is itaque turn illius periculi metu, turn compertis et fastiditis erroribus
studio inquirendae et confitendae veritatis, patria relicta anno Christi 1547, in Helvetiam
primum se contulerat. Dehinc ut Galliam, Britanniam, et utramque Germaniam pera-
grarat, ita et Poloniam anno 1551, salutaverat, et semine pietatis in cordibus Lismanini -
church doctrine of tlie Trinity and infant baptism. When the

adlierents of the Reformation were expelled from Italy by the In-
quisition (after 1542),*and betook themselves for the most part to
Switzerland, many of them were attached to these devious opin-
ions. In the canton of the Grisons they soon gave occasion for
controversies,^ and the Italian refugees were very generally sus-
et aliorum sparse, paulo post in Moraviam, inde in Helvetiam reverterat. In Moravia

vero Paruta, Gentilis, Darius, et A Iciatus agentes in indagando vero solerter se exerce-
bant, ita et Franc. Niger, et Bernardimis Ochinus : quorum quidam in Polonia, alii alibi
e vita exivenint. Qui in Moravia degebant, subinde theses de Trinitate, et ambiguis
Scripturae sacrae phrasibus in Poloniam vicinam mittebant. Atque haec seminaria
veritatis, lit suo loco videbimus, fuere. Of that society in Venice there are also ac-
counts, probably from the same sources, in Andreas Wissowatius, Junior (Sociniaa
preacher, died in Amsterdem, 1678), in the Narratio Compendiosa, in Sandii Bibl. Anti-
trin., p. and Sandius, 1. c, p. 18. With this agrees the earlj' diffusion of the Ref-
209 s.,
ormation in the province of Venice (see supra, Div. I., § 10, Note 12); Melanchthonis
Ep. ad Venetos quosdam Evangelii studiosos, 1539 (Corp. Reformat., iii. 748) Intellexi :
istic circumferri Serveti libellum. —

^Vos admonendos atque obtestandos esse duxi, nt
hortatores atque auctores sitis, ut fugiant, abjiciant, execrentur impium Serveti erro-
rem then follows a long refutation of this error. This societj- must have been without
;
any definite constitution it was an informal secret association, with which distant per-
:
sons might also be connected, and in which very different shades of opinion were ex-
pressed and allowed. Lubieniecky substitutes later Socinian doctrines. Cf. Mosheim,
Institutiones Hist. Eccl., p. 812; Chr. F. Illgen, Syrabolarum ad Vitam et Doctrinam
Laelii Socini Illustrandam, Part I., Lips., 1826. 4. ; Trechsel, ii. 391. Comp. Heberle,
in the Theol. Studien u. Kritik., 1846, ii. 414.
* Supra, iii. i., § 19, Note 26.
* Comp. P. D. R. de Porta Hist. Reformationis Ecclesiarum Rhaeticarum (Curiae Rhae-
torum et Lindaviae, 2 Tomi., 1772-76. 4.), i. ii. 62 ss. Franciscus Calaber, who had been
a preacher in Lower Engadin, first made disturbances, by rejecting infant baptism, de-
nying the moral distinction of good and evil, and the merits of the sufferings of Christ,
and bj' maintaining that salvation did not begin until the judgment. He was deposed
1544 De Porta, 1. c, p. 67 Trechsel, ii. 77. Camillus Renatus, a Sicilian, private
; ;
teacher in Chiavenna from 1547 (De Porta, 1. c, p. 81), made even greater confusion.
His opponent, Augustinus Maj'nardus, also an Italian refugee and preacher in Chia-
venna, has collected his doctrines in Theses, which he says are partty taken from MSS.
of Camillus, partly from his Tractatus de Sacramentis, and partly from his oral decla-
rations (see 1. c, p. 127) onl}' Theses 11, 12, and 17, he says, are from the reports of
;
others. The most remarkable are (p. 83) J. Quod anima rationalis sit mortalis, ac
:
moriatur una cum corpore sod in novissimo die resuscitetur una cum corpore, et quod
:
tunc demum totus homo fiat immortalis. (But this held only of the righteous cf. Thes. :
XII. quod homines impii non sint resurrecturi corporaliter in extremo die. T?ies. II.
:
Of a dormitio animarum, is the only one of these Theses which does not relate to Ca-
millus see Maynardus, 1. c, p. 127.) ///. Quod homines non resuscitentur in eadem
;
ipsa natura et substantia, in mia prius fuerunt, sed in alia, quia corpus animale et cor-
pus spirituale differunt et substantia et natura. IV. Quod non sit aliqua lex naturalis
in homine, qua cognoscuntur res, quas vel facere vel vitare debemus. V. Quod Deca-
logus non sit utilis credentibus, causa quod non sint sub lege, et quod homines pii non
habeant opus alia lege quam Spiritus. VI. Quod per peccatum Adae mors corporis non
intravit in mundum, et quod, si non peccasset Adam, mortuus nihilominus fuisset cor-
porali morte, tam ipse quam poster! ipsius. VII. Quod Sacramenta, veluti baptismus
et coena Domini, non sint utilia his qui recipiunt; sed sint iustituta tantum pro signis,
quibus discernuntur Christian! a non Christianis, et ut homo testificetur, se in Christum
:
CHAP. IV.—MINOR PARTIES. § 31. UNITARIANS. 357
pected of being secretly Antitrinitarians and Anabaptists.® In

G-eneva, where, since 1542, they had a congregation of their own,'
the Antitrinitarians became more circumspect after the execution
of Servetus they were expelled only after subscription to a con-

;
fession of faith had been demanded of them, 1558.^ In Ziirich
credere. (Cf. IX. Quod Deus per Sacramenta nullam rem operetur in his qui utuntur,
sed quod solummodo monstrent ilia quae est operatus.) VITT. Quod Christus habuerit
carneni peccati et concupiscentiam, et ob id sit dictus maledictus peccator, non quod
ignominiam passus pro peccatore, sed quia fuit
fuerit sacrificium pro peccato, aut crucis
conceptus in peccato originali, et quantumcunque non habuerit peccatum actuale, potuit
tamen peccare. X. Quod Christus non habuerit aliquod meritum, quia hoc non inveni-
tur expressura in Scriptura sancta. XL Quod Christus in cruce desperarit, vel Deo sit
diffisus, quando dicebat: Deus mens, Deus mens, quid me dereliquisti ? XVII. Quod
homines, qui a Deo non sint renati, sint irrationales, sicut bruta, quousque per Spiritum
Dei non fuerint translati in regnum Christi. He also -wrote Adversus baptismum, quern
sub regno Papae atque Antichristi acceperamus, and in this work not onlj' rejected in-
fant baptism, but said that all baptism was superfluous after the founding of the Church
(p. 88). The similarity between these doctrines and the Socinian is unmistakable and ;
hence the fact is important, that Laelius Socinus, just at this period, passed some time
in Chiavenna, and was in friendly intercourse with Camillus, although he took no part
in the controversj- (p. 86 cf. lUgen Vita L. Socini, p. 17).
; Camillus was excommuni-
cated 1550 De Porta, i. ii. 104 ; F. Meyer's Die evangel. Gemeinde in Locarno (Zurich,
;
1836), i. 50 ; Trechsel, ii. 85. Later, too, the adherents of Camillus made some disturb-
ance in Chiavenna, and were connected with other Italian refugees, as Alciatus, Blan-
drata, and Ochino De Porta, i. ii. 390 ss., 493 ss. The strife ceased here only after the
;
Sjmod of the canton, 1571, had excommunicated the remnant of the Antitrinitarian-
Anabaptist part}' Trechsel, ii. 135.
;
' General declarations about them Comander, preacher in Chur, to Bullinger, 1548
:
Sunt ingenia ilia Italica ad contentionem prona, et ad placandum difficilia possent :
tandem illorum litigia et contentiones nobis omnibus damnum, et jacturam Evangelic

quoque adferre (De Porta, i. ii. 94). Lentulus, too, a preacher in Veltlin, also an Ital-
ian, had to contend with such —hominibus Italis, quibus niilla religio placet, quando
papistica eis incepit displicere (his letter to Joh. Wolf, in Zurich, 1566, see De Porta, i.
ii. Hieron. Zanchius, also for a time preacher in Chiavenna, asked Bullinger to
496).
give credentials to no Italian about whom he was not certain that he was orthodox in
the articles De Deo, de peccato originali, de satisfactione Christi, de praedestinatione, et
de animarum post exitum e corpore sorte. He used to say : Hispania (fatherland of
Servetus) gallinas peperit, Italia fovit ova, nos jam pipientes pullos audimus (De Porta,
i. ii. 493).
' Calvin's Leben by Henry, ii. 420. Trechsel, ii. 280.
^ Auctore
Valentini Gentilis justo capitis supplicio Bernae affecti brevis Historia.
Bened. Aretio, Bernensis Ecclesiae doctore theologo. Genevae, 1567. 4., initio: Valen-
tinus Gentilis Campanus, post relictam patriam Cosentiam, peragrata Neapoli, Sicilia,
et Italia, tandem Genevam pervenit. Aderant tum in Italica Ecclesia homines permulti
ex tota Italia, qui alii alias ob causas eo sese contulerant: inprimis vero, qui pietatis
nomine extorres, e patria illuc profugerant. Inter hos erant quidam Kaivwv doyjxamtiv
tupeTai. Georr/ius enim Blandrata, professione medicus, negotium Trinitatis recenter
coeperat convellere agebatur tamen id adhuc privatim, et familiari scriptione ultro
:
citroque. Lis erat de vocibus receptis, ut est ovaria, virooTacn^, Trinitas, ofxoovariov, etc.
Volvebant interea idem saxura Matthaeus Gribaldus, Jurisconsultus Celebris (from Chie-
ri, in Piedmont), et Jo. Paulus Alciatus quidam, Mediolanensis (i. e., Pedemontanus).
Hanc concertationem cum intelligeret novus hospes Gentilis, coepit acumen ingenii in
eodem argumento exercere. Ac in eo brevi cum aliis ita profecit, ut non dubitarent
;
the Italian Church of Locarno had been welcomed, 1555 f but it

was allowed to run down, 1563, in order to hinder the diffusion
of error, after the banishment of its preacher, Bernard Ochino.^°
Laelius Socinus (Sozzini)," however, who was only noted for his
inquisitiveness in the pursuit of knowledge, found no difficulty in
liiding his convictions,^^ and died in peace in Ziirich, May 14,
affirmare, Ecclesias evangelicas adhuc graviter errare una cum Papistis, quibus in arti-
culo Trinitatis adhuc parerent. Nam illas cum Papatu tueri non Trinitatem, sed Qua-
ternitatem potius. Veram Trinitatem habere tres aeternos et distinctos SpLritus, non
tam personal], quam essential! numero difFerentes. Haec turn omnium communis et
uniformis erat sententia, a quo mox alii aliis diverticulis abeuntes, in opiniones pugnan-
tes et monstrosas sunt prolapsi. Gribaldus, during the process against Servetus, de-
clared against persecution for belief; but afterward he himself fell into errors, and was
banished from Geneva, 1555 (see Calvini Ep. ad Georg. Com. Wirtebergensem, d. VI.
Non. Maji, 1557, Epp. ed. Genev., p. 183). He subsequently lived in the Bernese prov-
ince of Gex, upon the estate of Farges, which he had purchased, and was in constant
communication with Geneva, which was not far distant. The Confession of Faith writ-
ten bj- Calvin for the Italians to subscribe. May 18, 1558, see in Valentini Gentilis, Te-
terrimi Haeretici, impietatum ac triplicis perfidiae et perjurii brevis Esplicatio ex'actis
publicis Senatus Genevensis optima fide descripta. Cum praef. Th. Bezae. Genevae,
1567. 4., p. 1, reprinted in Jo. Calvini Tractatus Theologici, ed. Amstelod., 1667, p. 568.
After an animated controversy even those suspected of heresy subscribed but they soon ;
gave occasion for new complaints. Alciati and Blandrata took refuge with Gribaldus,
as also did Gentilis, after being obliged to make public confession for Lis backsliding in
Greneva comp. Valentini Gentilis Impietatum Explicatio, etc. Heberle, Aus dem Le-
;
ben von G. Blandrata, in the Tiibinger Zeitschrift fur Theologie, 1840, Heft 4, s. 116
Trechsel, ii. 313.
^ Die Evangel. Gemeinde in Locarno, ihre Auswanderung nach Zurich, und ihre wei-
tern Schicksale, von F. Meyer (2 Bde., Zurich, 1836), ii. 1.
(Comp. Div. 1, § 19, Notes 14, 27.) The occasion was given by his Dialogi XXX.
'°
in duos libros divisi. BasU., 1563, which he wrote in Italian the Latin translation is bj- ;
Castellio (extracts in the Observatt. selectis Halensibus, v. 1). Although he seemed,

on the face of it, to be maintaining even orthodoxy against errors, yet the sharp way in
which he put the error, and the weak refutation of it, made him suspected. In Zurich
the XXIst Dialogue was decisive against him he here seemed to allow polygamy un-
:
der certain circumstances. But the Dialogues XIX. and XX., De Trinitate, seemed to
betray a secret inclination toward Unitarianism. Cf. Meyer's Gemeinde in Locarno, ii.
168 iF. Ochino defended himself after his exile in an Italian Dialogue (in Schelhorn's
Ergotzlichkeiten, iii. 2009). The Ziirichers replied La Spongia adv. Aspergines Bern.
:
Ochini, qua verae causae exponuntur, ob quas ille ab urbe Tigurina fuit relegatus. m.
Martio, 1564 (reprinted in H. Hottinger, Hist. Eccl. N. T., ix. 475 in Schelhom, iii. 2157). ;
Comp. Trechsel, ii. 221.

'1 Bock, Hist. Antitr., ii. 568. Vita L. Socini. Scripsit Chr. F. Hlgen. Lips., 1814.
8. Ejusdem Symbolarum ad Vitam et Doctrinam L. Socini illustrandam. Part. 1 et 2.
Lips., 1826. 4. Lalius Socinus, by J. K. v. Orelli, in the Wissenschaftl. Zeitschrift,
Jahrg. 2 (Basel, 1826), Heft 3, s. 28. Ungedruckte Urkunden zum Leben von L. Soci-
nus, ibid., Comp. Trechsel, ii. 137.
s. 138.
^^ He left Italj- in 1547, went first to the canton of the Grisons, and then traveled, by
way of Geneva, through France, England, and Belgium came to Basle and Ziirich, ;
and went to Wittenberg, on Melancthon's account, in 1550 (cf. Illgen Symbolarum P.

ii.) in 1551 he journeyed thence to Poland, but returned in the same j-ear to Switzer-
;
land, lived by turns in Geneva and Zurich, but soon exclusively in the latter city, from
whence, in 1558, he went for a short time back to Poland and in 1559 to Italy. He ;
::

troubled the divines eveiy where with theological problems and doubts, without avow-
ing hisown opinions ; thus Calvin, e. g., in 1518, upon the recognition of papal baptism,
etc. (Calvin's reply has, in Calv. Epistt. ad Genev., 1575,
on the resurrectioia of the dead,
heading, Farellus Calvino in the Hanau edition it reads correctl}', Cal-
p. 84, the false ;
vinus Zozino). Calvin, in his second letter, already rebukes his excessive subtlctj- (7
Id. Dec, 1549, ed. Gen., p. 93): Ideo serins quam optabas, respondeo, quia invitus, ut
verunt fatear, quo me vocant literae tuae, protrahor. De resurrectione carnis video tibi
niinime esse satisfactum. Atqui si plus a me postulas, ne scire quidem ultra quam do-
cui appeto, etc. Still more strongly in Cal. Jan., 1552 (in the Vita F. Socini, by Sam.
Przypcovius, prefixed to F. Sec, 0pp., p. 2 ; also in Henr3''s Leben Calvins, Bd. i. Beil.
s. 57) : Non est, quod expectes, dum ad ilia, quae objicis, quaestionum portenta respon-
deam. Si tibi per aereas illas speculationes volitare libet, sine me, quaero, humileni
Christi discipulum ea nieditari, quae ad fidei nieae aedificationem faciunt. Ac ego qui-
dem silentio meo id, quod cupio, consequar, ne tu mihi posthac sis molestus. Liberale
vero ingenium, quod tibi Dominus non modo in rebus nihili frustra occupari,
contulit,
sed exitialibus figmentis corrumpi, vehementer dolet. Quod pridem testatus sum, serio
iteruni moneo, nisi hunc quaereudi pruritum mature corrigas, metuendum esse, ne tibi
gravia tormenta accersas. Ego, si indulgentiae specie vitium, quod maxime noxium
esse judico, alerem, in te essem perfidus et crudelis. Itaque paululum nunc mea asperi-
tate te offendi male, quam dulcibus curiositatis illecebris male captum non retrahi.
Erit tempus, ut spero, cum te ita violenter expergefactum fuisse gaudebis. He was
more genth' admonished by Bullinger (Lebensgeschichte BuUingers, by S. Hess, ii. 50)
e. g.. Video te studiosissimum esse sacrarum literarum, et negotii salutis nostrae verae, sed
simul et valde curiosum, qui multos subinde quaestionum modes flectis et reflectis, im-
plicas item et dissolvi postulas. —
Alii quidem voluptatibus se dedunt Principum aulas
sectantes tu;
— —
mavis peregrinando et disputando, et opportune et importune interro-
—
gando, quid certo credas discere. Ceterum requiro raodum et in hac quoque re optima.
— —
Nostra religio non est infinita, sed in compendium redacta. Omnia refert ad pietatem.
Nil curat quaestiones varias et implicatas. Non probat Apostolus eos qui semper di-
scunt, nunquam ad cognitionem veritatis, ut in ea acquiescant, perveniunt. Noli hoc —
meum consilium spernere non primus hoc objicio. Meanwhile Julius Mediolanus, a
:
pastor in Poschiavo (in the Grisons), had awakened the suspicions of Bullinger against
Socinus, quasi Ario, vel Serveto, aut Anabaptistis favens adorandam Dei trinitatem non
agnoscat, aeque sincere fateatui*. Bullinger induced him to set forth a Confession of
Faith, and then, by friendly criticisms (the letter in H. Hottinger's Hist. Eccl., ix. 427,
is by Bullinger see Hess, ii. 55), to make some alterations in it. This he sent, with a
;
letter in which he took the part of Socinus, to Julius (Hettinger, I.e., p. 417). The Con-
fession of Faith of July 15, 1555, begins : Ego Laelius Socinus a pueris unum Symbolum
didici, et nunc scio et agnosco, quod Apostolorum dicitur, esse antiquissimum, omnibus
temporibus in Ecclesia receptum, tametsi varie scriptum. Sed nuper legi etiam alia, et
honoram tribuo, quem possum et debeo, Symbolis vetustissimis, Nicaeno et Constanti-
nopolitano. Praeterea, quod ignari homines pertinaciter inficiantur, ego Trinitatis, Per-
sonarum, u-n-oaTucr^ws, consubstantialitatis, unionis, distinctionis, et alias similes voces
agnosco non recens excogilatas, sed a 1300 annis, inde usque a temporibus Justini Mar-
tj-ris, in tote fere christiano orbe fuisse usitatas, et quidem maximis gravisslmisque de
causis. Verumtamen libere dicam, quod sentio ego medis omnibus probarem, si adhuc
:
verbis Christi, Apostolorum et Evangelistarum Christiana, apostolica et evangelica fides

nobis explicaretur nee ideo ilia vocabula nego Patribus necessaria fuisse, ad ea splen-
:
didius efFerenda, quae jam catholice nobis traduntur, ac sane tanta cum veneratione ab
Ecclesiis recipiuntur: multo minus in dubium verte christianae religionis fundamenta,
quae singulis Orthedoxis certissima debent esse, ac utinam mihi reddantur certiora
quia non contendo, Patrem esse eundem, qui Filius et S. Spiritus. Non imaginor tres
Jehovas, Dees nostres coessentiales non discindo in Christos duos unam Christi perso-
:
nam, vel naturarum confusionem uUam admitto, sed ingeniorum lasciviam et petulan-
tiam valde raetuo. Proinde caveo semper ab hujusmodi letiferis paradoxis, necnon Ca-
tabaptistarum enrores omnes fugio, Serveti dogmata, Arianismum totum execror hor-
3G0 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
1562." On the other hand, the less prudent Valentinus G-entUis
reoqiie. —Fateor ingenue, me curiosiorem fuisse, quam potuerint ferre nimis zelotj-pi
quidara Pythagorici : sed erga me tanta nunc extitit Patris coelestis benignitas, ut plane
confidam, me posthac longe dexterius versaturum esse in congi-essibus liominum sanc-
tissimis. Ego nempe phautasticorum speculationibus omissis, ineptis argutiis, fallaci-
bus ratiunculis Sophistarum jam valedictis, quod maximum, quod excellentissimum Dei
beneficium, e terrae pulvevibus me omnino excitandum spero, caet. Julius repeated his
suspicions to Bullinger (dd. 4. Nov., 1555, in Fueslini Epistolae ab Ecclesiae Helveticae
Reformatoribus vel ad eos scriptae, p. 353). How Socinus worked covertlj' for bis doc-
trines is shown by Hieron. Zanchius (also an Italian refugee, see Bd. i., § 19, Note 31,
who was successively professor in Strasburg, preacher in Chiavenna, and professor in
Heidelberg, f 1590), Lib. de tribus Elohim (Francof., 1572), in praef Fuit is Laelius no-
:
bili honestaque familia natus, bene gracce et hebraice doctus, vitaeque etiam externae
inculpatae, quarum rerum causa mihi quoque intercesserat cum illo non vulgaris amici-
tia: sed homo fuit plenus diversarum haeresium, quas mihi tamen nunquam propone-
bat, nisi disputandi causa, et semper interrogans, quasi cuperet doceri. Hanc vero Sa-
mosatenianam iuprimis annos multos fovit, et quoscunque porro potuit, in eundem per-
traxit errorem. Pertraxit autera non paucos. Me quoque, ut dixi, diversis tentavit ra-
tionibus, si eodem possit errore simul et aeterno exitio secum involvere quemadmodum:
fecerat etiam antea Matthaeus Gribaldus et alii. Faustus Socinus saj-s of his uncle, Lae-
lius (Frag, de Christi Natura, 0pp., i. 782) Tantura abfuit, ut is in religione nihil certi
:
habuerit, quemadmodum aliqui constanter affirmant, ut nemo unquam exactius de om-

nibus christianae religiouis dogmatibus vel senserit, vel cum opportunum ei videbatur,
locutus fuerit. Verum cum praeter pauca quaedam, ea videlicet, quae ad salutem sunt
prorsus necessaria, nihil fere in Ecclesiis, quae Romanum Antichristum execrantur, post
tantas tamque diuturnas tenebras suae pristinae claritati restitutum videret, nolebat ille
sententiam suam, nisi in levioribus quibusdam controversiis, omnibus aperire, ne turba-
rentur Ecclesiae, et infirmi, quorum maximam semper habuit rationem, offenderentur,
et a vero Dei cultu ad idola fortasse iterum adducerentur, neve tandem divina Veritas ab
eo praedicata, qui neque pastoris neque doctoris officio in Ecclesia fungeretur, ob aucto-
ris non magnam auctoritatem, magno christiani orbis detrimento, passim rejiceretur, ac
propemodum conculcaretur. Praesertim cum apud aliquas Ecclesias eam opinionem,

eumque morem jam invaluisse cerneret, ut execrabiles haberentur, quicunque adversus
receptas sententias vel mutire quidem ausi essent. Praestare igitur arbitrabatur, dubia
et quaestiones illustribus in Ecclesia virisidentidem proponere, ut ea ratione paulatim
via ad veritatem sterneretur, addubitantibus illis interdum ob argumenta ab eo allata
de inveteratarum opinionum firmitate, easque non amplius populo tamquam christianae

religionis axiomata obtrudentibus, quod tamen, ut omnem offisnsionem vitaret, addiscen-
di tantum studio a se fieri dicebat (qua tamen ratione ab initio idem vere ab eo factum
fuisse verisimile est) quare etiam discipulum semper se, nunquam autem doctorem
:
profitebatur. Hoc tamen suum institutum amicis non usque adeo probari sentiebat, qui-
bus dum obsequi recusat, non sine Dei consilio vir summus immatura morte sublatus
est, quod mox patefieri coepit, cum statim fere post mortem ejus eorum, quae ipse palam
docere non audebat, pars aliqua et Uteris consignari, et passim divulgari est coepta, id
—
quod eo vivente nunquam fortasse contigisset. Hac scilicet ratione Deus, quae illi uni
patefecerat, omnibus manifesta esse voluit, ut ignorantiae tenebris penitus discussis in-
cipiat tandem christianus populus ei ex animo fidere, debitamque obedientiam praestare,
exteri vero ad ejus veram et salutarem per Jesum Christum cognitionem facilius per-
trahi possint.
'^ Faustus Socinus ep. ad Andr. Dudithium (0pp., i. 508) In medio vitae cursu, anno
:
aetalis 37, eo ipso tempore, cum amicorum precibus tandem permotus constituisset atque
etiam coepisset, saltern inter ipsos, nonnulla in apertum proferre, breviter, cum fructum
aliquem tantorum tamque laboriosorum in theologia studiorum videre debuisset, quem
fructum alii postea ac fere statim ab illius morte viderunt.
CHAP. IV.— MINOK PARTIES. § 31. UNITARIANS. 361
was decapitated in Berne, 1566 ;'* and Matthew Grribaldus (Grri-
baud) was snatched from a like fate by the plague, 1564.^^

As Switzerland did not offer a sure place of refuge, many of
these Antitrinitarian Italians betook themselves to Poland, ^"^ where
many of the nobility not only protected the Reformation, but were
glad to welcome the refined Italian culture. For a long time
Antitrinitarianism was here, too, propagated in secret Peter Go-
;
nesius (Conyza) first proclaimed it openly in Pinczow from 1556.^"

But John George Blandrata was especially active; he had been
driven from Geneva, and likewise came to Poland in 1558. The
leading persons connected with him were Francis Lismanini, Gre-
gorius Pauli, a preacher in Cracow, Peter Statorius, rector in Pinc-
zow since 1559, and George Schomann, from 1560 a preacher in
the same place.^^ They were aided by the lively opposition there
** On him see the writings, cited Note 8, b}' Aretius and Beza. Bock, Hist. Aiititr.,
i. i. 369, and ii. 427. Trechsel, ii. 316. See Confessio evangelica (printed in L3'ons
about 1561) see in Trechsel, ii. 471.
;
'^ Bock, ii. 456. On the doctrinal sentiments of the Genevese Antitrinitarians, Gri-
baldi, Blandrata, Gentilis, and Alciati, see Heberle, in the Tiibinger Zeitschr. f. Theol.,
1840, iv. 128 ff. According to them, the Son and the Spirit were two eternal, but limit-
ed, emanations from the Father ; and thej' thus substantiallj' agreed with the Ante-Ni-
cene Fathers, to whom they appealed. [But see Bull, Defensio Fid. Nic, Baur's Drei-
einigkeit, and Dorner's Person Christi.] Comp. Valentini Gentilis Impietatum brevis
Explicatio auct. J. Calvino, in the work published by Beza (see Note 8), and in Calviui
Tractatus Theologici. Amstel., 1667, p. 568. Trechsel, ii. 282.
'^ See the appendices to Sandii Bibl. Antitrin., viz., p. 181 Jo. Stoinii (since 1612 pas- ;
tor in Rakau, f 1654) Epitome Historiae Originis Unitariorum in Polonia p. 189 Ge. ;
:
Schomanni (from 1560 preacher in Pinczow, f 1591) Testamentum p. 207 Audr. Wis- ;
:
sowatii, Jun. (Socin. preacher, f in Amsterdam, 1678), Narratio Compendiosa, quomodo

in Polonia a Trinitariis Reformatis separati sint christiani Unitarii. Adriani Regenvol- —
(pseudonj-m) S3-stema historico-chronologicum Ecclesiarum Slavonicarum, Traj. ad
ficii
Rhenum, 1652. 4. (again published in 1679 under the real name of the author, Andreas
Wengerscius (Wengierski), a Reformed preacher in the district of Lublin). Stanislai
Lubieniecii, Jmi. (Socin. preacher, f in Hamburg, 1675), Historia Reformationis Poloni-
cae. Freistadii (Amsterdam). 1685. 8. W.
comm. qua enarrantur Fata
G. C. Lochneri
et Rationes earum familiarum christianarura quae ab Ecclesia Romano-cath-
in Polonia,
olica alienae fuerunt, usque ad Consensus Sendomiriensis tempus, in the Acta Societatis
Jablonovianae Nova, T. iv. Fasc, ii. (Lips., 18.32, 4.) p. 86. Geschichte der Reforma-
tion in Polen, by Grafen Valerian Krasinski, from the English of W. A. Lindau. Leip-
zig, 1841, 8., s. 143 ff. 308 ff.
" Lubieniecius, p. 111. Heberle in the Tiibinger Zeitschrift far Theologie, 1840, iv.
138.
" Ge. Schomanni Testamentum, at the end of Sandii Bibl. Antitr., p. 193, ad ann.
1559 : Pinczoviae ego cum Petro Statoria Thionvillano Gallo, et Johanne Thenaudo
Bituricensi Gallo, D. Francisco Lismanino, D. Georgio Blandrata medico, Bernardino
Ochino farailiaricer vixi, et evidenter didici, errorem esse, non fidem christianam, Trin-
personarum omnimodam aequalitatem sed unum esse Deum Patrem, unum Dei
itatis :
Filium, unum Spiritum Sanctum : licet adhuc multa non intelligeremus ad hoc perti-
iientia.
made to the doctrine of Francis Stancaro, that Christ is mediator

only in his human nature.^^ For they maintained, not unsuc-
cessfully, the position that this error could he refuted only by the
neglected truth that the Father is greater than the Son.^** Some
soon went further, and denied the divinity of the Holy Ghost."^
Others rejected infant baptism.^^ In vain did Calvin utter warn-
ings against the new doctrine f^ the synods convened to repress it
^' Staucaro, from Mantua, professor in Konigsberg 1551, adopted this doctrine in op-
position to Osiander, and was involved in controversies, not only here, but also in
Frankfort-on-the-Oder, where he went in 1552 these disputes he also brought into Po-
:
land in 1553. In 1554 he went to Transylvania, and 1558 returned to Poland, where he
died in 1574. On his restless character, see the opinions of his contemporaries in the
letter ofMaiuardo to Bullinger, 1558, in the Museum Helvet., six. 491. See Planck's
Gesch. des Prot. Lehrbegritis, iv. 449. Comp. Heberle, s. 156. See below, § 39, Note 31.
^° Lubieniecius, p. 117 Stancarus statuebat, Filium, cum unus idemque Dous cum
:
Patre credatur, Mediatorem non secundum divinara naturam, ne sui ipsius Mediator es-
set, — sed tantum secundum humanam esse. In reply, Lismaninus in Epist. ad Stan.
Iwan. Karninscium, 1. c, p. 122 Dico : et repeto, quod nisi apertissime ostendatur, quo-
modo Filius est aequalis Patri, et quomodo Pater est major Filio, antequam homo fieret,
nunquam discedent a Stancarismo nostri fratres seducti. P. 119: Arianus est, qui non —
confitetur,Filium esse consubstantialem et coaeternum Patri, non c£ui a Sabellianismo
liberat homines, ne Patrem et Spiritum S. incarnatum et passum cogantur asserere.
Verbis Stancarus distiuguit Patrem a Filio, re autem ita confundit, ut generationem
Filii, et processionem Spir. S. tollat omnino. Thus thej- held fast to the doctrine of the
Autitriuitarians of Geneva ; see Note 15.
"' At the Synod of Pinczow, November, 1559, a letter was presented from Chelmski,
quibus in dubium vocabat invocationem Spiritus Sancti. But Peter Statorius is the re-
puted originator of this doubt Lubieniecius, p. 148. At that time he still denied this
;
doctrine, Regenvolscius, p. 184 but afterward he openly avowed it

; Spiritum S. non :
esse tertiam Deitatis personam, nee Deum, sed Dei virtutem et donum, quod Deus in
cordibus iidelium excitet, Lubieniecius, p. 149.
-2 Peter Genesius presented to the Synod at Bresk, in Lithuania (December,
first
1558), a —
libellum contra paedobaptismum, quo ritum hunc nee Scripturae sacrae, nee
primae antiquitati, nee sanae rationi convenire docuit, and was generallj- opposed, Lu-
bieniecius, p. 144. Then there was a dispute about it in Wilna, 1559, where Martin
Czechovicius was the leading opponent of infant baptism. At the Sjmod of Brasin and
Wengrov, 1565, their number was already verj' considerable see Lubieniecius, p. 176 ;
(cf. M. Czechovicii de Paedobaptistarum errorum origine. Lublini, 1575. 4. earlier pub- ;
lished in Polish. Das Lehrgebiiude der Wiedertiiufer nach den Grundsatzen des M.
Czechowitz, b}- J. R. Kiessling. Reval and Leipzig, 1776. 8.).
^^ He warned the Bohemian brethren in Poland against Blandrata, prid. Cal. Jul.,
1560 (Epp. ed. Genev., p. 233). particularlj' the Prince Radzivill, who specialh' favored
him, in the dedication of the second edition of his Commentary on the Acts, dd. August
1, 1560. He accused Blandrata of Servetianism ; but the latter quieted his admirers by
confessing three Persons, equal in essence and equally eternal. He justified himself
before the Synod at Pinczow (Januarj^, 1561), Regenvolscius, p. 86 ; and they were very
indignant at Calvin see his letters of 1561 to Poland (Epp. ed. Genev., p. 256, ss.).
;
The Zurichers, too, warned the Poles, in a letter, March, 1561, against both Stancarus
and the Antitrinitarians see Schlusselburg Catalogus Haereticorum (Francof., 1597 ss.
;
ix. voll. 8.), ix. 224.There were afterward published, from several quarters, contro-
versial works against the new Arianism in- Poland (collected in Valentini Gentilis Im-
pietatum Brevis Explieatio ed. Th. Beza. Genev., 1567, 4., p. 56 ss.) two letters from ;
;
only kindled the flames.^* The Unitarians united in a church,

which was excluded from the fellowship of the Reformed Church
in 1565 in Petrikow.^^ Their chief seat was at first at Pinczow,
and then at Racow, built in 1569. In Poland they had several
scattered churches, under the protection of the nobility, who fa-
vored them. Among these protectors was the famous Andreas

Dudith.^^ Blandrata went, in 1563, to Transylvania, where he
was physician in ordinary to the King, John Sigismund, whom he
brought over to his doctrines ; and there, in 1571, he procured re-
ligious freedom for his party.^^ Francis Davidis was here their
first superintendent.
As Unitarianisra sprang from many independent individual
opinions, the new church did not at once come to unity in the
faith. With the rejection of infant baptism other Anabaptist pe-
culiarities pressed in and were canvassed ;^^ in the doctrine respect-
Calvin, ad Fratres Polonos, 15G3 (also in his Tractatus Theol. ed. Amstelod., p. 589); from
Josias Simler, professor in Zurich, Jo. Wigand, Alex. Alesius, professor in Leipsick, and
from the Genevese clergy (1565).
'^ The Sj'nod iu Pinczow, April, 1562, decreed (Lubieniecius,
p. 131), ut Ministri ab-
stineant a modis loquendi philosophicis de Trinitate, de essentia, de generatione, de
modo procedendi, quae omnia sint extra verbum Dei sed ut quilibet se contineat intra
;
terminos Prophetarum, Apostolorum et sj-mboli apostolici. A Confessio, probablj' hand-

ed in to this S3-nod bj' Blandrata, has been published by Henke (Opusc. Acad., p. 245),
with a refutation by Flacius. The controvers}-, however, soon broke out again between
Gregorius Pauli, preacher at Cracau, and the violent Trinitarian, Stanisl. Sarnicius,
preacher in a village near Cracau.
-^ Lubieniecius, p. 201. By a royal edict, August 6, 1564, all heretical Italians were
banished from the kingdom (Regenvolscius, p. 222), and then the Unitarians, by a law
of the Diet of Lublin, 1566 (Lubieniecius, p. 194) however, the last was not put into
;
execution, and from 1573 the Unitarians were also protected by the Pax Dissidentiura
(see Div. Note 23).
I., § 15,
'^ Before this Bishop of Tina, and in this capacitj- a member of the Council of Trent
then Bishop of Fiinfkirchen he married in Poland, 1565, and purchased the estate of
;
Smigla, in the voyvode of Posen, the previous possessor of which had also been a pro-
tector of the Unitarians see M. Adelt, Nachricht v. d. ehemaligen Schmieglischen Ari-
;
anismus, Danzig, 1741.

-' Comp. Div. I., § 16, The King was gained chiefl}' by two religious
Notes 19, 20.
colloquies in Stuhlweissenburg, 1566 and 1568, in which Blandrata and Davidis, by their
dexterit}', maintained an ascendency over the Reformed. The proceedings were pub-
lished : those of the first in Clausenburg, 1566 (Sandii Bibl., p. 30) ; those of the second
— Disputatio in causa s. Trinitatis inter novatores D. G. Blandratam caet. et Pastores
ministrosque Ecclesiae Dei catholicae Albae Juliae —habita, Claudiopoli, 1568. 4. —pub-
lished b}^ the Reformed preachers (extracts in Salig's Gesch. d. Augsb. Conf., ii. 855).
In the Gottingen Librarj' is Summa Professionis Doctrinae de uno vero Deo Patre Filio-
que ejus unigenito J. Chr. crucifixo, horum denique Spiritu sancto scripta et edita per —
Ministros Eccl. Claudiopolitanae, Claudiopoli, 1570, a copj- is extant (Mss. theol. thet.,
i. 107 b.). On the objection that the Catholic Trinity is really a quaternity, see Royaards
de Leer der Quaterniteit, Nederl. Archief door Kist en Royaards, ii. 263.
*' AU the Racovians maintained that no Christian could hold any civil office (Sandii
3G4 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I—A.D. 1517-1648.
ing Christ, the subordination ism with which they began was soon
abandoned, and many went over to Ebionitism.^^ The majority,
faith^° which was expressed in the Cate-
however, united in the
chism pubhshed in Cracow in 1574.^^ In 1579 Faustus Soci-
Bibl., p. 45). When Jacob Palaeologus, also a Unitarian, wrote against this, Gregorius
Pauli (1573) defended the doctrine against him (Bock, ii. 801 s.), and (1574) against Stan-
islaus Budzinius (Bock, i. i. 86, and i. ii. G13). Martin. Czechovicius De Vita et Moribus
primitivae Ecclesiae Christi, in the Appendix to his Dialogues, 1575, taught the same, and
also that a Christian could not wear a sword (Sandii Bibl., p. 51). Stanislaus Budzinius
taught a millennial kingdom, and was opposed in this by Gregorius Pauli and Faustus
Socinus (Bock, i. i. 86, and i. ii. 613) cf. Fausti Socini contra Chiliastas ad Synodum
;
Chmielnicensem 1589 (0pp., i. 440) Martinus Czechovicius

epist., dd. 17. Sept., ; is also
here called — acerrimus contrariae sententiae propugnator.
^' Schomanni Testamentum (Sandii Bibl.,
p. 194 s.) ad ann. 1566 Sub id fere tempus :
ex rhapsodiis D. Laelii Socini quidam fratres didicerunt, Dei Filium non esse secundam
Trinitatis personam Patri coesscutialem et coaequalem sed hominem Jesum Christum
:
ex Spiritu Sancto conceptum, ex Virgine Maria natum, crucifixum et resuscitatum a :
quibus nos commoniti sacras literas perscrutari, persuasi sumus. Petrus Gonesius and
Stanisl. Farnovius held, in opposition to this, the older opinion (Note 15), and -svere de-
clared bj' the rest of the Unitarians to be Arians, just as these had before this themselves
been said to be. Between the two parties there were fruitless negotiations at the Sj'nods
of Lankut and Skrzynna, 1567 (Lubieniecius, p. 215 ss.). The latter declared (p. 219 s.) :
Pie et sancte Trinitas retinenda est ea lege, ut fraterna caritas ex praescripto Filii Dei
servetur, et alter alterius infirmitates toleret, nullo vero prorsus modo alter alterum con-
— Interea integrum est
vitiis incessat. per scripta de eo agere, sed ita, ne alter alterum
calumnietur. — Orationes et concioues sacras alii aliorum audire possunt ea cautione si-
cuti orationes peractae fuerint ea forma, quae in verbo Dei est tradita. — Si forte illas
orationes vel conciones audire nolens foras exierit, non est id ei vitio ferendum, quasi
—
vinculum fraternae dilectionis solveret, alter alterius fidei imperare nolens, cum istius
dominus et largitor sit ipse Deus, usquequo is miserit sapientiores Ministros Angelos
sues, tempore suo zizania avulsorus, et a tritico separaturos. Interim nos alii alios non
evellamus, nee laceremus hoc enim Christus noluit permittere Apostolis, tanto minus
:
id nobis permisit. But even this mere external union was not attained. Farnovius
formed in Saudecz, on the Hungarian frontier, a distinct sect (Farnovians), which was,
however, dissolved after his death (he died after 1615 Eegenvolscius, p. 89). Mean-
;
while there was another rupture among the rest of the Unitarians when Francis David-
is,superintendent in Transylvania, rejected invocations to Christ. Blandrata opposed
him, and had Faustus Socinus brought to Transj-lvania in 1578, to induce him to aban-
don his views. As this was unsuccessful, a general S}'nod in Thorda condemned him in
1579; the Prince sentenced him
imprisonment, and he died in prison, 1579
to perpetual
(Davidis' Theses see in Lampe Hist. Ecclesiae Reform, in
and Blandrata's Antitheses,
Hungaria et Transylvania, p. 306 De J. Chr. Invocatione disp. quam F. Socinus per
;
Scripta habuit cum Franc. Davidis anno 1578 et 1579, in F. Socini 0pp., ii. 709). The
doctrine of these Semijudaizantes found also adherents in Poland. Their leader, Simon
Budnaeus (hence called Budnejans), was deposed in 1582, and afterward recanted (San-
dii Bibl., p. 54; Bock, i. i. 80).
^^ Called Racovienses (by F. Socinus, in the Eesponsio pro Racoviensibus ad Jac. Pa-
laeologum, 1581) : hence this Catechism, though printed in Cracow, goes bj' the name
of the First Racovian ; Sandii Bibl., p. 44.
-' Catechesis et Confessio Fidei Coetus per Poloniam congregati in Nomine Jesu
Christi, Domini nostri crucifixi et resuscitati, Cracoviae, 1574. 12.
In Sandii Bibl., p.
44, it is conjectured that it was principallj' drawn up by Gregorius Pauli, senior in Cra-
cow ; more probably it was by George Schomann, then preacher in Cracow Bock, i. ;
;;
nus^" came to Poland. He had been directed in his theological

education by the influence of his uncle Laelius, and from the man-
820. On this veiy rare book, see J. A. Miiller, in Bartliolomai fortges. niitzl. Anmer-
ii.
kungen, xxi. 758 Mosheim, Institutt., p. 815 Baumgarten's Nachrichten, xi. 35. The
; ;
Unitarian superintendent, George Eniedinus (f 1597), wrote an explanation of it (San-

dii Biljl., p. 93). It is divided : I. De Deo et Jesu Christo. II. De justificatione nostri,
III. De disciplina. IV. De orations. V. De baptismo. VI. De Coena Domini. Folio
b. 3. Quid est Est Homo, mediator noster apud Deum, pa-
Jesus Cliristus,filius Dei?
tribus olim per Prophetas promissus, et ultimis tandem temporibus ex Davidis seraine
natus, quern Deus pater fecit Dominum et Christum, hoc est, perfectissimum Prophe-
tam, sanetissimum sacerdotem, iuvictissimum regem, per quern novum mundum crea-
vit, omnia restauravit, secum reconciliavit, pacificavit, et vitam aeternam electis suis
donavit ut in ilium post Deum altissimum credamus, ilium adoremus, invocemus, au-
:
diamus, pro modulo nostro imitemur, et in illo requiem animabus nostris inveniamus.
Folio c. 6. Ubi vero scribitur de ea, quam dicis, nova creatione ? Es. Ixv. 17. Ecce ego
creo coelos novos et terrara novam Es. Ixvi. 22 Ezech. xxxvi. 26. Dabo vobis cor
; ;
novum, et auferam cor lapideum Ps. li. 12. Cor mundum crea in me, Deus, et spiri-
;
tum rectum innova in visceribus meis. Ubi vero scriptum extaf, per Jesum omnia denuo
esse creata, restaurata, reconciliata et j)acijicata ? Jo. i. Onniia per ipsum facta sunt
2 Cor. V. Si quis est in Christo Jesu, nova creatura est, vetera praeterierunt, ecce nova
facta sunt omnia. Then Hebr. i. 2 Hebr. ii. 5
follow, without further explanations : ;
Col. i. Eph. i. 3, 10, ii. 3-18, iv. 22-24. Folio e. 2. Spiritus sanctus est virtus
16-20 ;
Dei, cujus plenitudinem dedit Deus pater Filio suo unigenito, domino nostro, ut nos
adoptivi ex plenitudine ejus acciperemus. Folio e. 5. Quid est justificatio? Est ex
mera gratia Dei per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, sine operibus et meritis nostris,
omnium praeteritorum peccatorum nostrorum in viva fide remissio, vitaeque aeternae
indubitata explicatio, et auxilio Spiritus Dei vitae nostrae non simulata, sed vera cor-
rectio, ad gloriam Dei patris nostri, et aedificationem proximorum nostrorum. Folio i.
6. Baptismus est hominis Evangelio credentis et poenltentiam agentis in nomine Patris
et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, vel in nomine Jesu Christi, in aquam immersio et emersio,
qua publice profitetur se gratia Dei Patris, in sanguine Christi, opera Spiritus Sancti,
ab omnibus peccatis ablutum esse, ut in corpus Christi insertus, mortificet veterem Ada-
mum, et transformetur in Adamum ilium coelestem, certus, se post resurrectionem con-
secuturum esse vitam aeternam. Folio k. 3. Omnes igitur baptizandi verbum Dei audire,
credere, confiteri et pioenitentiam agere debent ? Planissime, referring to Acts viii. 35 ss.
Hebr. vi. 1 s. Gal. iii. 26, 27; Acts viii. 12.

; Sed baptizabant totas familias in fidem
patrumfamilias ? Non. Nam Justus sua fide (non aliena) vivit: Hab. ii., et Act. 16.
Ubi dicuntur baptizasse familias, nonnisi audientes et credentes baptizarimt. Folio k. 6.
Quid est coena Domini ? Est actio sacra, ab ipso Christo domino instituta, in qua pro-
bati discipuli Christi, in coetu sacro ad mensam Domini devote discumbentes, Deo patri
pro ejus in Christo beneficiis ex animo gratias agunt, panem frangentes edunt, et ex
calice Domini bibunt, ad devotam recordationem corporis Christi domini pro nobis in
mortem traditi, et sanguinis ejus effusi in remissionem peccatorum nostrorum, excitan-
tes se invicem ad constantem sub cruce patientiam, et sinceram fraternam dilectionem.
Folio 1. 4. Quomodo aufem Christus hide actioni adest, quum eum oporteat coelo capi us-
que ad tempus restaurationis omnium, Act. iii. ? Adest certissime suis fidelibus, ut pro-
misit, Matth. xxviii. Ecce ego vobiscum sum omnibus diebus usque ad consummationem
saeculi: adest inquam non carnaliter, sed Spiritu suo sancto, ut est Jo. xiv. Rogdbo
Patrem et alium Paracleium dahit vobis, caet.
^2 Vita Fausti Socini Senensis, descripta ab Equite Polono (Sam. Przj-pcovio), 1636.
4. (also prefixed to F. Socini 0pp. Irenopoli, 1656 (2 Tomi fol.), before T. I.). Bock,
Hist. Antitrin., ii. 654-850 Fock, i. 159. Opinion of the Socinians about him :
;
Alta ruit Babj'lon destruxit tecta Lutherus,

:
Muros Calvinus, sed fundamenta Socinus.

3GG FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
had fully imbibed his opinions. He was

uscripts the latter left
not at welcomed by the Unitarians, because he would not
first
allow himself to be rebaptized f^ but by degrees he gained over

their leaders, and through them the churches.^* And thus he
^^ F. Socinus ad Sophiara Siemichoviam (0pp., i. 432) : Quod mihi objicis, me com-
munionem cum fratribus et Christifidelibus spernere, nee curare, ut una cum ipsis coe-
nam Domini quam tamen celebrare ab ipso
celebrem, Domino omnes jubemur
respon- :
deo, me, postquam Poloniam veni, nihil antiquius habuisse, quam ut me quam max-
in
ime cum fratribus conjungerem, licet invenissem illos in non paucis religionis nostrae
capitibus a me diversum sentire. —
Quod si nihilominus aquae baptismum una cum illis
non accipio, hoc propterea fit, quia. id bona conscientia facere nequeo, nisi publice antea
protester, me, non quod censeam baptismum aquae mihi meique similibus ullo modo
necessarium esse, sed ut cum fratribus arctius conjungar, id facturum esse id quod :
fratres nullo pacto mihi concedere volunt. —

Cum mihi aquae baptismus non videatur
necessarius iis, qui ex Christianis, i. e., Christum profitentibus nascuntur, et in ea pror
fessione parentes imitantur, atque ita nihil revera referre arbitrer, nisi propter scanda-
lum, utrum isti necne, et an potius adulti, quam infantes baptizentur: propterea non
diffiteor, me circa infantium baptismum haud difficilem futurum, si contingeret, Eccle-
siae aedificationem sic postulare,illumque citra omne scancalum dari posse. Cf. Ejus-
dem ad Sim. Ronembergium (1. c, p. 429), where he especiallj' directs attention
epist.
to the external disadvantages accruing to the Church on account of the general hatred
of Anabaptist opinions.
^* Przj'pcovius, 1. c. —
migravit in Poloniam, nbi Ecclesiis Polonicis, quae solum pa-
trem Domini Jesu summum Deum agnoscunt, publice adjungi ambivit. Sed cum dis-
seusiouem in quibusdam dogmatis non premeret, satis acerbe atque diu repulsam passus
est. Qua tamen ignominia minime accensus, vir, non tam indole, quam animi institute
ad patientiam compositus, nulla unquam alienati animi vestigia dedit. Quin potius im-
pressionem variorum hostium, a quibus tunc illae Ecclesiae vexabantur, suo sibi inge-
nio sumpsit propulsandara. These controversial writings are named, and the fatalities
which befell him. In tot malis solatium a negotio petit, quod sibi repurgandis qui turn
in Ecclesia vigebant erroribus divinitus datum sentiebat. Quanquam igitur antea
quoque Ecclesiasticos conventus frequentare solitus, anno tamen 1588, in Brescensi S}'-
—
nodo majore quam antea conatu atque fructu de morte et sacrificio Christi, de justifi-
catione nostra, de corrupta hominis natura, denique cum Davidianis et Budneistis de
Jesu Christi iuvocatione disputavit. Hie fuit annus, quo primum Luclaviciani coetus
—
cura atque provincia mandata est Petro Stoinio. Is non minus judicio acer, quam prom-
tus eloquio, postquam Socini amicitiae copia facta est, in sententiam ejus libenter con-
cessit. Paulo ante quoque non paucos e praecipuis privatim in suam sententiam per-
traxerat, et sufFragantium sibi non exigua indies fiebat accessio. Refragabantur tamen
adhuc viri maximae auctoritatis, Nemojevius ac Czechovicius, et plerique e Ministris
natu niajoribus. —Jamque et alii certatim e pastorum ordine partibus addebantur, prae-
sertim e junioribus, quos minus morabatur inveteratae opinionis atque auctoritatis prae-
—
judicium. In magno sententiarum dissensu laudabilis haec fuit illius Ecclesiae Concor-
dia, quod tantum opinionibus, non etiam odiis homines illi pugnaverint, et cum alii alio-
rum sententias detestarentur, sese tamen mutuo minime damnarent. Itaque iutegra
utrinque tolerantia saepius acriter disceptabant, atque hoc fuit praecipuum illarum Sj"-
—
nodorum negotium. Repurgata sic plene ab erroribus Ecclesia, veluti ad unam earn
rem hucusque vita producta, (Socinus) non tam immature sibi, quam luctuoso suis fato
eripitur Luclaviciis, exeunte bruma, anno aetatis quinto ultra sexagesimum. Ultima
morientis vox excepta, se non magis aevi, quam invidiae et molestiarum saturum, laeta
atque intrepida spe propendere in supremum ilium fati sui articulum, qui missionem ab
aeruranis simul et laborum stipendium ostenderet. —
Nemo mcmoria nostra de toto chris-
tiano orbe, sed inprimis de Ecclesiis Polonicis melius meruit. Primum enim genuinam
sacrarum literarum mentem tot editis lucubrationibus, innumeris in locis, aperuit. Dein-
transformed the Polish Unitarians into Socinians. Their doctrinal

views were expressed in the Racovian Catechism, 1605,^^ pub-
lished just after his decease in 1604.^^
de sententias de Dei atque Christi persona, quas jam in Polonia vigentes deprehenderat,
solidis argumentis contirmari, et a subtilibus cavillis atque sophismatis perite defendi
unus egregie docuit. Mox quasdara impias, alias profanas sententias, quarum exitia-
bile virus furtim in Ecclesiae gremiura irrepebat, felicissime exstinxit. Nemo acrius
Judaizautes repressit idem Ciiiliastarum opinionem, idem multa praeterea alia fauatica
:
somnia explosit. Errores autem, qui a reformatis Ecclesiis hausti magno adhuc numero
in ea Ecclesia regnabant, mira felicitate exstirpavit. Talia erant de justificatione, de
placanda justitia Dei, de praedestinatione, de servitute arbitrii, de peccato originis, de
coena quoque Domini, de baptismo, et alia sinistre intellecta dogmata. Denique subla-
tis perniciosis erroribus, ne quid ineptiarum quoque in Ecclesia relinqueret, superstitiones
plurimas circa res indifterentes exterminavit. Ex hoc genere fuit nimia vilis vestitus
ambitio, deinde capessendi magistratus, aut etiam citra vindictae studium sui juris perse-
quendi religio, et si quos similes naevos primi fervoris inconsideratior zelus asperserat.
^^ Its authors were theRacow preachers, Peter Statorius or Stoinius, who died in 1605,
while it was being drawn up, and Valent. Smalcius, the magnate Hieron. Moscorovius,
and the rector in Wengrow, aftei-ward pastor in Smigla, Joh. Volkelius (Bock, i. ii. 847).
It was first published in Polish (1605), 12mo. (Sandii Bibl., p. 100), then translated into
Latin bj' Moscorovius Catechesis Ecclesiarum, quae in Regno Poloniae et magno Ducatu
:
—
Lithuaniae affirmant, neminem alium praeter Patrem Domini nostri J. Chr. esse ilium
unum Deum Israelis, hominem autem ilium Jesum Nazarenum, qui ex virgine natus est,
nee alium, praeter aut ante ipsum, Dei filium unigenitum et agnoscunt et confitentur.
Racoviae, 1609. 12. (reprinted in G. L. Oederi Catechesis Racoviensis s. liber Socinia-
norum primarius. Francof. et Lips., 1739. 8.). The new edition, Irenopoli post annum
Dom. 1659. (i. e., 1665) 8., was revised by Joh. Crell and Jonas Schlichting, and enlarged
more than one half. Smalcius published in 1008 a German translation from the Polish,
which deviates in slight particulars from the Latin of Moscorovius. J. A. Schmid progr.
de Catechesi Racovietisi. Helmst., 1704. 4. Fock, i. 183. [The Racovian Catechism,
;
with Notes and Illustrations, transl. from the Latin, etc. By Thomas Rees. Lond., 1818.]
^* Catechesis Racov. I. De Scriptura sacra, p. 1 Religio Christiana est via patefacta
:
divinitus, vitam aeternam consequendi. (Cf. F. Socini Lectiones Sacrae, 0pp. i. 290:
Christiana religio non humanae ex voluntate Dei
ration! ullo pacto innititur, sed tota
pendet, et ex ipsius patefactione. Ejusdem, Brevissima Institutio Christianae Religio-
nis, 0pp., i. 675 Nihil verisimilius et verbis ipsius Christi magis consentaneum est,
:
quam ipsum Christum, postquam natus est homo, et antequam munus sibi a Deo patre
suo dcmandatum obire inciperet, in coelo, divino consilio atque opera fuisse, et aliquam-
diu ibi commoratum esse, ut ilia ab ipso Deo audiret et praesens apud ipsum, ut ipsa
Scriptura loquitur, videret, quae mundo mox annunciaturus et patefacturus ipsius Dei
nomine erat.)De via salutis, p. 18 Ut homo natura nihil habet commune cum im-
II. :
mortalitate, ita eam ipse viam, quae nos ad immortalitatem duceret, nulla ratione per se
cognoscere potuit. III. De cognitione Dei. p. 34 Vox Deus duobus potissimum modis
:
in Scripturis usurpatur. Prior est, cum designat ilium, qui — ita omnium auctor est et
principium, ut a nemine dependeat. Posterior modus est, cum eum denotat, qui potesta-
tem aliquam sublimem ab uno illo Deo habet, aut deitatis unius illius Dei aliqua ratione
particeps est. Etenim in Scripturis propterea Deus ille unus Deus Deorum vocatur (Ps.
1. 1). Atque ea quidem posteriore ratione Filius Dei vocatur Deus in quibusdam Scrip-
turae locis (comp. Joh. x. 35, 36). IV. De cognitione Christi, p. 47 : Christ is —natura
—
homo verus, but not purus homo. Etenim est conceptus e Spiritu sancto, natus ex Ma-
ria virgine,eoque ab ipsa conceptione et ortu fdius Dei est. (F. Socini Breviss. Instit.,
0pp., i. 654 Quanquam istud ipsum, quod Christus ea ratione, qua dixi conceptus ac
:
formatus fuerit, et proprii atque unigeniti Filii Dei appellatione continetur, proprie lo-
quendo ad ipsius Christi essentiam referri non debet alioquin sequeretur, aliam esse
: —
Although the Unitarians in Transylvania, where they always

enjoyed a recognized religious freedom, had to make a public dec-
humanam Christ! naturam, aliam nostram. P. 6o5: Christum Dei f.lium proprium et
unigenitum esse, quia ex ipsius Dei substantia sit generatus, istud merum est bumanum
commentum.) P. 103: Aequalitas Christi cum Deo in eo est, quod ea virtute, quam
in eum
contulit Deus, ea omnia effecerit et efficiat quae ipsius Dei sunt, tanquara Deus
ipse. V. De prophetico J. Ckr. munere. Cap. i. De praeceptis Christi, quae legi addi- :
dit. P. 145 Quid Dominus Jesus praecepto prima addidit ? Id quod etiam Domiuum
:
Jesum pro Deo agnoscere tenemur, i. e., pro eo, qui in nos potestatem habet divinam, et
cui nos divinum exhibere honorem obstricti sumus. In quo is honor divinus Christo de-
bitus consistit ? quod quemadmodum adoratione divina eum prosequi tenemur,
In eo,
ita in omnibus necessitatibus nostris ejus opem implorare possumus. Adoramus vero
eum propter ipsius sublimem majestatem imploramus opem ipsius propter sublimem et :
divinam ejus potestatem. Cap. ii. De praeceptis Christi sigillatim ah eo traditis. Cap.
:
iii. De coena Domini, p, 187 Est Christi Domini institutum, ut fideles ipsius panem
: :
frangant et comedant, et ex calice bibant, mortis ipsius annunciandi causa, quod perma-
nere in adventum ipsius oportet. Quid vero est annunciare mortem Domini.' Est pub-
lice ac sacrosancte Christo gratias agere, quod is pro ineffabili sua erga nos caritate cor-
pus suum torqueri, et quodammodo frangi, et sanguinem fundi passus sit, et hoc ipsius
beneficium laudibus tollere et celebrare. —Xonne alia causa, oti quam Coenam instituit
Dominus, superest .' homines multas excogitarint, cum alii dicant,
Nulla prorsus : etsi
esse sacrificium pro vivis et mortuis, alii usu ipsius se consequi peccatorum remissionem
et firmare lidem sperent. Cap. iv. De baptismo aquae, p. 195 Quid vero sentis de
: :
aquae baptismo ? Id, quod sit ritus exterior, quo homines vel e Judaismo, vel e Genti-
lismo ad religionem christianam accedentes, manifests profitebantur, se Christum pro
suo Domino agnoscere. Num ergo ad eum ritum infantes pertinent ? Nullo pacto.
Xam nee in Scripturis ullum mandatum aut exemplum ea de re habemus, neque ipsi (ut
res ipsa indicat) Christum pro suo servatore agnoscere per aetatem possunt. Quid vero
de lis sentiendum est, qui infantes baptizant ? Quautumvis hac in re errent, non licet
tamen ideo eos condemnare, modo alioquin indololatrae non sint, sed pie secundum
Christi praecepta vivant, et alios sententiam ipsorum repudiantes non persequantur.
Non consistit enim regnum Dei in hujusmodi externis, sed in justitia, pace et gaudio in
Spiritu sancto. Cap. v. : De De promisso Spiritus
p>romisso vitae aeternae.
vi. Cap. :
sancti. Cap. vii. : De Cap. viii. De morte Christi.

conjirmatione divinae voluntatis. :
Christ must suffer and die, p. 220 Eo quod ab ipso servandi iisdem afBictionibus et morti
:
—
ejusmodi plerumque sunt obnoxii. Then Qua ratione Chi'istus suo ipsius exemplo cre-
dentes ad persistendum in ilia singulari pietate et innocentia, sine qua servari nequeunt,
movere potuisset, nisi atrocem mortem, quae pietatem facile comitari solet, gustasset?
aut qm curam suorum in tentationibus et periculis, iisque ab omnibus mails liberandis,
tantam gerere potuisset, nisi, quantopere graves et naturae humanae per se intolerabiles
essent, ipse expertus esset ? Besides, p. 223 Mors Christi nos manifesto de ingenti in:
nos Dei caritate certos reddidit —

resurrectione Christi de resurrectione nostra, et porro
:
—
vita aeterna consequenda certiores facti sumus, Domini Jesu paremus. P. si praeceptis
227 : Nonne Nulla prorsus. Etsi nunc vul-
est etiam aliqua alia mortis Christi causa ?
ô Christian! sentiunt, Christum morte sua nobis salutem meruisse, et pro peccatis nos-
tris plenarie salisfecisse, quae sententia fallax est, et erronea, et admodum perniciosa.
(F. Socini Breviss. Instit., 0pp. i., 676 Christi obedientia usque ad mortem crucis, ejus-
:
—
que sanguinis fasio, quamvis nee suo pretio, neque ipsae per se effecerint, ut veniam
peccatorum nostrorum adepti simus, illis tamen peractis ex decreto et benignitate Dei
factum est, ut nos a poenis peccatorum liberati simus. Christus enim per istam obe- —
dientiam et sanguinis sui fusionem, plenissimam potestatem ab ipso Deo est consecutus
salutem reipsa nobis dandi, et ab omni miseria atque ab interitu, quae propriae peccato-
rum sunt poenae, nos penitus -liberandi.) Cap. ix. De fide, p. 240. Quae tides est, :
quam necessario consequitur salus ? Est fiducia per Christum in Deum. Dnde appa-
laration in favor of the adoration of Christ, yet the party of Non

Adorantes, which was started by Francis Davidis, continued to
ret, earn in Christum fidetn duo comprehendere unum, ut non solum Deo, verum et
:
Christo confidamus ; deinde, ut Deo obtemperemus non in iis solum, quae in lege per
Mosen lata praecepit, et per Christum abrogata non sunt, verum etiam in iis omnibus,
quae Christus legi addidit. Cap. x. De libera arbitrio,
: Estne id situm in nos-
p. 249 :
tra potestate, ut ad eum modum Deo obtemperemus Etenim certum est,

.' Prorsus.
primuni hominem ita a Deo conditum fuisse, ut libero arbitrio praeditus esset, nee vero
ulla causa subest, cur Deus post ejus lapsum ilium eo privaret ac neque justitia Dei :
admittit, nee etiam inter poenas, quibus Adae peccatum punivit Deus, ejusmodi poenae
ulla mentio extat. —
Peccatum originis nullum prorsus est et lapsus Adae, cum unus
:
—
actus fuerit, vim eam, quae depravare ipsam naturam Adami, multo minus vero poste-
rorum ipsius posset, habere non potuit. P. 252 : Communiter in hominibus natura exi-
guae adniodum sunt vires ad ea, quae Deus ab illis requirit, perficiendum at voluntas :
ad ea perficiendum omnibus adest natura. Nihilominus tamen eae vires non ita prorsus
exiguae sunt, ut homo, si vim sibi facere velit, divino auxilio accedente, non possit vo-
luntati divinae obsecundare. Auxilium vero suum nemini Deus prorsus denegat ex iis,
quibus voluntatem suam patefecit: alioquin Deus nee castigare, neque punire juste con-
—
tumaces posset, quod tamen utrumque facit. Auxilium divinum istud duplex est, inte-
rius et exterius. —
Aux. interius est, cum Deus in cordibus eorum, qui ipsi obediunt, quod
promisit, obsignat. Cap. xi. De justificatione, p. 270 Per fidem in Christum conse-
: :
—
quimur justificationem. Justificatio est, cum nos Deus pro justis habet, quod ea ratione
facit, cum nobis et peccata remittit, et nos vita aeterna donat. VI. De officio Ckrisii —
regio, p. 274 Quae ipsius regni est ratio ? Ea, quod Deus eum suscitatum a mortuis,
:
et in coelos assumptum a dextris suis coUocavit, ei potestate in coelis et in terra omni

data, et omnibus ipsius pedibus, se excepto, subjectis, ut fideles suos gubernare, tueri, et
aeternum servare possit. (F. Socini Brevissima Institutio, 0pp., i. 668 Necesse est, :
omne istud judicium, quod sibi a Patre datum fuisse Christus ait, esse omnium ad ip- —
sius Christi regnum quovis modo pertinentium hominum —
gubernationem cum surama
potestate atque imperio conjunctam, et qualem ipse Pater habet, qui nunc eam non ex —
sua persona seu per se ipsum, sed ex persona Christi, et per Christum exercet. P. 669:
—
Est enim Christus Patri subordinatus, cum omnem suam potestatem ab illo acceperit,
eamque pro eo exerceat, atque una cum ipsa totus perpetuo ab illo pendeat ita ut ne- ;
—
cesse sit, quidquid hac subordinatione inspecta a Christo petitur, id eadem opera a Pa-
tre peti.) —VII. De miinere Christi sacerdotali, p. 285 Munus sacerdotale in eo situm
:
est, quod, quemadmodum pro regio munere potest nobis in omnibus nostris necessitati-
bus subvenire : ita pro munere sacerdotali subvenire vult, ac porro subvenit. Atque
haec illius subveniendi seu opis afferendae ratio sacrificium ejus appellatur. Quare haec
ejus opis afferendae ratio sacrificium vocatur ? Vocatur ita figurato loquendi modo,
quod, quemadmodum in prisco foedere summus Pontifex, ingressus in sancta sancto-
rum, ea, quae ad expianda peccata populi spectarent, perficiebat, ita Christus nunc pe-
netravit coelos, ut illic Deo appareat pro nobis, et omnia ad expiationem peccatorum
nostrorum spectantia peragat. Quid porro est peccatorum expiatio ? Est a poenis,
quae peccata turn temporariae turn aeternae comitantur, et ab ipsis etiam peccatis, ne
eis serviamus, liberatio. Qui expiationem peccatorum nostrorum Jesus in coelis pera-
git ? Primum a peccatorum poenis nos liberal, dum virtute et potestate, quam a Patre
plenam et absolutam consecutus est, perpetuo nos tuetur, et iram Dei, quae in impios
effundi consuevit, interventu suo quodammodo a nobis arcet : quod Scriptura exprimit,
dum ait, eum pro nobis interpellare. Deinde ab ipsorum peccatorum servitute nos libe-
rat, dum eadem potestate ab omni flagitiorum genere nos retrahit et avocat id vero in :
sua ipsius persona nobis ostendendo, quid consequatur is qui a peccando desistit; vel
etiam alia ratione nos hortando et monendo, nobis opem ferendo, ac interdum puniendo,
—
a peccati jugo exsolvit. VIII. De Ecclesia Christi. Cap. i. De Eccl. visibili. Cap. :
ii. : De regimine et gubernatione Ecclesiae Christi. Cap. iii. De disciplina Eccl, Chris-
:
voL. IV. —24

exist until 1638.^^ The danger that threatened them from the
Jesuits soon passed away f^ but that dissension had the effect
of leading many Unitarians into the Reformed Church, under the
reign of the Reformed prince, George Rakoczi.^^ The doctrine
of the Adorantes was substantially Socinian hut yet the Raco- ;
vian Catechism was not introduced, and the name of Socinians

was constantly declined .*°
The Socinians of Poland were indebted to the nobility for the
protection they enjoyed and they maintained their influence with
;
them by a high degree which was specially fostered by

of culture,
the Grymnasium, founded in Racow, 1602.^^ The schools of the
Jesuits in rivalry with it acquired increased influence, and at last
the hatred of the Jesuit party succeeded in demolishing it, and
tl. Cap. iv. : De Ecclesia Christi invisibill. Comp. Ziegler's Darstelliing des eigen-
thiimlichen Lehrbegriffs des Faustus Socinus, in Ilenke's Xeues Magazin, iv. ii. 201.
Zerrenner's Neuer Versuch zur Bestimmung der dogmat. Grundlelireii von Offenbariing
und heil. Schrift nach dem Sj'steme der Socinianischen Unitarier Jena, 1820. Baur's ;
Lehre von der Dreieinigkeit in ihrer geschichtl. Entwickelung, iii. 104. Fock's Socinia-
nismus, ii. 289. The most important doctrinal text-book of the Socinians, published at
the expense of the church, is Jo. Volkelii De Vera Eeligione libri v., quibus praefixus
est Jo. Crellii lib. de Deo et ejus attributis, ita ut unum cum illis opus constituat Ea- ;
coviae, 1630. 4. (recus. Amstelod., 1642. 4.).

^' On the history of the Unitarians in Transylvania, which very imperfectly is still
known, see Petri Bod de Felso-Tsematon Lugd. Bat.,

Hist. Uuitariorum in Transylvania.
1776. Walch's neueste Eeligionsgeschichte, v. 173 vii. 34.5. Staudlin ini Archiv f. altc
;
und neue Kirchengeschichte, iv. i. 149. Davidis, in 1579, was succeeded as superin-
tendent by Demetr. Hunj-adi, who declared in favor of the worship of Christ in a Con-
fession (in Walch, v. 182), and published a —
Scriptum, quo Paedobaptismus, etc., ab Ec-
clesia inteniiissa recipi et observari jubentur; see Scriptum fratrum Transylvanorum, in
the Defensio Franc. Davidis in negotio de non invocando J. C. in prccibus. Basil, 1581.
8., p. 277. The third superintendent, from 1592, George Enjêdin, favored the Non Ad-
orantes OValch, V. 184), against whom, however, meanwhile. Prince George Rakotzi
began to put the old laws into strict execution, 1638 (Walch, v. 188 Fock, i. 258). ;
=8 Supra, Div. I.,

§ 16, Note 23.
^' So among the Szeklers more than 60 churches (Archiv fur Kirchengeschichte, iv. i.
154), particularly the Non

Adorantes, Walch, v. 189, and nobles, Walch, vii. 351.
** Their doctrinal system is unfolded in Summa Universae Theologiae Christianae se-
cundum Unitarios, Claudiopoli, 1787. 8. (from the papers left bj- superintendent Michael
Lombard Sz. Abrahami, hj George Markos, professor of theologj- iu Clau-
f 1758, edited
seuburg; see Archiv f. 86; iv. 1, 155). Extracts by Rosenmiiller, in
Kircheng., i. 1,
Staudlin's und Tzschirner's Archiv f. Kircheng., i. i. 83. Here baptism and the Lord's
Supper appear as Sacramenta (which expression Socinus rejected), i. e., as mutuae inter
Deum ac homines sacrae confoederationis tesserae non enim sunt tantum testimonia
:
obedientiae christianae, sed etiam gratiae divinae in nos collatae et conferendae signa,
vim significandi non a natura, sed ex institutione Dei et Christi habentia. Baptism, as
the rite of consecration, is binding on all, and infant baptism is to be retained, though
itcan not bg proved from the New Testament ; Fock, i. 261.

*' Lubieniecius,
p. 239 Vita A. Wissowatii at the end of Sandii Bibl., p. 229; Kra-
;
sinski Gesch. der Reform, in Polen, s. 318 Fock, i. 214. ;

1
;
CHAP, rv.—MINOR PARTIES. § 32. MENNONITES. 37
expelling the Socinians from Racow, 1638.''^ Then began the per-
secutions, which ended in their total expulsion from Poland, 1658.''^
The refugees found complete toleration only among their co-relig-
ionists in and in the Mark they were
Transylvania ; in Prussia
treated with such forbearance that a few poor remnants survived.**
In Holland full freedom was conceded to individuals, but no
church was allowed to be gathered many of them here joined :
the Mennonites and the Remonstrants.*^
§ 32.
THE MENNONITES,
J. H. Annales Anabaptistici Basil, 1672. 4. Griindliche Historic von den Bege-
Ottii ; —
beiiheiten, Streitigkeiten, iind Trennungen, so unter den Taufgesinnten bis 1615 vor-
gegangen (from the Dutch of C. van Gent), bj' J. Chr. Jehring, Jena, 1720. H. Schyn —
Hist. Christianoriim, qui in Belgio foederato Mennonitae appellantur, Amstelod., 1723.
Ejusd. Histcriae Mennonitarum plenior deductio, Amstel., 1729. J. A. Stark's Gesch. —
d. Taufe u. Taufgesinnten, Leipzig, 1789. G. L. v. Reiswitz u. Fr. Wadzeck Glau- —
bensbekenntniss der Mennoniten u. Nachricht von ihren Colonieen nebst Lebensbe-
schreib. Menno Simonis, 2ter Theil Berlin, 1824. Reiswitz Beitriige zur Kenntniss
;
der Mennoniten Breslau, 1829.

;
[Gobel d. Rhein. Westph. Kircho. Brandt's Ref. in Holland. A. M. Cramer, Het Leven,
von Menno Sim., Amstd., 1837. C. Harder, Leben Menno Simons, Konigsb., 1846.
B. K. Roosen, Menno Sim., Leipz., 1848. D. S. Gorter, Onderzoek naar ket Kenmer-
kend beginsel der Nederl. Doopsgezindeu Sneek, 1850. Comp. J. J. van Osterzece ;
in Herzog's Real-encj'clopiidie, Bd. ix. Th. de Bussiere Les Anabaptistes, Paris, 1853.]
Among the Anabaptists there had always been a part striving

to live strictly according to the Grospel, without putting forth fa-
natical pretensions to extraordinary spiritual gifts, or attempting

to revolutionize existing relations.^ It was only, however, after
*- Vita Wissowatii, 1. c, p. 233 ; Krasinski, s. 321 ; Fock, i. 220.

*' Thej' were accused of treason in the war with Sweden ; also in the work, Prodi-
tiones Ariauorum patriae suae Poloniae sub tempus belli Suecici, 1657. 4. In replj'
Stanisl. Lubieniecius wrote Memoriale in causa Fratrum Unitariorum. Stetini, 1659.
(MS., see Bock, i. i. 455 s.) So, too, Sam. Przj'pkovius Vindiciae pro Unitariorum in
Polonia religionis libertate (reprinted at the end of Sandii Bibl., p. 2G7 cf. Bock, i. ii. ;
699). Lubieniecius, p. 293 ; .Vita Wissowatii, p. 248 ; Schrockh's Kirchengesch. s. d.

Ref., ix. 427 ; Krasinski, s. 323 ; Fock, ii. 226.
** Rambach's Religionsstreitigkeiten mit den Socinianern, s. 190 Schrockh, ix. 443
;
Fock, ii. 234, 251.

Rambach, s. 177 Fock, i. 242.
** ;
Sebastian Franck's Chronik, 1536, fol. f. 448 a. [The substance is, that a Christian
1
is one who lives no longer after the flesh, nor seeks aught on earth to whom life and ;
death are the same who when struck strikes not again who loves his enemies ; who
; ;
never seeks his own bj' force ;who gives what everj^ one asks, takes no oath, bears no
weapons, and has naught in common with the world.] Etliche. unter ihnen wollen, es
sei so ein heiliges, einfaltiges, unstrafliches, abgestorbenes, vollkommenes Ding um einen
Christen, also dass er nach dem Fleisch nimmer lebe, noch das auf Erden sey suchen
the disturbances at Miinster^ that Menno Simons came forward,

1536, to give a form of government and order to the dispersed.^
He had previously been a CathoHc pastor at Witmarsum, near
Franeker, and by the reading of the Scriptures and the writings
of the Reformers had attained the same stand-point with the Ana-
baptists. By unwearied activity, and in constant peril of life, he
had succeeded in founding churches,* especially in the Nether-
lands, and then in many of the cities on the coast of Northern
Germany and Prussia. He ended his life, spent in constant dan-
ger, in Fresenburg, near Oldesloe, in Holstein, June 13, 1561.
The distinguishing characteristic of the Mennonites {Doopsge-
zindenY consisted in this, that they tried simply and strictly to
moge. Desshalb soil und moge ein Christ der Welt nicht mehr leben, nichts Weltliches
mehr achten. dem gleich gelte sterben als leben, ja dem diess Leben eine Langweile
sey . der aller Ding gelassen steh', geschlagen nicht wieder schlage, der sogar verlaug-
net sein selbst nicht mehr sey, dass er alien Creaturen •yvidersagt hab, dass er nichts
mehr nach dem Fleische kenne, der Sterben fiir einen Gewinn achtet, Eeichthum fiir
Koth, ja der Welt Freud, Wollust, Ehre, Leben fiir Leid, Unlust, Schande und Tod ach-
tet, —
der liebe seinen Feind, benedeit die, die ihn vermaledeien, der aller Ding in alien
Dingen Gott frei ledig und gelassen in freiem Sabbath stehe, in dem Gott allezeit seinen
Platz und Werk moge haben, der willig und gem Gewalt leide, das Seine mit Gewalt
genommen nicht wieder fordere, der Jedermann gebe und leihe, wer bittet und fordert,
und nichts dafiir hofFe, der aller Ding nicht schwore, nicht vor Gericht handle, nicht
kriege, keine WafFen trage, der kein weltlich Herrschaft, Zins oder Knecht moge haben,
der aller Ding als ein gestorbener Mensch einhergehe ohne alien Geschmuck, der nichts
Eigenes moge haben und nichts mit der Welt gemein, als Gastung, Freudenmal, Han-
del, Zunft, Gesellschaft, Wirthschaft, Hochzeit, Tiinze, ii. s. w.
The Miinster projects were disapproved by Ubbo Philipps, Avho was a Catholic priest
^
in Leeuwarden (1534), and had become one of the leaders of the Anabaptists, and had
consecrated David Joris (§ 30, Note 9), Menno Simons, and his brother Dirk Philipps
(Schyn, ii. 185) as ministers of the sect : this he declares himself in his confession written
after he had gone over Reformed Church. See this in Jehring, s. 216. Gerde-
to the
sii Hist. Reform, iii. 112. Menno, too, often speaks verj' strongl)' against the Miinster
disturbances compare his work, Tegen Jan van Lej'den, 0pp., p. 1165.
;
^ On his life, see Jo. Molleri Cimbria Literata, ii. 835. M. M. Cramer het Leven en
de Ven-igtingeu van Menno Simons, Amst., 1837. Menno Sj'mons geschildert von B. K.
Eoosen, menn. Prediger, Leipzig, 1848. He has himself described his exodus from the
papacy in the Claren Beantwoordinge over eene Schrift Gellii Fabri, 1552, 0pp., p. 470;
Latin bj- Schyn, ii. 119 ; German bj' Gittermann, in Staudlin's u. Tzschirner's Archiv f.
Kirchengesch., ii. i. 102, andin Von Reiswitz u. Wadzeck, i. 49. —
Opera Menno Symons
ofte groot Vergaderingh van sijne Boecken en Schriften, 1646. 4. (in this
Sommarie dat is
collected edition, however, much has been changed see Ottius, p. 97). ;
* His journeys and the different places where he stopped can not be exactly pointed
out. First he staid in West Friesland, until he was declared an outlaw by an edict, 1543,
(Ottius, p. 100). Then he was a longer time in Emden (Ubbo Emmius in Historia Fris.,
p. 921), later in Liibeck and Wismar; see Molleri Cimbria literata, p. 837. The Re-
formed preacher in Emden, Martin Micronius, writes, 1556, to BuUinger Mennonis reg- :
num latissime in hisce omnibus maritimis regionibus patet, ab extremis Flandriae oris
Dantiscum usque (Ottius, p. 125).
^ On the origin of these names, which first came up after 1570, see Jaarboekje voorde
CHAP. IV.—MINOR PARTIES. § 32. MENNONITES. 373
lay hold with a believing heart upon all the doctrines and precepts
of the Scripture, and to carry them out in life.^ They did not ac-
cept any Confession of Faith,' and ascribed no worth to scientific
expositions of the doctrinal system.^ Accordingly, they rejected
doopsgezinde Gemeenten in de Nederlanden, Amst., 1837, p. 39. In Menno's works the

onlj' designations aresuch as Gemeente Gods, ellendige, weerloze Chris tenen, broeders, etc.
* Menno describes in his work. Van het rechte Christen geloove, 1556
(0pp., p. 154),
the faith of the Papists, that of the Lutherans (they teach, dat ons het geloobe alleen
salich maeckt, oock sonder eenighe toedoen der wercken. Hence there is among them
so wild a life, dat men onder de Turcken ende Tartaeren (vermoede ick) naenwe soo een
godtloos leelijck leben vinden sal), and the faith of the Engelschen oft Zwingelschen
(thej- believe, dattertwee Sonen in Christo sijn, Son of God without mother, Mary's
Son without Father). On the other hand, p. 158 Wy leeren ende gelooven, ende dat
:
met kragt ende gewelt der gantscher schrift, als dat de geheele Christus Jesus van bo-
ven tot beneden, van binnen ende van buyten, sienlijck ende onsienlijck Godts eerste-
geborene ende eenglieborene e3'gen Sone is, het onbevindelijck eeuwighe woort daer alle
dingen door gescbapen sijn, de eestgeborne aller Creatueren, een waerachtich mensch,
door des Almachtigen eeuwighen Vaders eeuwige geest ende stercker kracht boven alder
menschen begrijp ende wetenschap in Maria de reyne Jonckvrouwe geworden, our Mes-
siah, Prophet, Teacher, and High-priest, die ons sijns Vaders goede wille ende welbe-
hagen geleert heeft, ons als een onstraffelijck voorbeelt voorgewandelt heeft, ende heeft
also hem selven voor onse sonden in het cruj^s den vader tot eenen soeten reuck vrj-wil-
lichlijck henen gegeven, door den welcken wy al te saraen hebben (die dat metter her-
ten gelooven) quytscheldinghe onser sonden, genade, gonste, barmherticheyt, vrj-heyt,
vrede, dat eeuwige leven, een versoende vader, ende eenen vrj-en toeganck tot Godt in
den Geest. Ende dit alle door sijn verdiensten, gerechtighej-t, voorbidden ende bloet,
ende niet door ouse wercken eeuwelijck. Alle die dit aldus voor gewis ende waerachtig
metter herten konnen gelooven, ende sijn door het woort in haeren geest besegelt, also-
danige worden in den inwendigen mensche verandert, ontfanghen des Heeren vreese
ende liefde, baren uyt haer geloobe de gerechtigheyt, vrucht, kracht, een onbestraffe-
liick leven, ende nieuwe wesen (that is, essentiallj' the despised Lutheran doctrine).
P. 160 Siet, so moet men metter herten gelooven, als Paulus seyt, dat is, wy moeten
:
soo aen't woordt hangen ende kleben, so aennemen ende indrucken, dat wj' ons daer
nimmermeer van af en keeren, noch afkeeren en laten, dan dattet in't herte noch al die-
per ende dieper altijt inwortelt, op dat \vj door sijn kracht Godt uyt alien onsen vermo-
gen vreesen, ende onse sonden recht boeten mogen. Want de hertgrondelijcke ongever-
wede vreese drijft de sonden iij't, ende is onmogelijck sonder Godts vreese rechtveerdich
te worden. P. 167 Dat rechte Evangelische geloove siet ende achtet alleene op Chris-
:
tus leere, Ceremonien, gebod, verbod, ende onbestraffelijck voorbeelt, ende schickt hem
daer na ujt alle sijn vermogen. P. 128 De almachtige groote Heere en wil hem met
:
geen bloote namen laten te vreden stellen, maer hy wil een waerachtich vruchtbaer go-
loove, een ongeverwede vierige liefde, een nieu omgekeert verandert herte, een waer-
achtige ootmoedichej-t, bermhertichej-t, kuj'sheyt, lijtsaemhe}-!, gerechtichej-t ende
vrede h3' wil den geheelen mensch, hert, mont ende daet, die sijne lust in des Heeren
:
woort heeft, die de waerhej-t van herten spreect, die ziin vlees cru5'st, en die sijn goet
en bloet (alst de noot eysoht) gewillichlic voor des Heeren woort stelt.
' On their old Confession of Faith, see
Schyn, ii. 78. The oldest, 1580, is by John Ris,
preacher of the Waterlanders in Alcmar (Schyn, ii. 279), and Lubbert Gerard, in Latin
in Schyn, i. 172.
^ Menno, p. 666 :Maer soo verre als mijn onwetenheyt betreft, die hy my hier met
groote bitterhc5-t voorwerpt, en schame ick my niet voor alle man te bekennen, so ick
niet alleen onwetende, maer oock geheel ongeleert ben, der Tongen wej-nich oft niet er-
varen. —Maer so wijt der hemelscher wijsheyt aengaet, ben ick door des Heeren genade
the oath (Matt. v. 37), the use of arms (Matt. xxvi. 52), all re-
venge (Matt. V. 39), divorce excepting in case of adultery (Matt.

V. 32), and infant baptism (Matt, xxviii. 19).^ In the doctrine of
grace they held that Christ died for all ;^° in the Lord's Supper
they agreed with Zwingle." The Church was to them the com-
so verre van Godt geleert, dat ick van herten bekenne, dat mijn Verlosser ende He_v-
lant Christus Jesus Gods eengeborn ende erstgeboren eygen Sone is, etc. Ende dese sel-
bige wijsheijt —
achte ick de alderweerdicbste te zijn die men noemen kan, oftse oock al-
schoon van eenen ongeleerden Kardrijber oft Colendrager geleert, ende weder aen den
dacli gebracht werde. —
Siet, mijn Leser, om deser Philosophien soeticheyt, eerbarhej't,
deucht, vnicht, liefde ende schoonhej'dt, die ick van geen boocbberoemde Doctoren, noch
in geen hooge scholen geleert hebbe, —
heb ick lieber uytverkoren aller werelt Geleerden
onwetende ende ongeleerden Sot te zien, op dat ick voor mijnen Godt wijs bevonden
werde, dan der Wereltwijsen de alder beroemsteeen te zijn, ende ten laetsten voor den
wijsen Godt een Sot te zijn. Menno often complains that learned people have falsified
Christianitj", and are the persecutors of the true Christians. Thus, p. 119, he addresses
the Roman, Lutheran, and Zwinglian clergy (e. g., p. 120 Godts naem lastert ghj', sijn
:
hej-lige Woort vervalscht ghj', sijne kinderen ende dienaren vervoolght ghy, ende op
sijn genade doet ghj' alle quaet) ; —
comp. p. 590, 609. Protocollum Frankenthalense,
1571 (see below. Note 20), in Schyn, ii. 226 Quaeritur, an Pater, Filius et Spiritus sanc-
:
tus sint unica divina essentia, sed in tribus personis distincta. Tota haec disputatio nil
nisi mera est logomachia, nam in re ipsa —
plane conveniunt et Mennonitae solummodo
;
admodum anxii sunt, in tarn sublimi mysterio, humanum

excedente sensum, aliis uti
verbis, quam Spiritus sanctus ipse in sacra Scriptura usus fuit, quare ipsis voces iiiro-
<rTd(T£ajs et personae minime arridebant, putantes illas a Patribus excogitatas mysterium
Trinitatis magis obscurare quam explicare, quare sese stricte retinebant, et suam men-
tem solummodo exprimere volebant phraseologiis a Spiritu sancto usitatis, et non hu-
manis vocibus. Compare their Confession given in to the estates of Holland, 1626 (in
Schyn, ii. 82) : Verbum o/xoovcrios, ut etiam verba triplicitas et tres personae a veteri-
bus dim excogitata nos devitamus, quia sacra Scriptura ea hand novit, et periculosum
est de Deo aliis ac Scripturae verbis loqui.
' He calls them,
0pp., p. 882, schadelicken superstitie, and says, datse niet uyt Gcdt
ende Godts Woort, maer uj-t Antichrist, ende uyt den putte des afgi-onts voortgekomen
ende gesproten is. On the other hand, the Mennonites, because they did not baptize
their children, were called by their opponents Kinderenzielmoorders (0pp., p. 964).
'" Menno Simons van de Rechtveerdichmakinghe, 0pp., p. 869. Jo. Risii et Lubb.
Gerardi Confessio, 1580, Art. vii., in Schyn, i. 179: Christus pro omnibus ad propitia-
tionem datus, oblatus et mortuus est. In cujus rei confirmationem voluit Deus ut gratia
haec universalis, caritas et benignitas per praedicationem Evangelii omnibus creaturis
sen populis annuntiaretur et ofFerretur. Omnes, qui poenitentes et credentes gratiosum
istud Dei in Christo beneficium admittunt aut accipiunt, atque in ea perseverant, sunt et
manent per ejus misericordiam electi, de quibus Deus ante jacta mundi fundamenta de-
crevit, ut regni et gloriae coelestis participes evaderent. Sed qui oblatam istam gratiam
dedignantur aut respuunt, tenebras loco lucis amant, in impoenitentia et incredulitate
perseverant, seipsos per istam malitiam salutis reddunt indignos, etc.
" Menno, p. 43: 0ns en is niet een letter in de gantsche Schrift bevolen, als dat wy
over dat sieneiijcke ende tastelijcke signo disputeren sullen, wat dat in hem sj-. De gec-
stelijcke rechten alle dingen geestelijck want wat dat in der substantie sj-, mach met
:
handen getast, met oogen gesien, ende metten monde gesmaect worden. Maer dat staet
ens meest te bedencken, dat wy dat significato, dat is dat gene, dat met desen signo (dat
is teken) alien waerachtigen Christgeloovigen voorgedragen, afgebeelt ende vermaeut
wort, in onser swackheyt mogen na komen, ende so veel als in ens is, gelijckformich
zijn. Comp. p. 531 and 883.
raunion of saints, to be kept in its purity by strict discipline.'"

The civil magistracy they declared to be still necessary, but for-
eign to Christ's kingdom, so that no one of their number could

hold a magistrate's office.'^
As early as 1554 a controversy about the strictness of excom-

munication divided the milder "Waterlanders (the rude Mennonites)
from the stricter or finer Mennonites ; these last (1565) were split
up into three parties — Flemings, Prisons, Germans.'* These divi-
*^ p. 555: The Church is a
Menno, —
Vergaderinge der Godtvruchtigen ende een ge-
mej-nschap der Heyligen. P. 541 Soo lange de Herders ende de Leeraers dat godtsa-
:
lige vrome leben in der kracht dreven, Doop eude Nachtmael den boetveerdighen alleene
toedienden, ende de Afsonderinghe na der Schrift recht hidden, ziin sy Christi fiemej-n-
teende kercke gebleven. Maer soo haest sy dat gemackelijck ruyme leven sochten, dat
cruyce Christi hateden, hebben sy die Roede neder ghele3-t, den Volcke vrede toegeseyt,
den Ban metter tijt milder gemaeckt, ende also een Gemeynte Antichristi, Babel, ende
Werelt geworden, gelijck van vele hondert Jaren herwaerts wel gesien is. Gelijck een —
Wijuberch sender thuj'n ende graven, ende een Stadt sender mueren ende Poorten is :
soo is cock een Gemej'nte, die sender Afsonderinghe ende Ban is. Want de Vj-andt tot
alsulck een viyen inganck hebben, ende ziin verdoemelijck Oncruj'dt onverhindert zacy-
en ende planten mach. Risii et Gerardi Confessio, Ai-t. 24 (Schj-n, i. 201) Tales fideles :
et regenerati homines, per totum terrarum orbem dispersi, sunt verus Dei populus, sive
—
Ecclesia Jesu Christi in terra. At quamvis banc inter Ecclesiam ingens simulatorum et
hj-pocritarum lateat et versetur multitude, illi tamen soli, qui in Christe regenerati et
sanctlficati sunt,vera corporis Christi sunt membra, atque ea propter beatorum premis-
sorum haeredes. Art. 25 In hac sua sancta Ecclesia Christus ordinavit Ministerium
:
evangelicum, nempe doctrinam verbi divini, usum sacrorum Sacramenterum, curamque

pauperum, ut et Miuistros ad perfungendum istis ministeriis atque insuper exercitium :
fraternae allocutienis, punitienis et tandem amotienis eorum, qui in impeenitentia perso-

verant quae ordinationes in verbo Dei conceptae solummode juxta sensum ejusdcm
:
verbi exequendae sunt.

" Risii et Gerardi Confessio ; Art. 37 (Sch3'n, i. 214) : Potestas sive magistratus politi-
cus necessaria Dei erdinatio est, instituta ad gubernatienem communis societatis huma-
nae, et censervationem vitae naturalis et civiliter benae, ad defensionem bonorum et
castigatienem malerum. Agnoscimus, verbo Dei nos obligante, officii nostri esse, po-
testatem revereri, eique honorem et obedientiam exhibere omnibus in rebus, quae verbo
Domini nen sunt centrariae. Nostri officii est, Deum omnipetentem pro eis deprecari,
illique pro bonis et acquis magistratibus gratias agere, atque absque murmuratiene justa
tributa et vectigalia reddere. Potestatem hanc politicam Dominus Jesus in regno suo
spirituali, Ecclesia Novi Testamenti, non instituit, neque hanc officiis Ecclesiae suae
adjunxit neque discipulos aut sequaces suos ad regalem, ducalem, vel aliam potesta-
:
tem vocavit, neque praecepit, ut illam arriperent et mundano more gubernarent multo :
minus Ecclesiae suae membris dedit legem tali muneri aut dominio cenvenientem sed :
passim ab eo (cui voce e coelo audita auscultandum erat) vocantur ad imitationem iner-
mis ejus vitae et vestigia crucem ferentia et in que nihil minus apparuit, quam mun-
;
danum regnum, potestas et gladius. Hisce omnibus igitur exacte perpensis (atque insu-
per, non pauca cum munere petestatis politicae conjuncta esse, ut bellum gerere, hesti-
bus bona et vitam eripere, etc., quae vitae Christianorum, qui mundo mortui esse de-
bent, aut male aut plane non cenveniunt), hinc a talibus officiis et administrationibus
nos subducimus.
1* Waterland on the Pampus, in North Holland.— The division
(1565) originated in
Friesland, between the Prisons and Flemings (refugees from Flanders). The Flemings
were the stricter party and the most important point of dispute was about the sentence
;
37b* FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
sions lost their importance in the seventeenth century.^^ But a

separation that took place in Amsterdam, 1664, had a much wider
influence, extending also to the other Dutch churches it was be- ;
tween the Mennonites who held the opinions of the Remonstrants

and the old orthodox party.^^
For a long time the Mennonites were thought to be like the
fanatical Anabaptists, and were severely persecuted :" but the ex-
of excommunication, which, according to the strict view, sliould be inflicted for every
transgression without previous warning ; and it broke off communion between married
persons and relatives. Menno was at first for the milder view (see letters to the Breth-
ren at Franeker, 1555, and to the Brethren at Emden, 1556, in Jehring, s. 222) ; but he
then went over to the stricter partj' (see Banboeck, 0pp., p. 349). Besides this the^we
Mennonites held fast to Menno's opinion, that Christ as man was created in the womb
of Marj', without receiving aught from her ; cf. Opera, p. 667, 1021 ; see the Confession
of the Frisons and Germans, 1630, in Schj-n, on this point, ibid., p. 164 (cf. M.
ii. 92 ;
Hofmann, § 30, Note 12). Lastlj', the^we Mennonites were distinguished by the wash-
ing of feet; see the Confession, 1630, Art. 13 (Schj-n, ii. 101) Sequitur adhuc Sancto- :
rum lotio pedum cum a fidei consortibus e longiuquo advenientibus invisimur, ut eo-
rum pedes secundum consuetudinem veteris Testament! et Christi exemplum data oc-
casione lavemus, eo contestantes nostram coram Deo proximoque humilitatem, sup-
plici voto, ut Dominus nos quotidie in humilitate corroboret, et uti nos invicem alio-
rum pedes lavimus, ita et ipsi complaceat nostras animas suo sanguine ac aquis Spiri-
tus sancti ab omni macula et impuritate peccati emendare et depurare. The full nar-
ration of these divisions, from an ej-e-witness, translated in Jehring, s. 104, gives the
repulsive picture of a rude piety, pervaded by ambition and dogmatism of the smallest
kind.
^* At a meeting in Cologne, 1591, the Frisons united with the Germans (Ottius, p.
187) : the Confession there adopted the Concept of Cologne, Maj' 1, 1591 (Jehring, s.
is
181). These, again, united with the Flemings in Amsterdam, 1630 and this union was ;
several times renewed, e. g., in Lej-den, 1664 set forth, in Jeh-

; see the agreement there
ring, s. 275 ; cf. In all these unions the milder party prevailed, that is,
Sch3-n, ii. 42.
the one originally that of the Waterlanders ; Jehring, s. 21. Some churches, especially
of the Frisons, remained separate.
-^ The leader of the Remonstrants, or Socinians, was Dr. Galenus Abrahams (see Ben-
them's Holland. Kirch- u. Schulenstaat, i. 832 Jehring, s. 30), hence called Galenists,;
and, from the house where they assembled {bij hef, Lam), Lamists the opponents were ;
called Apostoolians, from their leader. Dr. Samuel Apostool ; and Zonists, from their
house in de Zon (sun). By the Algemeene Doopsgezinde Societeit, founded in 1811, the
two churches came again into closer fellowship ; see Jaarboekje voor de Doopsgez. Ge-
meenten, 1838 en 1839, p. 118 ; cf. p. 99.
" Menno (Opera, 934) recites and refutes the objections made to them viz., 1. Thej' :
are Miinsterites ; 2. They would not obej' civil authority 3. They are insurrectionarj--, ;
and would take possession of cities and lands if the}' only had the power 4. They had ;
their goods in common ; 5. They had many wives, and had women in common, seggen
tot malkanderen : Suster, mijn geest begeert u vleesch 6. If any one after baptism fell
;
into sin, they refused all repentance and grace 7. Sj' schelden ons, wy zijn Lantloo-
;
pers, hej-melicke sluypers, oft sluypers in die huj-sen, vervoerders' nieuwe Monnicken,
Glj-seners, dat wy
ons beroemen sonder sonde te zijn, Hemelstormers ende werckheyli-
gen, di door onse verdiensten ende wercken willen salich worden, een godtloose Secte
ende Rotterije, Kinderenzielmoordenaers, Wederdopers, Sacramentschenders, ende dat
wj' met den Du3'vel beseten zijn ; 8. It was said : Welaen, hebben sy die waerheyt, so
laet haer int openbaer komen.
ample of their martyrs only confirmed their steadfastness.^^ By

their diligence, frugality, honesty, and love of peace they obtained
position and esteem. In the Netherlands they first received tol-
eration after having given, in 1572, important aid in money to
Prince William of Orange 1626 they obtained entire relig-

;^^ in
ious freedom. In the cities on the coast Emden, Hamburg, —
Dantzic, and Elbingen —
they obtained toleration on account of
their mercantile importance.
In the Palatinate there were also churches of Baptists, w^ho kept
up church fellowship with the Dutch Mennonites.^" Less close
was the connection of the latter with the churches, which, in spite
of penal statutes, continued to exist in Switzerland in consid-
all
erable numbers and strength.-^ From thence, too, they came into
Moravia."^ They were expelled from Moravia, 1622, by Ferdi-
Their memor}' was carefullj- preserved bj' writings. The first Mart3'rolog}', often
'8
reprinted,was : Het offer des Heeren, 1542, in 12mo. Then the Waterlanders publish-
ed Martelaarspiegel der weereloze Christenen, Haarlem, 1615 and 1631. 4. The Fri-
sons put forth in opposition the Historie van de vrome getuigen Jesu Christi, Hoorn,
1617 and 1626, because in the Martyrs'' Mirror the declarations of the martyrs on the
incarnation of Christ had, they said, been falsified. Last of all Het bloedigh Tooneel
:
der Dopsgezinde, etc., door Tieleman Jans van Braght, Dordrecht, 1660, fol., and Am-
sterdam, 1685, 2 T., fol. Comp. Jaarboekje, 1838 en 1839, p. 102.
1' Wagenaar Beschrijving van Amsterdam, Deel iii., Boek iii., fol. 237. Ottius, p. 158.
2" Menno, in 1544, is said to have himself been in Cologne, and had intercourse with
—
the Anabaptists of that region (Jaarboekje, 1838 en 1839, p. 57). The meeting of the
Swiss and German Anabaptists in Strasburg, 1555, consulted upon the incarnation of
Christ ; Hoornsches Martyrerbuch, p. 210. The Elector
see Martelaarspiegel, p. 193. —
Frederick had a conference held with the Anabaptists (Protocoll d. i. alle
III., in 1571,
Handlung des Gesprachs zu Frankenthal mit denen so man Wiedertaufer nennet, Hei-
delberg, 1573. Struven's pfdlzische Kirchenhistorie, s. 238), the protocol of which is
reckoned by the Mennonites among their doctrinal dbcuments, Schj-n, ii. 223. On the —
union of the Prisons and Germans in Cologne, 1591, see supra. Note 15.
2' On the different sorts of Swiss Baptists, see H. Bullinger's der Widertaufferen Ur-
sprung, Fiirgang, Secten, Wesen, fiirneme und gemeine ihrer Lehr Artikel, Zurich, 1560.
4. Bl, 17. Erbkam's Gesch. d. Protest. Secten., s. 556. Among them there long re-
mained vestiges of the original fanaticism, and thej' were thus distinguished from the
Mennonites (Ottius, p. 302, 327) j-et the latter looked upon them as brethren in the
;
faith, and several times procured intercessions of the States-General in their behalf ad-
dressed to the cantons ; thus to Zurich, 1660 (Ottius, p. 348), to Berne, 1710 ; in Jehring,
s. 282.
^^ Here, too, \hey were driven awaj' after 1547 (Ottius, Manj', however, re-
p. 109).
mained behind, and strengthened themselves from Switzerland (Ottius, p. 162 ss. 170 s.
222). Moravia became the Holj' Land of the Baptists, and their messengers invited
them to come there from all quarters (Ottius, p. 178). Here thej' lived in a strictly-
governed community (see the description in Vier und funfzig erhebliche Ursachen, wa-
rum die Wiedertiiufer nicht sein im Lande zu leiden, durch Chr. A. Fischer, Kathol.
Pfarrer zu Veldsperg, Ingolstadt, 1607. Ottius, p. 201, 240 Erbkam, s. 572). The
;
Herrenhuters (United Brethren) have manifestly derived many of their regulations from
this source.
nand IL^^ From Switzerland, after the persecution of 1659, they

retreated into Alsace and the Rhenish Palatinate.^*
§ 33.
SCHWENCKFELD.
Salig's Historie d. Augspurg. Confession, iii. 950. Planck's Gesch. d. Entstehung, etc., —
—
unseres Protest. Lehrbegriffs, v. i. 75. H. W. Erbkam's Gesch. der Protest. Secten
im Zeitalter d. Reformation, Hamburg u. Gotha, 1848, s. 357. G. L. Hahn Schwenck- —
feldii Sententia de Ciiristi persona et opere exposita, Vratislav., 1847.
[Baur's Dreienigkeit, iii. 219 f. 244 f. Dorner's Person Christi, ii. 573, 624 f. Niedner's
Geschichte d. Kirche, s. 673-7.]
Caspar Schwenckfeld,^ of Ossing, a nobleman in the service of

the Duke of Liegnitz, and a pious and zealous advocate of the
Reformation,^ began early to complain of its insufficiency, on the
ground that it produced among its adherents only a dead faith, in-
stead of a genuine Christian life.^ When the controversy about
the Lord's Supper broke out betviêen Luther and Zwingle, he
conceived that he had received (1525) by revelation the only true
interpretation of the words of institution and here he approach-
;
ed the Swiss view.* But as he became more confirmed in the

^^ Ottius, p. 245. They fled to Hungary and Transylvania.
2* Ottius, p. 337.
1 The family name was Schwenckfeld his baronial estate, Ossing, was in the circle
;
of Liiben, principality of Liegnitz ; Rosenberg's Schles. Reformationsgesch., s. 54.

* Comp. Eiu christi. Ermanung zu furdern das Wort Gottes an den Herrn Bischof
zu Breslau durch die Edlen H. M. v. Langenwalde und C. Schwenckfeld v. Ossick v.
1. Jan., 1524. 4. ; see Salig, iii. 955.
^ Comp. Ermahnung des Missbrauchs
etlicher fiirnehmsten Artikel des Evangeliums,
aus welcher Unverstand der gem'eine Mann in fleischliche Freiheit und Irrung gefiihrt
wird, V. 11. Jun., 1524. 4. These abused articles he designates as being: 1. That faith
alone justifies us; 2. That we have no free-will; 3. That we can not keep God's com-
mands 4. That our works are nothing 5. That Christ has made satisfaction for us.
; ;
Thus we hear it said " E3' wer kann Gottes Gebot halten ? Unsere Seligkeit besteht
:
ja nicht in Werken, sondern in Glauben, baben wir doch das Evangelion d. i. eine trost-
liche Botscliaft, und Christus hat uns vom Gesetz befreiet." "Es sind alle Bierhauser —
voll unniitzer Prediger, lassen sich bediinken, so sie nur einen Zank mit Gottes Wort
anrichten, Widerpart halten konnten, und sehr schreien, saufen, imd alle Eitelkeit trei-
ben, es stiinde ganz wohl in der Christenheit, man redete stets von Gott, und sagen, sie
stehen bei Gottes Wort." —
But if they would take the words of Christ to heart " meine :
Worte sind Geist und Leben, so wiirden sie nicht so unschicklich damit wiirfeln, son-
dern in anderer Vv''eise dem Worte nachtrachten."
* He gained over to this view Valentin Krautwald, preacher in Liegnitz, who also
first declared it in letters (Epistolare, Th. 2, Buch 2, in the beginning). He thus inter-
prets the words of institution : Quod ipse panis fractus est corpori esurienti, nempe cibus,
hoc est corpus meum, cibus videlicet esurientium animarum. On the conferences about
it, which Schwenckfeld had as early as 1525 with Luther, in Wittenberg, see Schwenck-
feld's letter to Dr. Zauch (Epist., ii. ii. 20), and F. v. Walden (1. c, p. 24) of. Salig, iii. ;
—
CHAP. IV.—MINOR PARTIES. § 33. SCHWENCKFELD. 379
idea that the spmtual renewal ofman was effected by an imme-

diate agency of God
and not by the external, ecclesi-
in the soul,
astical means of grace —
by Christ, the internal Word, and not by
the outward Word of G-od^ —
he framed a series of mystical spec-
ulations, in which he came into decided opposition to all Christian
parties. Among all creatures, so he taught, man alone is destined
to become partaker of the divine nature.*^ For this object the
Word of God became man not created as a man, but begotten;
in the Virgin from the divine essence, and hence begotten essen-
tially in the same way with the Word.'' So Christ upon the cross
961. Erbkam, s. 370. The preachers in Liegnitz all participated in Schwenckfeld's

views ; see their declaration to the Duke, 1527, in Rosenberg's Schles. Reformations-
geschichte, s. 412.
^ So first in the work, De Cursu Verbi Dei, origine fidei et ratione justificationis
Epist. C. Schwenkfeldii, cum praef. Jo. Oecolampadii, Basil, 1527. 8. German in the
Epistolare,ii. ii. 364. Comp. s. 371 " Gott braucht keine iiusserlicheu Dinge und Mit-
:
tel zu seiner innerlichen Gnade und geistlichem Handel. Wer von aussen ein und —
durch das Aeussere in das lunere will kommen, der versteht nicht den Gnadenlauf.
Der Mensch muss Alles vergessen und fallen lassen, und zu dem Einsprechen der Gnade
aller Dinge ledig, gelassen, und alien Kreaturen genommen seyn, ganzlich Gott crgc-
ben. —Derwegen ist der Gnade und des heil. Geistes einiger Schlitt imd Mittel, darin er
in die stille, lebendige Seele rutscht, sein allmachtiges ewiges Wort, so ohne Mittel von
dem Munde Gottes ausgehet, und gar nicht durch die Schrift, ausseres Wort, Sakrament,
oder irgend eine Kreaturlichkeit im Hinimel und auf Erden. Gott will ihm diese Ehre
selbst und allein vorbehalten haben, den Menschen durch sich selbst begnadigen, lehren,
den heiligen Geist mittheilen und selig machen, und die Gnade, Erleuchtung und Selig-
keit durch keine Kreatur wirken, weil auch das Fleisch Christi nicht ein genugsam In-
strument dazu war, es musste vor verklart, in das himmlische Wesen verzuckt, und von
unsern Augen weggenommen werden."
* Epistolare, ii. ii. 461, 851.
' Confession von J. Chr., Th. 3. (in Schwcnkfeld's christi. orthodoxische Biicher,
i. 226) " Solchs nemlich, dass Gott dieses Menschens, ja des ganzen Christi, des einl-
:
gen Sohnes Gott und Menschens, ganzer Vater, auch im Erzeugen und Empfangnuss
seines Fleischs ist, so wol
gauze Christus Gottes und Mariii einiger Sohn ist, wol-
als der
len sie nicht gnug bedenken, sehen auf
die Mutter zu viel zur linken Seiten, also dass
sie Gott den Vater zur Rechten hinterstellig lassen, gleich als ob Christus nicht ganz
(auch nach seinem Menschen) Gottes Sohn wiire, sender halb, also zu reden, des Vatern,
und die ander Halfte der Mutter war wie sollten sie denn nicht niit ihm unter die Cre-
:
aturen schlagen ? so doch Gott der himmlische Vater (von welchem alle Sippschaft her-
kommt) auch da sein vaterlich Amt braucht, wie ihm gebiihret, das ist gottlicli und'
himmlisch, dass Maria schwanger wird, dass sie ihm einen ganzen Sohn zum Hciland
aller Welt empfanget und gebieret. Der Mensch Jesus Christus ist ein neuer Mensch,
ein ander Adam, weder der erste Adam, und seine Nachkommlinge creaturische Men-
schen seyn, imd ob er wohl ein Mensch, auch in deu Tagen seines Fleisches ein sterb-
licher wahrer Mensch gewest ist, so ist er doch Gottes naturlicher Sohn, er ist nicht ge-
schaffen, sondern aus Gott und einer heil. Jungfrauen durch den heil. Geist gebohren.
Er hat wohl ein menschlich Fleisch und ist Fleisch, es hat aber viel ein ander Gestalt
mit seinem Fleische, weder rait allem creaturlichen erschaftenen Fleische. Wenn sie —
nun nicht gem muthwillig und fiirsetzlich wollen irren, so werden sie die zweierlei Amt
Gottes, das Amt der Schopfung und sein vaterlich Amt, mit der h. Schrift unterschei-
den, und aus Matth, i., Luc. i. bedenken, woher Maria sey schwanger M'orden, was auch
has canceled our sin;^ but after his exaltation he was wholly
Unterscheides sejii moge zwischen einem aus Erd oder Staub erschaffnen Menschen,
und einem Menschen, der aus Gott und seinem Geiste urspriinglich von einer heil. Jung-
frauen ist gebohren, oder (wie es Paulus unterscheidet) zwischen einem Fleische der Sun-
den und einem andern, das wohl in der Gleichheit des Fleischs der Sund, aber doch nicht
ein Fleisch der Siinden war, wie denn Christus ein solch heilig neu Fleisch, auch vom
ersten Blick seines Empfiingnus aus Maria gehabt hat. Also denn mogen sie bald fin-
den, dass Christus ein gottlicher Mensch, Dtuvdpunroi, ein neuer himmlischer Mensch, ein
Mittler und sonderlicher Herr und Heiland ist. Darum sollen sie bedenken, dass Gott
der AUmachtige seinen gottlichen Rath beim Menschen, oder beim Fleische und Mensch-
•H-erden, nicht auf einen, noch auf einerlei Menschen oder Ankunft des Menschens, sen-
der auf zwene unterscheidne Menschen fiirgenommen und gestellt hat. Auf zween, sag
ich, deren einer irdiscb, der ander himmlisch war, nicht also himmlisch, dass er nicht
ein wahres Fleisch und Blut hab, noch aussem Fleisch Maria nicht sej'' erzeuget und ge-
bohren, sonder dass er von ihr neuer himmlischer gottlicher Weise erzeuget, und in ihr
sey empfangen, dass sein Anfang aus Gott ist herkommen, wie es auch die Vater also
—
ausgelegt und verstanden haben. Aus welchem allem mogen sie guten Bescheid ha-
ben, dass der Mensch Jesus Christus kein Crealur oder Geschopf, auch in den Tagen
seines Fleisches nie gewest ist. Denn soUt er ein Creatur seyn, so ralissts ja entzweder
vom Vater oder von der Mutter herkommen nicht vom Vater, weil Gott der Vater
:
keiner erschaffnen Creatur, als Creatur, Vater, souder ihr Schopfer ist auch nicht von :
der Mutter, denn sie hat ihnen nicht vermogen zu schaffen, noch das Wesen geben, so
wenig sie aus eigner Kraft hiitt mogen schwanger werden, ob sie wohl ihr jungfrauliches
Fleisch darzu dargereicht hat, dass er Mensch ist gebohren woher sollt denn Christus
:
ein geschaffne Creatur, und nicht vielmehr Gottes Sohn seyn .'"
natiirlicher eingebohrner
Schwenckfeld believed that the union of the divine and human natures in one Person
could be conceived of onlj- in this way and he declared that the common view, which
;
ascribed much to the human alone, and other things again onlj' to the divine nature,
was mere Nestorianism. Comp. Von der Ganzheit Christi, beide im Leiden und in sei-
ner Herrlichkeit, mit Aufdeckung und treuer Warnung an alle Christen, sich zu huten
fur den wiederholten Nestorianischen Irrthum der Theilung des eingebornen unzertheil-
igen Sohnes Gottes, 1542. 4., and Cassianus Von der Menschwerdung Christi wider den
Nestorianischen Irrthum der Theilung Christi, 4 comp. Erbkam, s. 450. It still, indeed,
; —
remains incomprehensible how aught but perfect deitj- can be generated from the divine
nature, and how that which Maiy imparted in the conception of Christ could have been
nothing of a creature kind. Dorner's Entwickelungsgesch. d. Lehre v. d. Person Christi,
s. 204; Baur's Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit und Menschwerdung Gottes in ihrer geschichtL
Entwicklung, iii. 219.
* Confession von J. Chr., Th. 3 (Orthodox. Biicher, i. 286) "Also sagen wir, dass
:
Christus Jesus, so er unser Mittler und Hohepriester ist, der scj', welcher seinen Leib,
ja sich selbst, zum immerwahrenden Opfer aufgeopfert, uns mit Gott versiihnet, vom
ewigen Tode gefreiet, die Silnde mit seinem Blute abgewaschen, und derselbigen Verge-
bung, auch die Ileiligung und das ewige Leben durch seinen bittern Tod hab erworben.
Solches hat dem Mittler Gottes und der Menschen, dem Herren J. Chr. nach dem Willen
seines Vaters wollen gebilhren, welches auch alleine ihnen aus der Creaturen Ordnung
zu heben mehr denn genug ware. Nachdem sich aber dieser Mittler und Hohepriester
selbst fur uns hat aufgeopfert, und durch sein eigen Blut einmal in Sancta, d. i. in den
Himmcl selbst war eingegangen, und eine ewige Erlosung hat erfunden, mittlet er nun
weiter, dass gedachte Erlosung und seine Wohlthat, ja alles, was er in seiner Dispensa-
tion durch den Gehorsam des Kreuzes und durch sein heilig Leiden hat erworben, imd
im Ilimmel zu der Rechten Gottes eingenommen, auch nun durch ihn, ja in ihm, und
aus ihm auf uns komme, und bei unserm Herzen, Seel und Gewissen zur ewigen Selig-
keit werde angelegt. Deshalben er denn von Gott seinem Vater zum Haupt der Ge-
nieine, Avelche sein Leib ist, gegeben, auf dass er nit alleine der sej', welcher unser
Bests bei Gotte handlet, und alles bei ihm erwirbet, sonder den eingenommenen Reich-
—
CHAP. IV.—MINOR PARTIES. § 33. SCHWENCKFELD. 381
adopted into the deity ; so that his very flesh was made divine,
becoming what God himself is ; and thus he remains eternally in
two natures, but his human nature is divine.^ This ruler in the
Kingdom of Grace directly produces regeneration in the hearts of
men, imparting himself to them, and dwelling in them with flesh
and blood, as well as in the spirit,^" and is their real food, which
thum Gottes auch Leibes— durch den heil. Geist einfliesse
selbst in die Glieder seines
und seinem geistlichen Einfluss wachse, sich nalire und erhalten
austteile, dass sie aus
werde, dass eben dieser Mittler, der Mensch Jesus Christus, welcher uns Vergebung der
Sunden hat erworben, auch solche gebe, und wir in ihm haben und enipfangen."
' Confess, v. J. Chr., Th. i. (Orthodox. Bucher, i. 125) " Dass ich aber geschrieben,
:
Christus sey heut in der Gloria kein Creatur, hab ich damit woUen anzeigen, dass er
auch nach seinem Menschen durch die Verkliiruug und Erhohung in Gott unser Herr
und Gott sey worden (Act. 2). Nicht dass er je ein Creatur sey gewest, sonder dass
er alles was creaturlicher Art, Eigenschaft, oder dieses leiblichen Wesens an seinem
Menschen dort befunden (da er der Leidlichkeit und aller Durftigkeit um unser Willen
unterworfen), ja alle Idiomata, so dem Fleisch zeitlich anhangen, nu durch den Tod hab
abgelegt, dagegen aber eine vollkommne Neuigkeit, Unsterblichkeit, und das hinim-
lische Wesen durch und damit sey bekleidet.
die Gloria Gottes seines Vaters angelegt,
Nicht meine ichs also, dass sein menschliche Natur, Leib u. Seel, drum in solcher Glo-
ria abgetilget und aufgehoret hab,— als ob die Menschheit Christi sey zur Gottheit wor-
den, oder in die Gottheit sej' verwandelt, wie mir Etliche unbillig zulegen glaube und
:
—
bekenne, dass Chr. J. auch noch heut u. ewig ein wahrer ganzer Mensch mit Leib,
Fleisch, Blut u. Gebein ist in himmlischer Klarheit in einem unbegreiflichen Licht u.
Wesen : Menschheit geandert oder gewandelt, nicht verkehret, noch verzeh-
es ist sein
ret, sonder gewandelt sprich ich, durch die himmlische Gloria gebessert, und mit gott-
lichem Reichthum gemehret. Christus ist nach seiner Menschheit in die Herrlicheit
des Weseus Gottes kommen, darinnen ganz gottlich und geistlich, ja nach dem Wesen
alles das was Gott worden, dass dieser himmlische Mensch, unser Herr und Konig
Christus, durch sein Erhohung alle guttliche Idiomata und Eigenschaft Gottes hat er-
reicht und eingenommen, iibet gottliche Werk, hat himmlische Amt, Reich und Ver-
mogen."
'" Sendbrief v. d. Justification (Orthodox. Bucher, i. 484) " In Summa, wir seind aus
:
heil. Schrift gewiss, gottlob, dass justificatio da in Paulo ein Gerechtmachung, und jus-
tiiicare gerecht machen, wie auch justitia Dei Gottes Gerechtigkeit d. i. die Giite und
Fromkeit des frommen treuen Gottes allda heisst, welche er durch Christum im heil.
.
Geiste seinen Auserwahlten allhie mittheilet durch den Glauben : —
nachdem er dieselb
und alle himmlische Giiter in Christum als in den Schatzkasten der ewigen Seligkeit
—
hat gelegt, in quo tota plenitudo dlvinitatis corporaliter inhabitat, dass wir es bei ihm
durch den Glauben sollen suchen, wie denu Christus, der regierende Gnadenkonig, solche
Gerechtigkeit Gottes, Fromkeit, Liebe, Gute und Gottseligkeit allhie nach dem Maass
—
des Glaubens ausgeusst in alle auserwilhlte neugebohrne Herzen. Christus sollte ster-
ben, und uns nach dem Willen Gottes seines Vatern, auch laach seinem selbst Willen
erlosen, und so das alles geschehen, soUt er alsdann uns zu einem Versiihner, Heiland
und Gerechtigkeit fiirgesetzt werden. Unser Seligkeit sollte zuvor ganz ausgericht -wer-
den, wir solltens glauben (da kommt die Gnad und Gabe des heil. Geists), und im Glau-
ben an deme, der fur uns gelitten, alles lebendig finden, und wahrhaftig und wesentlich
empfahen zum ewigen Leben. So nun die Erlosung geschehen, und Jesus Christus mit
seinem Fleisch und Blut in alle gottliche Gloria aufgenommen, ja ganz in Gott versetzt,
ganz gottlich und herrlich ist worden ; so macht er uns durch den heil. Geist, welchen
er vom Vater eingenommen (Act. 2.) gerecht. Er emeuert unsern Sinn, wiedergebieret
uns, seliget, speiset und heiliget uns in der Einigkeit des einigen ewigen Wesens Gottes.
Wie wiir er sonst die Nahrung, Speise und Trank unser Seelen (Joh. vi.), wenn er nit
is only set forth in figure in the Lord's Supper." By such regen-
uiiser Gerechtigkeit war ? O selig seind, die nach solcher Gerechtigkeit hungert und
diirstet ! Daher gehort nun das kurze Evangelium, welches aus Paulo an
Matth. v.
zweien Orten ist ausgezogen, und lautet also Christus ist gestorben um unser Siinden
:
willen, und ist aufgeweckt um unser Gerechtwerdunge willen (Rom. 4.), auf dass, so M'ir
durch seine Gnade gerecht gemacht, Erben wilren des ewigen Lebens nach der HofFnung
(Tit. 3.). Das ist die Summa unsers christlichen Glaubens." This righteousness we re-
ceive through faith alone, without works. But the justifying faith is (Bekanntnus und
Rechenschaft v. d. Hauptpuncten des christl. Glaubens, Orthodox. Biicher, i. 8.) " nicht
ein vernimftiger Wahn oder historische Beredung, sonder ein Gabe des h. Geists, ja im
Grunde ein Wesen mit deme der ihn schenkt oder giebet er ist ein lebendige empfind- :
liche Kraft des lebendigmachenden Gottes, dadurch die Herzen gereiniget und erneuert
werden, welcher Glaube auch die Gerechtigkeit Gottes, Christum Jesum, wahrhaftig,
wirklich und empfindlich nach seiner Masse mit ins glaubige Herz bringt." He speaks
against the Lutheran and Catholic doctrine of justification in Epistolare, i. 812 " Die :
Lutherischen haben einen historischen Christum, den sie nach deni Bucbstaben erken-
nen, nach seinen Geschichten, Lehre, Mirakeln und Thaten, nicht wie er heut lebendig
ist und Wie sie auch einen historischen Vernunftglauben und historische Justi-
wirkt.
ficationhaben, die sie auf proraissiones, auf die Verheissungen, unangesehen weme sie
— —
zustendig sein, griinden. Ihre justitia oder Gerechtigkeit ist allein Vergebung der
Siinden auswendig aus Glauben, wie etwa Ablass kaufte, und dass uns Gott um
man
Christi mediatoris, des Mittlers willen die Sund
nicht wblle zurechnen. Das ist, ob wir
schon Sunder sein, und bose Buben bleiben, so werden wir doch propter fidem, um des
Glaubens willen in Christum von Gott fiir gerecht gehalten und angenommen, wie sie
meinen, als ob Gott zu uns im Sterben oder am jiingsten Tag sagen wiirde "kommt :
her ihr Buben in Himmel um Christi meines Sohns willen," etc. Gott halt keinen fur
gerecht, in deme gar nichts seiner wesentlichen Gerechtigkeit ist. Nach dem Glauben —
und Erkantniss, da man allein gliiubt, dass Christus das sej', was die Schrift von ihm
sagt, wird niemand gerecht noch selig vor Gotte sonst miissten alle gerecht und selig
:
seyn, die Christum fur ihren Erlciser und Seligmacher nach dem Zeugniss der heil.
Schrift haben angenommen, imd Christen genennet werden. Drum trachten so wenig_
Lutherische nach rechtschafiuer Busse und Bessernng des Lebens, und -wird also die
Pleiligung des Geistes, die Erneuwerung des Gemiiths, und die rechte Frommigkeit in
Christo, wie auch die neuwe Geburt, die guten Werk und Busse verdunkelt, dass ich nit
sage gar aufgehaben. Dagegen suchen das Gegentheil (the Catholics) in gemein die
Frommigkeit oder Gerechtigkeit in ihren TVerken, Applicationibus, Zueignungen, Ver-
dienst und Ceremonien fiirnehmlich Christus regnans et justificans, der regierende
:
gerechtmachende Christus muss iiberall das Nachtraben halten. Sie wollen (beede
Part) den neuwen Menschen, der nach Gotte gcschaflfen ist in Heiligkeit und Gerechtig-
keit der Wahrheit, vom alten nicht unterscheiden, noch die neuwe Creatur, die in Christo
Jesu vor Gott allein gilt (Gal. vi.), nicht recht bedenken, welches viel Irrthum gebieret."
If the essential divine righteousness is in the regenerate man, it would seem that he
must be without sin and accordingly this inference was drawn from Schwenckfeld's
;
doctrine. Flacius first represented this as his doctrine, and afterward the Formula Con-
cordiae did the same (Cap. 12). Schwenckfeld himself repeated!}' denied this inference,
saying that the regenerate still sin in many waj-s, on account of the old man still re-
maining, and that they would be perfectfy renewed only in the resurrection of the dead ;
see Planck, v. i. 221 ; Erbkam, s. 413, Anm.

'' Bekanntnus und Rechenschaft v. d. Hauptpuncten des christi. Glaubens (Ortho-
dox. Biicher, i. 16): In respect to baptism two kinds of water are to be distinguished:
"Nilmlich ein geistlich, gottlich Wasser der Gnaden, ein Bad des Wassers im Worte
des Lebens (welchs der h. Geist ist), damit der himmlische Hohepriester Jesus Chr. in-
nerlich die Seel, Ilerz und Gewissen zur Vergebung der Siinden tiiuft, und ein leiblich
elementisch Wasser, damit der Diener ausserlich den Leib oder das Aeussere am Men-
schen auf das Anrufen und Bekanntnus des Namens des Herren tauft." That purifica-
;
CHAP. IV.—MINOR PAETIES. § 33. SCHWENCKFELD. 383
eration man is made just, and becomes a partaker of the divine

nature and the divine essence, as was his original destination.
Schwenckfeld was obliged to leave Silesia in 1528 ;^^ he staid
by turns in Strasburg, Augsburg, Spires, and Ulm, without attach-
ing himself to any of the existing parties. He showed most re-
gard for the Anabaptists, many of whom were spiritually related
to him ;^^ and for a long time he was still in intercourse with the
Swiss. But after he had more fully avowed his peculiar opinions
a contest originated, from 1538, in which he was attacked from
all quarters in innumerable controversial works, ^* particularly on
tion comes through faith in the blood of Christ " Das Wasser des Sacraments waschet
:
den Leib, und bedeutet das was in der Seel geschieht, welche durch den Geist wird ge-
reiniget." So, too, in respect to the Lord's Supper, two kinds of food, the spiritual and
the corporeal (s. 18): "Namlich, ein geistlich, gottlich, himmlisch Brot, Speise und
Trank, welches der Leib Christi fur uns gegeben, und sein heilig Blut ist, das zur Ver-
gebung der Siiuden ist vergossen und ein leiblich sacramentlich Brot und Trank, so
:
der Herre Jesus im Nachtmal zu seinem Wiedergediichtnus zu brechen, zu essen und

zu trinken fiir seinem Abscheide den Seinen hat befohlen. Das erst Brot giebt allein
Christus der Sohn des Menschen innerlich zur Speise, Kraft und Nahrung der christ-
glilubigen Seele, wie er solches zuvor (Joh. vi.) hat vei'heissen, welcher auch von Gott
—
dem Vater allein darzu ist besiegelt. Das ander Brot heisst das Brot des Herren, wel-
ches der Diener giebt, oder mit der christi. Gemeine bricht zum Wiedergediichtnus des
Herren." The internal, spiritual eating must precede, and the sacramental and extern-
al follow. So (s. 22) he contends against the Lutheran as well as the Zwinglian doc-
trine of the Supper, but (Epistolare, i. 10-1) especially against the notion that Christ is
in the bread " Der sich mit dem irdischen Brote will vereinigen, dass er drunter, drin-
:
nen oder damit moge genossen werden. Unser Christus ist heut nicht mehr unter der
Gewalt der Sunder, dass ihn die Gottlosen zur Speise genicssen."
*' Leben und Wirken C. Schwenkfeld's in Schlesien, 1490-1528, by A. Wachler, in the
Schlesische Provinzialbliltter, 1833, i. 119.

'^ Epistolare, ii. ii. 307: "Die Wiedertaufer sind mir deshalb desto lieber, dass sie
sich um gottliche Wahrheit etwas mehr, denn bekilmmern. Wer
viele der Gelehrten
Gott sucht im Ernste, der wird ihn finden." Yet still he accused them of holding many
errors, especially in overestimating their baptism, and communion with their Church;
and thus he puts aside the objection, often made to him, that he was a secret Anabap-
tist ; he also refers, on this point, to the fact that the leaders of the Anab^^ptists had for-
bidden their followers all intercourse with hhn under penalty of excommunication
Epist., ii. ii. 1012; comp. Orth. Biicher, i. 371 ff.
'* The Lutheran divines assembled in Smalcald, March,
1540, published a declaration
drawn up by Melancthon, Dc Francko ct Schwenckfeldio (Corp. Pief., iii. 983), in which
they rejected Schwenckfeld's doctrine, Humanitatem Christi post glorificationem non
esse creaturam as impium delirium. The theologians convened at Worms issued, Oct.
4, 1557, another declaration, also written by Melancthon, especially against the doctrine
of Schwenckfeld that the divine element comes first, and after that the external word
for exercising the external man (Corp. Pvcf., ix. 324).— Salig, iii. 968, gives an enumer-
ation of Schwenckfeld's writings in chronological order, with extracts. The collection be-
gun in four folios comprises hardly the half of them, viz. I. " Der erste Theil der christi.
:
orthodoxischen Biicher und Schriften des edlen, etc., Manns Casp. Schwenckfeldt, 1564,
fol. sine loco (contains the most important doctrinal writings; the second part was not
published). II. Epistolar des edlen, etc., Casp. Schwenckfeldts, christlich lehrhafte
Missiven, 1556 (doctrinal and practical). IIL and IV. The second part of the Episto-
;
account of his Eutychianism. He replied to every assault, espe-

cially contending against the position that the flesh of Christ was
a created substance, representing this as the weightiest of errors.
As, however, he also attributed the highest value to that internal

sanctification wrought by Christianity,^^ he not only gained the
regard of several princes, particularly the Landgrave Philip, of
Hesse, and Elector Joachim, of Brandenburg, but also adherents
among the Suabian nobles and in Silesia, who called themselves
the Believers in the Glory of Christ. In Wiirtemberg they suc-
cumbed to the persecutions that began in 1558.^^ In Silesia and
Upper Lusace they continued after his death,^'^ which occurred
at Ulm, December 10, 1562. But after 1718 persecution drove
them from Silesia most of them fled to the Upper Lusace,^^ and
;
in 1730 the larger part emigrated to Pennsylvania. Frederick the

Grreat at last gave religious freedom to the feeble remnant in
Silesia.^^
lare was to contain the mission against the four chief Christian parties, in four books
there were published only the first book, on the Papists' Doctrine and Faith, and the
second, on the Lutherans, both in 1570, fol., sine loco ; the third and fourth books, against
the Zwinglians and Anabaptists, were not issued.
^^ Epistol., ii. ii. 683, to the "Meine redliche Meinung, Schreiben,
Landgrave Philip :
Grund und Glaube ist Summa

dahin gerichtet, dass wir wahre Christen, fiir Gott
in
fromm, gerecht und selig mochten werden, dass wir Gott den Vater und J. Chr. seinen
Sohn (wahren Gott und Mensch) als unsern Herrn im heil. Geiste recht lernten erken-
nen, wie wir auch des heil. Geistes, des Geistes der Gnaden und des Reichthums Gottes
in unserm Herzen mochten theilhaftig werden ; item wie wir unsern alten Adam aus-
ziehen, die eingeschriebene Maledeyung ausloschen, und dagegen einen neuen Menschen
in gottlicher Benedej-ung, in Heiligkeit, Gerechtigkeit und Wahrheit zum ewigen Leben
mochten anziehen, und einnial, wie wir fiir Gott ein gut, sicher, frohlich Gewissen erlan-
gen und ins Reich Gottes, in die himmlische Biirgerschaft Jesu Christi immer welter
versetzt wiirden, dass wir in Friede, Liebe, Einigkeit, so in Christo ist, aufwachsen und
in aller Gottesfurcht leben und M'andeln mochten."
^^ Schnurrer's Erliiuterungen der Wiirtemberg. Kirchen-Reformations- u. Gelehrten-
Geschichte (Tiibingen, 1798), s. 154, 256. Erbkam, s. 408.

^^ The j'ear 1561 is usuall}- given as Ihat of his death ; see against this Erbkam, s.
411. His followers had no regular churches, but only conventicles see Hist. Nachricht ;
von Herrn Casp. Schwenckfeld v. Ossing (by the preacher A. Kopcke), Prentzlau, 1744,
s. 181.
18 Fortges. Sammlung von alten und neuen theolog. Sachen, 1720, s. 494.
^° See the edict, March 8, 1742, in the Hist. Nachricht von Herrn C. Schwenckfeld v.
Ossing, s. 2.
PART SECOND OF FIRST DIVISIOK
INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE EVANGELICAL CHURCHES.
FIRST CHAPTER.
FORMATION OF THE DOCTRINAL SYSTEM IN THE EVANGELICAL
CHURCHES.
§ 34.
FIRST SHAPING OF THE SYSTEM OF DOCTRINES IN THE LUTHERAN

CHURCH.
M. Goebel's Die Religiose Eigeuthiimliclikeit der Lutherischen und der Reform. Kirche,
Bonn, 1837. D. Schenkel's Pas Wesen des Protestantismus aus den Quellen des Re-
formationszeitalters dargestellt, 3 Bde., Schafhausen, 1846-51.
[G. J. Planck, Gesch. der Entstehung, vom Protestant. Lehrbegriff, 6 Bde., 1791-1800.
H. Heppe, Die Bekenntnissschriften d. altprot. Kirche Deutschlands, 1855 Confes- ;
sionelle Entwickelung, 1855; Ursprung u. Gesch. d. Bezeichnungen " Reformirte"

und "Lutherische Kirche," 1859. W. Gass, Gesch. d. Protest. Dogmatik, 2 Bde.,
Berlin, 1854^57. Alex. Schweizer, d. Protest. Centraldogmen, 2 Bde., Zurich, 1854.
Eduard Kollner, Sj-mbolik d. Luth. Kirche (Erster Bd. d. Symbolik), 1837. H. E. F.
Guericke, Sj-mbolik, 2te Aufl., 1846. K. Matther, comp. Symbolik, 1854. R. Hof-
mann, Sj-mbolik, 1857. Sartorius, Soli Deo Gloria, 1859 ; Beitrage, 1853. M. Schneck-
erburger, Vergleichende Darstellung, 1855.]
As all the genuine attempts for the reformation of the Church

proceeded from Augustinianism, which, in opposition to reliance
upon works, that fundamental source of corruption, declared the
entire helplessness of man, and thus fostered the humility which
is the essence of all true piety so, too, the doctrine of Augustine
;
as to the corruption of human nature, and that man could be

saved only by divine grace given in Christ, was the one with
which the Reformers of the sixteenth century were most deeply
penetrated, and which they consequently enforced in the most
living manner.
Luther, more strictly than Augustine, accepted the doctrine of
Paul ; emphatically teaching that, since even the righteousness
of the elect, being incomplete, can not avail before G-od, so, too,
man with God is only a declaring just on ac-
the justification of
count of the merits of Christ, and that this can be attained only
VOL. IV. —25
:
by faith in these merits without any works. ^ Moral relations man

can, indeed, know and judge by reason ;^ but he can not thus be-
^ Augsburg. Confess., Part I., Art. 4 " Weiter wird gelehrt, dass wir Vergebung der
:
Sunde uud Gerechtigkeit fur Gott nit erlangen mugen durch unser Verdienst, Werk und
Geuugthuen, sender dass wir Vergebung der Sunde bekummen und vor Gott gerecht
werden aus Gnaden um Christus willeu durch den Glauben, so wir glauben, das Chris-
tus fur uns gelitten bat, und dass uns um seinetwillen die Sunde vergeben, Gerechtig-
keit und ewigs Leben geschenkt wird dann diesen Glauben will Gott fur Gerechtigkeit
:
fur ihme halten und zurechnen, wie Sant Paul sagt zu Eomern am 3 u. 4." Melanch-
thon ad J. Brentium, 1531 (Corp. Eef., ii. 501) De fide teneo quid te exerceat. Tu ad-
:
hue haeres in Augustini imaginatione, qui eo pervenit, ut neget rationis justitiam coram
Deo reputari pro justitia et recte sentit. Delude imaginatur, nos justos reputari prop-
;
ter banc impletionem legis, quam efficit in nobis Spiritus sanctus. Sic tu imaginaris,
fide justificari homines, quia fide accipiamus Spiritum sanctum, ut postea justi esse pos-
simus impletione legis, quam efficit Spiritus sanctus. Haec imaginatio collocat justi-
tiam in nostra impletione, in nostra munditie seu perfectione, etsi fidem sequi debet haec
renovatio. Sed tu rejiee oculos ab ista renovatione et a lege in totum ad promissionem
et Christum, et sentias, quod propter Christum justi, hoc est accepti coram Deo simus
et pacera conscientiae inveniamus, et non propter illam renovationem. Nam haec ipsa
novitas non sufficit. Ideo sola fide sumus justi, non quia sit radix, ut tu scribis, sed
quia apprehendit Christum, propter queni sumus accepti quails sit ilia novitas, etsi
:
necessario sequi debet, sed non pacificat conscientiam. Ideo non dilectio, quae est im-
pletio legis, justificat, sed sola fides, non quia est perfectio qiiaedam in nobis, sed tantum
quia apprehendit Christum : justi sumus non propter dilectionem, non propter legis im-
pletionem, non propter novitatem nostram, etsi sint dona Spiritus sancti, sed propter
Christum, et hunc tantum fide apprehendimus. Augustinus non satisfacit Pauli sen-
tentiae, etsi propius accedit quam Scholastici. Et ego cito Augustinum tanquam pror-
sus ofioxpricpov propter publicam de eo persuasionem, cum tamen non satis explicet fidei
justitiam. Crede mihi, mi Brenti, magna et obscura controversia est de justitia fidei,
quam tamen ita recte intelliges, si in totum removeris oculos a lege et imaginatione
Augustini de impletione legis, et defixeris animum prorsus in gratuita promissione, ut
sentias, quod propter promissionem et propter Christum justi h. e. accepti sumus, et
pacem inveniamus. Haec scntentia est vera, et illustrat gratiam Christi, et mirifice
erigit conscientias.— Quando haberet conscientia pacem et certam spem, si deberet sen-
tire, quod tunc demum justi reputemur, cum ilia novitas in nobis perfecta esset? Quid
hoc est aliud quam ex lege, non ex promissione gratuita justificari Luther subjoined
.'
Et ego soleo, mi Brenti, ut banc rem melius capiam, sic imaginari, quasi nulla sit in
corde meo qualitas, quae fides vel caritas vocetur, sed in loco ipsorum pono ipsum Chris-
tum et dico haec est justitia mea ipse est qualitas et formalis, ut vocant, justitia mea,
: ;
ut sic me liberem ab intuitu legis et operum imo et ab intuitu objectivi istius Christi,
;
qui vel doctor vel donator intelligitur sed volo ipsum mihi esse donum et doctrinam
;
per se, ut omnia in ipso habeam. Brenz replied to this, Julj- 5 (p. 510) Didici vobis :
doctoribus non solum recte sentire, verum etiam recte loqui.

^ In respect to such relations Luther often appeals to reason, to reason and com-
mon sense, to a good conscience and honest reason, to the law of nature ; see Hagen's
Deutschlands Verhiiltnisse im Reformationszeitalter, ii. 400, 404, 406. On the other
Iiand,he repels reason in the sharpest style when it assumes to judge about the positive
doctrines of revelation; e. g.. Wider die bimmlischen Propheten, Th. 2, 1525 (Walch,
XX. 280) " Aber wenn man also mit unserm Glauben will umgehen, dass wir unsern
:
Diinkel zuvor in die Schrift tragen, und darnach dieselbige nach unserm Sinn lenken,
und allein darauf sehen, was dem Pobel und gemeinen Diinkel eben ist, so wird kein
Artikel des Glaubens bleiben. Denn
es ist keiner, der nicht iiber Vernunft sej- von Gott
gestellct in der Schrift." " Hinfiirder lehret er (Carlstadt) uns, was Frau Hul-
S. 309 :
da, die naturlichc Vernunft zu diesen Sachen sagt: gerade als wiissten wir nicht, dass
PART II.—CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 34. LUTHER. 387
come righteous;^ only through such justification does he come into

a closer union with Grod, and become filled with the love of Grod ;
thus alone can he become truly holy, and bring forth works which
are really good."* The Augustinian doctrine of predestination, too,
ilie Vernunft des Teufels Hure ist, und nichts kann denn lasteren und schanden alles
was Gott redt und thut."

^ In the Smalcald Articles, 1537, Th. 3, Art. 1, are rejected as heathenish the doctrines
that man's natural powers are uninjured by the fall, and that he has natural power to
obey all of God's commands: "Dass nach dem Erbfal Adii des Menschen natiirliche
Kriifte siud ganz und unverderbt blieben. Und der Mensch habe von Natur eine rechte
Vernunft und guten Willen, wie die Philosophi solches lehren. Item, dass der Mensch
habe eiuen freien Willen guts zu thun und boses zu lassen, und wiederum guts zu lassen
und boses zu thuu. Item, dass der Mensch miige aus natiirlichen Kraften alle Gebot
Gottes thun und halten. Item, er miige aus natiirlichen Kriiften Gott lieben iiber alles,
und seiuen Niihesten als sich selbs. Item, wenn ein Mensch thut, so viel an ihm ist, so
giebt ihm Gott gewisslich seine Gnade."
* Luther ad Spalatinum, 1516 (de Wette, i. 40) Non enim, ut Aristoteles putat, justa
:
agendo justi efficimur, nisi simulatorie sed justi (ut sic dixerim) fiendo et essendo ope-
;
ramur justa: prius necesse est personam esse mutatam, deinde opera: prior placet Abel,
quam munera ejus. More fully in his Sermon v. d. Freiheit eines Christenmenschen,
1520 (Walch, xix. 1225). Luth. Comm. in Epist. ad Gal., 1535, ad Gal., 2, 16 (0pp.
Jen., T. iv., f. 43 verso) Fides Christiana non est otiosa qualitas vel vacua siliqua in
:
corde, quae possit existere in peccato mortali, donee caritas accedat et eam vivilicet;
sed si est vera fides, est quaedam certa fiducia cordis et firmus assensus, quo Christus
apprehenditur. Ita ut Christus sit objectum fidei, imo non objectum, sed, ut sic dicam,
in ipsa fide Christus adest. Fides ergo est cognitio quaedam vel tenebra, quae nihil vi-
det, et tamen in istis tenebris Christus fide apprehensus sedet, sicut Deus in Sinai et in
—
templo sedebat in medio tenebrarum. Justificat ergo fides, quia apprehendit et possi-
det istum thesaurum, scilicet Christum, praesentem. Fol. 44 verso: Fides apprehendit
Christum, et habet eum praesentem, inclusumque tenet, ut annulus gemmam. Et qui
fuerit inventus hac fiducia apprehensi Christi in corde, ilium reputat Deus justum. Haec
ratio est et meritum, quo pervenimus ad remissionem peccatorum et justitiam. Quia
credis, inquit Deus, in me, et fides tua apprehendit Christum, quern tibi donavi, ut esset
mediator et pontifex tuus, ideo sis Justus. Itaque Deus acceptat seu reputat nos justos
solum propter fidem in Christum. Et valde necessaria est acceptatio seu reputatio pri- :
mura, quia nondum sumus perfecte justi, sed iu hac vita haeret adhuc peccatum in car-
ne hoc reliquum in carne peccatum purgat in nobis Deus deinde relinquimur etiam
: :
quandoque a Spiritu sancto, et labimur in peccata, ut Petrus, David et alii Sancti. Ha-
bemus tamen semper regressum ad istum articulum, quod peccata nostra tecta sint,
—
quodque Deus ea non velit nobis imputare. Psalm, xxxii. et Rom. iv. Postquam fidem
in Christum sic docuimus, docemus etiam de bonis operibus. Quia apprehendisti fide
Christum, per quem Justus es, incipe nunc bene operari, dilige Deum et proximum, in-
voca, gratias age, praedica, lauda, confitere Deum, benefac et servi proximo, fac ofiicium
tuum. Haec vere sunt bona opera, quae fluunt ex ista fide et hilaritate cordis concepta,
quod gratis habemus remissionem peccatorum per Christum. Ad v. 20, fol. 55 verso:
Quare fides pure est docenda, quod scilicet per eam sic conglutineris Christo, ut ex te et
ipso fiat quasi una persona, quae non possit segregari, sed perpetuo adliaerescat ei, ut
cum fiducia dicere possis ego sum Christus h. e. Christi justitia, victoria, vita, etc., est
:
mea; et vicissim Christus dicat: ego sum ille peccator, h. e. ejus peccata, mors, etc.,
sunt mea. Fol. 56, verso: Ex his intelligi potest, unde veniat ilia aliena et spiritualis
vita, quam animalis homo non percipit. —
Quia ilia vita est in corde per fidem, ubi ex-
tincta carne regnat Christus cum suo Spiritu sancto, qui jam videt, audit, loquitur, ope-
ratur, patitur et simpliciter omnia agit in ipso, etiamsi caro reluctetur. Breviter, ista
:
did not suffice for Luther, when he tried to shape a speculative

statement of it corresponding to his humble sense of an uncondi-
tional dependence upon God.^ But as he was in general disin-
vita non est carnis, licet sit in carne, sed Christ! filii Dei, quern fide possidet Christia-
nus. Augsb. Conf., Part I., Art. 20 " Der Glaub ergreift allzeit allein Gnad u. Verge-
:
bung der Sunde, u. dieweil durch den Glauben der heilig Geist geben wird, so wird auch
das Herz geschickt gute Werk zu thun. Dann zuvorn dieweil es ohn den heil. Geist
ist, so ist es zu schwach, darzu ist es ins Teufels Gewalt. —
Derhalb ist die Lehre vom
Glauben nicht zu schelten, dass sie gute Werk verbiete, sender viel meher zu ruhmen,
dass sie lehre gute Werk zu thun, u. Hiilf anbiete, wie man zu guten Werken kommen
muge. Dann ausser dem Glauben u. ausserhalb Christo ist menschliche Natur u. Ver-
mugen viel zu schwach, gute Werk zu thun, Gott anzurufen, Geduld zu haben im Lei-
den, den Nachsten lieben, befohlne Aemter fleissig auszurichten, gehorsara zu seyn,
bose Lust zu meiden solche hoche u. rechte Werk mugen nit geschehen ohn die Hiilf
:
Christi, wie er selbs spricht Johann. xv. Ohn mich kunnt ihr nichts thun." Interpre-
:
tation of First Epistle of Peter, 1523, on i. 17 (Walch, ix. 672) " Dass nun hier der Apos-
:
tel saget, dass Gott nach den Werken richtet, ist auch wahr aber dafiir soil mans ge-
:
wisslich halten, wo der Glaube nicht ist, dass da anch kein gut Werk konne sej^n und ;
wiederum dass da kein Glaube sej', wo nicht gute Werke siud. Darum schleusst er den
Glauben u. gute Werke zusammen, dass also in den beyden die Summa des ganzen
christlichen Lebens stehe. Wie du nun lebest, so wird es dir gehen, darnach wird dich
Gott richten. Darum, ob uns Gott wol nach den Werken richtet, so bleibet dennoch
das wahr, dass die Werke allein Friichte sind des Baums, bei welchen man siehet, wo
Glaube oder unglaube ist darum wird dich Gott aus den Werken urtheilen und iiber-
:
zeugen, dass du geglaubet oder nicht geglaubet hast." Comp. Joh. Briefman's Unter-
richt u. Ermahnung an die christi. Gemein zu Cottbus, 1523, communicated bj- Dr. Lom-
matzsch, in Niedner's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol., iii. 507. How earnestlj- Luther insist-
ed on a moral renewal of the inner man may be seen in Disp. III. contra Antinomos,
1528, T. i., Jen. fol. 519: 1. Poenitentia Papistarum, Turcarum, Judaeorum et omnium
infidelium et hj-pocritarum est per omnia similis. 2. Ea est de aliquo vel aliquibus pec-
catis actualibus dolere et satisfacere, postea esse securum de aliis peccatis seu originali
peccato. 3. Haec autem poenitentia eorum est particularis et temporalis, tantum de
aliquibus peccatis, et in aliqua parte vitae. 4. Coguntur ita sentire, qui peccatum ori-
ginale prorsus non intelligunt corruptionem et perditionem esse totius naturae. 5. Poe-
nitentia fidelium in Christo est ultra peccata actualia, perpetua, et usque ad mortem per
totam vitam. 6. Quia ipsorum est, morbum seu peccatum naturae detestari et odisse
usque ad finem. 7. Eecte enim Christus dicit omnibus suis poenitentiam agite, totam
:
sciiicet vitam suorum volens esse poenitentiam. 9. Quare omnia opera post justifica-
tionem sunt aliud nihil quam poenitentia seu bonum propositum contra peccatum. 10.
Nihil aliud enim agitur, quam ut peccatum per legem ostensum et in Christo remissum
expurgetur.
^ Comp. particularlv L. De servo Arbitrio ad D. Erasmum. Eoterod. 1525 (comp. Div. I.,
§ 3, Note 15); e. g. T., Jen. 165: Est itaque et hoc inprimis necessai-ium et salu-
iii. f.
tare Christiano nosse, quod Deus nihil praescit contingenter, sod quod omnia incommu-
tabili et aeterna infallibilique voluntate et praevidet, et proponit, et facit. Hoc fulmine
sternitur et conteritur penitus liberum arbitrium.—Ex quo sequitur irrefragabiliter
omnia quae facimus, etsi nobis videntur mutabiliter et contingenter fieri et fiant, re- —
vera tamen fiunt necessario et immutabiliter, si Dei voluntatem spectes.— Optarim sane
aliud melius vocabulum dari in hac disputatione, quam hoc usitatum necessitas, quod
non recte dicitur, neque de divina neque humana voluntate. Voluntas enim sive di- —
vina sive humana nulla coactione, sed mere lubentia vel cupiditate quasi vere libera
facit quod facit, sive bonum sive malum. Sed tamen immutabilis et infallibilis est vo-
luntas Dei, quae nostram voluntatem mutabilem gubernat. Fol. 198 verso: Primum,
etiam ratio et diatribe concedit, Deum omnia in omnibus operari, ac sine ipso nihil fieri
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 34. LUTHER. 389
clined to speculate upon religious things,^ so, too, he was unwill-

ing to enter into subtle distinctions about these depths of the God-
head.'' On the other hand, he made the doctrine of justification
—
nee efficax esse. Quando ergo Deus omnia in omnibus movet et agit, necessario movet
etiam et agit in Satano et impio. Agit autem in illis taliter, quales illi sunt, et quales
invenit, h. e. cum illi sint aversi et mali, et rapiantur motu illo divinae omnipotentiae,
—
non nisi aversa et mala fuciunt. Hie vides, Deus cum in malis et per malos operatur,
mala quidem fieri Deum tamen non posse male facere, licet mala per malos faciat, quia
;
ipse bonus male facere non potest, malis tamen instrumentis utitur, quae raptum et mo-
turn potentiae suae non possunt evadere. Cf. Jul. Miiller, Lutheri De Praedestinatione
et Libero Arbitrio Doctrina. Gottingae, 1832. 4. The different opinions of later Luther-
an divines upon this doctrine of Luther, see in Walch's Introduction to the 18th part of
Luther's Writings, p. 129. Some conceded his agreement with Calvin. Thus Chytrae-
us (see infra, § 42, Note 4), and Calixt the strictest orthodox Lutherans, e. g., Calov
:
and Loscher, conceded that there was much that was offensive views but th^'
in these ;
tried to palliate them, and particularlj' to defend Luther from agreement with Cal-
all
vin. Others, in fine, endeavored, bj' interpretation, to reconcile this work with the Lu-
theran orthodoxy ; thus, too, Eudelbach's Reformation, s. 279.
« Kirchenpostille for the Sunday(Walch, xi. 1548) " Man begehet
of Holy Tl-inity :
heute das Fest der heil. Dreifaltigkeit, welches wir auch ein wenig mussen ruhren, dass
wirs nicht umsonst feiern wiewol man diesen Namen Dreifaltigkeit nirgend findet in
:
der Schrift, sondern die Menschen haben ihn erdacht und erfunden. Darum lautet es
zumal kalt, und viel besser sprache man Gott, denn die Dreifaltigkeit.— Die hohen Schu-
len haben mancherlei Distinctiones, Traume und Erdichtung erfunden, damit sie haben
wollen anzeigen die heil. Dreifaltigkeit, und sind daruber zu Narren worden. Darum
wollen wir aus der Schrift eitel Spruche nehmen, damit wir fassen und beschliessen wol-
len die Gottheit Christi." Rationis Latomianae Lutherana Confutatio, 1521 (Tom. Jen.,
ii. fol. 407) Nee est quod mihi homousion illud objectes adversus Arianos receptum.
:
Non fuit receptum a multis, iisque praeclarissimis, quod et Hieronymus optavit aboleri.
— Quod si odit anima mea voceni homousion, et nolim ea uti, non ero haereticus. Quis
enim me coget uti, modo rem teneam, quae in concilio per Scripturas definita est ? Me-
lanchthonis Loci Communes Rerum Theologicarum, ed. 1521. A. iv. In his (locis) ut :
quidam prorsus incomprehensibiles sunt, ita rursus sunt quidam, quos universo vulgo
Christianorum compertissimos esse Christus voluit. M3-steria divinitatis rectius adora-
verimus,quam vestigaverimus. Immo sine magno periculo tentari non possunt, id quod
non raro sancti viri etiam sunt experti. —
Proinde non est cur multum operae ponamus
in locis illissupremis, de Deo, de unitate, de trinitate Dei, de mj-sterio creationis, de
modo incarnationis. Quaeso te, quid adsecuti sunt jam tot saeculis scholastici theolo-
gistae cum in his locis solis versarentur .' Nonne in disceptationibus suis, ut ille ait,
vani facti sunt, dum nugantur de universalibus, formalitatibus, connotatis, et
tota vita
nescio quibus aliis inanibus vocabulis ? Et dissimulari eorum stultitia posset, nisi Evan-
gelium interim et beneficia Christi obscurassent nobis illae stultae disputationes. Re- —
liquos vero locos, peccati vim, legem, gratiam qui ignoravit, non video quomodo Chris-
tianum vocem nam ex his proprie Christus cognoscitur, siquidem hoc est Christum
:
cognoscere, beneficia ejus cognoscere, non, quod isti decent, ejus naturas, modes incar-
nationis contueri. —
Haec demum Christiana cognitio est, scire quod lex poscat, unde fa-
ciendae legis vim, unde peccati gratiam petas, quomodo labascentem animura adversus
daemonem, carnem et mundum erigas, quomodo adflictam conscientiam consoleris.
Scilicet ista decent scholastici ? Baur's christi. Lehre v. d. Dreieinigk. u. Menschwer-
dung Gottes in ihrer geschichtl. Entwicklung, iii. 19.
'Luther's Enarratio in Genesin (written 153G-1545) ad Gen. vi. 5. (T. vi., Viteberg,
1561, fol. 97 verso) Sequor autem ego banc perpetuam regulam, ut quantum potest,
:
tales quaestiones vitem, quae nos protrahunt ad solium summae majestatis. Melius au-
tern et tutius est consistere ad praesCpe Christi hominis. Plurimum enim periculi in eo
:
by faith alone the centre of his whole religious life,^ and the touch-
est, si in illos labjîiithos divinitatis te involvas. Fol. 98 : De hac voluntate substanti-
ali et divina nihil scrutandum, sed simpliciter abstinendum est, sicut a majestate di-
vina : est enim inscrutabilis, nee voluit earn Deus proponere in hac vita. Quibusdam
involucris voluit earn ostendere, baptismo, verbo, sacramento coenae. Haec sunt divina
simulacra et voluntas signi, per quae pro nostro captu nobiscum agit. Igitur in haec
tantum intuendum est. Voluntas beneplaciti simpliciter dimittenda est, nisi sis vel Mo-
ses, vel David, vel aliquis similis perfectus vir, quanquam hi quoque in voluntatem be-
neplaciti sic intuiti sunt, ut a voluntate signi nusquam averterent oculos. Ad Gen. xxvi.,
9, fol. 385 Audio spargi passim sceleratas voces inter nobiles et magnates de praedes-
:
tinatione sive praescientia divina. enim loquuntur si sum praedestinatus, sive

Sic :
bene, sive male egero, salvabor: non sum praedestinatus, damnabor nulla ratione
si
—
habita operum. Sunt haec diabolica et venenata tela, et ipsum peccatum originale, quo
seduxit diabolus primes parentes, cum diceret eritis sicut dii. Non enim erant con-
:
tenti revelata divinitate, qua cognita beati erant, sed volebant penetrare profunditatem
divinitatis. — Sic igitur in libello de servo arbitrio et alibi docui, esse distinguendum,
quando agitur de notitia vel potius de subjecto divinitatis. Aut enim disputandum est
de Deo abscondito aut de Deo revelato. De Deo, quatenus non est revelatus, nulla est
fides, nulla scientia et cognitio nulla. Atque ibi tenendum est quod dicitur quae supra :
nos. Ejusmodi enim cogitationes, quae supra aut extra revelationem Dei, sublimius ali-
quid rimantur, prorsus diabolicae sunt, quibus nihil amplius proficitur, quam ut nos ip-
sos in exitium praecipitemus, quia objiciunt objectum impervestigabile, videlicet Deum
non revelatum. Hauspostille, Septuagesima Sundaj', in Walch, xiii. 473. Interpreta-
tion of the 2d Epist., 1524, on 2 Petr., i. 10, in Walch, ix. 846. Interpretation of the
17th chap. John, 1530, on verse 6, in Walch, viii. 723. Letter of consolation to a person
not named on account of doubts on election, 20th July, 1528, in de Wette, iii. 354
" Gott der AUmachtige, im Fall dass er alle Ding weiss, und miissen alle Werk und Ge-
danken in alien Creaturen nach seinem Wîllen geschehen, juxta deci'etum voluntatis
suae, so ist doch sein ernstlicher Will und Meinung, auch Befehl, von Ewigkeit beschlos-
sen, alle Menschen selig und der ewigen Freuden theilhaftig zu machen, wie Ezech.
am 18. cap. (v. 23) kliirlich gemeldt Viîrd, da er saget: " Gott will nicht den Tod des
Sunders, sondern dass er sich bekehre und lebe." Will er nu die Sunder, die unter dem
vveiten, hohen Himmel allenthalben leben und schweben, selig machen und haben: so
vj'oUet ihr euch durch cuer niirrische Gedanken, vom Teufel eingegeben, nicht abson-
dern, und von der Gnade Gottes scheiden. —
Dazu gehort ein rechter wahrer Glaube, der
solch Zagen und Verzweifeln austreibe, welches ist unser Gerechtigkeit, wie zum Rom.
am iii. (v. 22) stehet " die Gerechtigkeit Gottes durch den Glauben an J. Chr., welcher
:
ist in alien und Menschen."

iiber alle
* Luther Comm. major in Epist. ad Galatas. 1535, Praef. brevis (Jen. T. iv. fol. 3 ver-
so) Periculum hoc maximum et proximum est, ut diabolus ablata pura fidei doctrina
:
rursus invehat doctrinas operum ac traditionum humanarum. Quare haec doctrina —

nunquam satis tractari et inculcari potest. Ea jacente et pereunte jacet et perit simul
tota cognitio veritatis, ea vero florente florent omnia bona, religio, verus .cultus, gloria
Dei, certa cognitio omnium statuum et rerum. Ad Gal. iii. 13, fol. 90 verso: Ita opor-
tet nos magnificare articulum justitiae christianae contra justitiam legis et operum,
quanquam nulla vox aut eloquentia sit, quae digne possit concipere, multo minus elo-
qui ejus magnitudinem. Fol. 91 verso : Locus igitur justificationis, ut saepe moneo, dili-
genter discendus est. In eo enim comprehenduntur omnes alii fidei nostrae articuli, eo-
que salvo salvi sunt et reliqui. Smalcald Articles, Part II., Art. 1 : "Von dieseni Arti-
kel kann man nichts weichen oder nachgeben, es falle Himmel und Erden, oder was
nicht bleiben will, denn es ist kein ander Name den Menschen gegeben, dadurch wir
konnen selig werden, spricht S. Petrus Act. iv. Und durch seine Wunden sind wir ge-
heilet, Jes. liii. Und auf diesem Artikel steht alles, das wir wider den Papst, Teufel
und Welt lehren und leben. Darum miissen wir des gar gewiss seyn und nicht zwei-
feln. Sonst ists alles verloren, und behalt Papst und Teufel und alles wider uns
1
PAET II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 34. LUTHER. 39
stone by which he
tried not only all other doctrines and ecclesias-
but also the worth of the different biblical writings.^
tical usages,
The misunderstanding of this truth was, in his view, the funda-

mental corruption of the Church ; and it was the cause of his sep-
aration from it, hard as this was for him.^° When this truth is
proclaimed out of the pure source of revelation^' —the Holy Scrip-
den Sieg und Recht." To the Church at Eslingen, October 11, 1523, in de Wette,
ii. 417.
' Preface to New Testament, 1524, in Walch, xiv. 105: "Weil nnn Johannes gar
wenig Werke von Christo, aber gar viel seiner Predigten schreibt wiederum die an- ;
dern drei Evangelisten viel seiner Werke, wenig seiner Worte beschrieben ist Johan- :
nis Evangelium das einige zarte, rechte Hauptevangelium, und denen andern dreien
weit vorzuziehen und hoher zu heben. Also auch St. Pauli und Peter's Episteln weit
uber die drei Evangelia Matthai, Marci, und Lucii vorgehen. Summa, St. Johannis
Evangelium und seine erste Epistel, St. Pauli Episteln, sonderlich die zu den Romern,
Galatern, Ephesern, und St. Peter's erste Epistel, das sind die Biicher, die dir Christum
zeigen, und alles lehren, das dir zu wissen noth und selig ist, ob du schon kein ander
Buch noch Lehre nimmermehr sehest noch horest. Darum ist St. Jacob's Epistel eine
rechte stroherne Epistel gegen sie, denn sie doch keine evangelische Art an ihr hat."
With this are connected Luther's free views upon inspiration compare his preface upon ;
Dr. Wenc. Linken's Annotationes iiber die 5 B. Mosis, 1543, in Walch, xiv. 172 " Und :
haben ohne Zweifel auf diese Weise die Propheten im Mose, und die letzten Propheteu
in den ersten studiret, und ihre guten Gedanken, vom heil. Geist eingegeben, in ein
—
Buch aufgeschrieben. Ob aber denselben guten treuen Lehrern und Forschern der
Schrift zuweilea auch mit unterfiel Heu, Stroh, Holz, und nicht eitel Silber, Gold, und
Edelgestein baueten so bleibet doch der Grund da das andere verzehret das Feuer
; :
des Tages." Schenkel, i. 53, 168.

'° See Div. I., § 1, Notes 7, 8, 54. Luther, De abroganda Missa privata. Praef. ad
fratres suos Augustinenses, dd. 1. Nov., 1521 (T. Jen. Ego quotidie in
ii. f. 442 verso):
meipso experior, quam difficile sit conscientiam longo impietatis usu vexatam ad sanam
pietatis scientiam revocare et infirmitatem ejus sanare. Quot, rogo, medicamentis, quam
robusta resina Galaad (comp. Jer. viii. 22), quam potentibus et evidentibus scripturis
meam ipsius conscientiam auderem unus contradicere Papae, et
vixdum stabilivi, ut
credere eum esse Antichristum, Episcopos esse ejus Apostolos, Academias esse ejus lu-
panaria Quoties mihi palpitavit tremulum cor, et reprehendens objecit eorum fortissi-
!
mum et unicum argumentum tu solus sapis ? totne errant universi.' tanta saecula ig-
:
noraverunt Quid, si tu erres, et tot tecum in errorem trahas damnandos aeternaliter ?

"i
Et tandem confirmavit me verbis suis certis et fidelibus Christus, ut jam nee tremat nee
palpitet, sed insultet cor meum his papisticis argumentis, non aliter atque tutissimum
littusminaces et tumidas procellas ridet.
" De Servo Arbitrio ad D. Erasmum, 1525 (T. Jen. iii. fol. 162) Quid ais
Luther, ;
Erasme ? Non satis est submisisse sensum Scripturis ? etiam Ecclesiae decretis submit-
tis ? Quid ilia potest decernere non decretum in Scripturis ? Delude ubi manet libertas
et potestas judicandi decretores illos, ut Paulus 1 Cor. xiv. docet caeteri dijudicent ? :
—
Quae ista nova religio et humilitas, ut nobis tuo exemplo potestatem adimas judicandi
decreta hominum, et subjicias sine judicio hominibus ? Fol. 162 verso : Sed esse in Scrip-
tura quaedam abstrusa, et non omnia exposita, invulgatum est quidem per impios So-
phistas, quorum ore et tu loqueris hie, Erasme, sed nunquam unum articulum produxe-
runt, nee producere possunt, quo suam banc insaniam probarent. Talibus autem larvis
Satanas absterruit a legendis Uteris sacris, et reddidit Scripturam sacram contemptibi-
lem, ut suas pestes ex philosophia in Ecclesia faceret regnare. Hoc sane fateor, esse
multa loca in Scripturis obscura et abstrusa, non ob majestatem rerum, sed ob ignoran-
:
392 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I,—AD. 1517-1C48.
tures —and made living in the soul, then — this he knew with en-
tire certainty — all the errors and abuses that had crept into the
Church must fall away of themselves, the Church would become
free from the bondage into which it had fallen through the craft
of man, and improvement in morals would be the necessary re-
sult.^^ Luther by no means desired to reject all ecclesiastical de-
velopments he, in fact, laid stress upon agreement with the uni-
;
versal Church;'^ but he would have all the doctrines and usages
tiam Tocabulorum et grammaticae, sed quae nihil impediant scientiam omnium rerum
in Scripturis. Quid enim potest in Scripturis augustius latere reliquum, postquam frac-
tis signaculis et voluto ab ostio sepulcri lapide, illud siimmum mysterium proditum est,
Christum filium Dei factum hominem, esse Deum trinum et unum, Christum pro nobis pas-
sum et regnaturum aeternaliter ? Nonne haec etiam in biviis sunt nota et cantata ? Telle
Christum e Scripturis, quid amplius in illis invenies ? Res igitur in Scripturis contentae
omnes sunt proditae, licet quaedam loca adhuc verbis incognitis obscurae sunt. Stul-
tum est vero et impium, omnes in luce positas clarissima, et
scire, res Scripturae esse
propter pauca verba obscura res obscuras dictare. Si uno loco obscura sunt verba, at
alio sunt clara. Fol. 184 Si scriptura obscura vel ambigua est, quid illam opus fuit
:
nobis divinitus tradi? annon satis sumus obscuri et ambigui, nisi de coelo nobis augea-
—
tur obscuritas et ambiguitas et tenebrae ? Debent omnes Christianorum articuli tales
esse, ut non modo ipsis certissimi sint, sed etiam adversus alios tarn manifestis et claris
Scripturis firmati, ut omnibus os obstruant, ne possint quicquam contradicere.
'^ Luther Vom Anbeten dcs Sacraments an die Bohmen, 1523 see Div. I., § 14, Note
;
2, at the close.
'^ Thus he defends infant baptism, Ep. ad Melanchth., 13. Jan., 1522 (de Wette, ii.
127) Ego vero video id

: singulari miraculo Dei factum, ut solus hie articulus de parvu-
lis baptisandis nunquamfuerit negatus ne ab haereticis quidem adeo nulla est confes-
:
oppositum, sed e contra totius orbis confessio constans et una ad propositum.

sio illius in
Hanc autem confessionem negare esse Ecclesiae illius verae et legitimae, arbitror impi-
issimum esse. Idem enim mihi videtur atque Ecclesiara negare. Quod ergo non est —
contra Scripturam, pro Scriptura est, et Scriptura pro eo. Luther to Duke Albrecht of
Prussia, 1532, in de Wette, iv. 354, on the Lord's Supper :
" Zudem so ist dieser Artikel
nicht eine Lehre oder Aufsatz ausser der Schrift von Menschen erdichtet, sondern klar-
lich im Evangelic durch helle, reine, ungezweifelte Wort Christi gestift und gegriindet,
und von Anfang der christlichen Kircheu in aller Welt bis auf diese Stund eintriichtig-
lich gegliiubet und gehalten —
welchs Zeugniss der ganzen heiligen christlichen Kircheu
:
(wenn wir schon nichts mehr hatten) soil uns allein gnugsam seyn, bei diesem Artikel
zu bleiben, und daruber keinen Rottengeist zu horen noch zu leiden. Denn es fahrlich
ist und erschrecklich, etwas zu horen oder zu gliiuben wider das eintriichtig Zeugniss,
Glauben und Lehre der ganzen heiligen christlichen Kirchen, so von Anfang her, nu
uber funfzehen hundert Jahr in aller Welt eintrachtiglich gehalten hat. Wenns ein neu
Artikel ware, und nicht von Anfang der heil. christi. Kirchen, oder wiir nicht bei alien
Kirchen noch bei der ganzen Christenheit in aller Welt so eintrachtiglich gehalten
ware noch schrecklich, davon zu zweifeln oder disputiren, ob es
es nicht so fahrlich
recht sej-. Nu
von Anfang her, und so weit die ganze Christenheit ist, eintrach-
er aber
tiglich gehalten ist wer nu dran zweifelt, der thut eben so viel, als glaubet er kein
:
christliche Kirche, und verdammt damit nicht allein die ganze heilige christliche Kirche,
als eine verdammte Ketzerinn, sondern auch Christum selbs mit alien Aposteln und
Propheten, die diesen Artikel, da wir sprechen "Ich gliiube eine heilige christliche
:
Kirche" gegriindet haben, und gewaltig bezeuget, namlich Christus Matth. xxviii. ;
"Siehe, ich bin bei euch bis an der Welt Ende," und St. Paulus 1 Tim. iii. "Die :
Kirche Gottes ist eine Siiule und Gruadveste der Wahrheit." In the Augsburg Confes-
:
PART II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 3i. LUTHER. 393
of the Church tested by the Bible, and allow nothing which was
opposed to it.^* Besides this, he desired that man's freedom in
it is said that this confession is made, "damit man daraus dester has
sion, at the end,
zu vernehmen habe, dass bei uns nichts weder mit Lehre noch mit Ceremonien ange-
nommen ist, das entweder der heiligen Schrift oder gemeiner christlichen Kirchen zu-
entgegen wtire." Cf. Melanchthoa ad Campegium, dd. 6. Jul., 1530, Div. I., § 5, Note
22. Ejusd., Epist. Nuncupatoria ad Frid. Myconium, prefixed to Sentent. Veterum ali-
quot Scriptorum de Coena Domini, Viteberg, 1530, in Corp. Ref., ii. 29 Quauquam autem :
fides non pendeat ab humaua auctoritate sed a verbo Dei, tamen cum Scriptura^mbecil-
les a fortioribus confirmari velit, juvat habere Ecclesiae testimonia in omni genera ten-
tationum. Ut enim vivos libenter consulimus, quos judicamus usum aliquem habere
spiritualium rerum, ita et veteres, quorum scripta probantur, censeo consulendos esse.
'* Luther to the Emperor's Deputy and the Estates of the Imperial Government at
Nuremberg, August, 1523 (de Wette, ii. 367), against the first article of the imperial
edict of March 6, 1523, "that the Gospel was to be preached as interpreted bj' teachers
approved and accepted by the Christian Church," appeals to Augustini, Ep. 19, ad Hie-
ronj'mum de Petro reprehenso a Paulo, c. 1 " Ich gebe allein den heil. Biichern, die da
:
canonici heissen, die Ehre, dass ich glaube, keinen derselben Schreiber geirret haben
die andern alle lose ich also, dass, wie hoch sie scheinen mit Kunst und Heiligkeit, den-
noch nicht darum recht achte, dass sie also halten sonder wo sie mirs mit den Spruch-
;
en der heil. Schrift oder heller Vernunft beweisen." To this Luther adds " Hie sehen :
wir ja, dass St. Augustinus ein Ziel steckt, die Lehrer anzunehmen, und wirft sie alle
unter das Urtheil der heil. Schrift, wie billig dass uber diess Ziel sich nicht gebuhrt
;
Jemand anzunehmen, er sey wie heilig u. gelehrt er muge. Solchen Verstand van den
Lehrern, so die ehristl. Kirche angenommen und approbirt hat, achtea wir auch ira
Mandat seyn wollen und kiinten audi keinen andern leiden, es gehe dariiber, wie Gott
;
will." Luther, Comm. major in Epist. ad Galatas, 1535, ad Gal., i. 11, 12. (T. Jen. iv.
fol. 23) Valde igitur speciosum et robustum hoc argumentum Pseudoapostolorum fuit,
:
quod et hodie plures commovet, scilicet: " Apostoli, sancti Patres, et eorum successores
sic docuerunt, Ecclesia sic sentit et credit impossibile est auteni, quod Christus tot sae-
:
culis Ecclesiam suam errare sinat. Tu certe solus non sapis plus, quam tot sancti viri,
et tota Ecclesia," etc. — Quando Satan hoc urget, et conspirat cum came et ratione, per-
terrefit conscientia et desperat, nisi constanter ad te redeas, et dicas :
" Sive S. Cj-pria-
nus, Ambrosius, Augustinus, sive S. Petrus, Paulus, Johannes, imo angelus e coelo ali-
ter doceat, tamen hoc certo scio, quod humana non suadeo, sed divina, h. e. quod Deo
omnia tribuo, hominibus nihil." At ais —
" Ecclesia est sancta, Patres sunt sancti."
:
Bene, sed Ecclesia, quamlibet sancta, tamen cogitur orare " Remitte nobis debita nos- :
tra." tamen per remissionem peccatorum salvati sunt.

Sic Patres, quamlibet sancti,
Ergo neque mihi, neque Ecclesiae, iicque Patribus, neque Apostolis, neque angelo e
coelo credendum est, si quid contra verbum Dei docemus sed verbum Domini stat in :
aeternum. Alioqui hoc argumentum Pseudoapostolorum maxime valuisset contra Pauli

doctrinam, quia profecto magna, magna, inquam, res fuit, opponere totam Ecclesiam
cum toto choro Apostolorum Galalis contra Paulum unicum, et eum recentiorem, ac
minus auctoritatis habentem.Firmissimum ergo hoc argumentum fuit, et potenter con-
clusit : nemo enim libenter dicit Ecclesiam errare, et tamen necesse est dicere, eam er-
rare, si extra vel contra verbum Dei aliquid docet. —^Hoc argumentum et hodie maxime
praegravat causam nostram. Nam
neque Papae, neque Patribus, neque Luthero,
si
etc., credendum est, nisi doceant purum Dei verbum, cui turn credendum est.' Quis
interim certas faciat conscientias, utri purum Dei verbum doceant, nos an adversarii
nostri ? Nam et ipsi jactant se purum Dei verbum habere et docere. Nos Papistis non
credimus, quia verbum Dei non docent, neque possunt docere. E contra ipsi acerrime
nos oderunt et insectantur, ut pestilentissimos haereticos ac seductores. Quisque igitur —
videat, ut certissimus sit de sua vocatione et doctrina, ut cum Paulo certissime ac secu-
rissime ausit dicere :
" Etiamsi nos aut angelus e coelo," etc, Scheakel, i. 19.
matters of and the freedom of Christians in indifferent mat-

faith,
ters, should be respected, ^^ and weak consciences spared in making
ecclesiastical changes.^^ But to the unlicensed freedom of fanat-

ics, who relied upon an internal word independent of Scripture,
'^ Luther, Instructions to all- who come to Confession, 1521, in Walch, xix. 1009:
"Niemand soil zum Glauben gezwungen, sondern nur berufen werden. Soil jeniand
kommen, Gott wird ihn durch ein Rufeu wohl bewegen bewegt er ihn nicht, was
:
machst du mit deinem Treiben ?" S. 1012 " Zum eilften. Daruni hiite dicb, und lass
:
ja kein ping so gross seyn auf Erden, ob es auch Engel vom Himmel wiiren, dass dich
wider dein Gewissen treibe von der Lehre, die du gottlich erkennest und achtest." Lu-
ther, On Confession, to F. v. Sickingen, 1521, in Walch, xix. 1036: "Aber der Papst
und geistliche Setzer, die fahren mit Lucifer iiber den Himmel, geben vor, ihr Ding sey
gottlich, und mache vor Gott fromm, regiere und flihre die Gewissen zu recht. Das
kann Gott nicht leiden, da ist er ein Eiferer. Denn in den Gewissen will er allein sej-n,
und sein Wort allein regieren lassen, da soil Freiheit sej'n von alien Menschensatzun-
gen." Luther's Answer to the Book of King Heniy VIII. of England, 1522, in Walch,
xix. 333. " Frei, frei, frei wollen und soUen wir seyn in allem, das ausser der Schrift
ist: trotz der es uns wehre." Luther, To the Church at Eslingen, 21. October, 1523, in
de Wette, ii. 419 " Wahr ists, dass ich gesagt habe, es sej' gut Ding um Beichten.
:
Item ich wehre und verbeut nit fasten, wallen, Fisch essen, feiren, aber doch also,
etc.,
dass solchs frei geschehe. —Das Gewissen wollen und sollen wir frei haben in alien Wer-
ken, die nit zum Glauben oder der Liebe des Niichsten dienen." Luther's Short Confes-
sion about the H0I3' Sacrament, 1544 (Walch, xx. 2225) :
" Was frey ist, nemlicli weder
geboten noch verboten, darin man weder siindigen, noch verdienen kann, das soil in un-
ser Macht stehen, als unser Vernunft unterworfen, dass wirs mogen, ohn alle Sunde und
Fahr des Gewissens, brauchen oder nicht brauchen, halten und fahren lassen, nach un-
serm Gefallen oder Nothdurft und wollen kurzum hierin freye Herren, und nicht
;
Knechte seyn."
'^ Luther to Spalatin, 7. March, 1522, in de Wette, ii. 145 " Ich verdamme als ein
:
Greuel der Papisten Messe, daraus sie ein Opfer und gut Werk machen, dadurch der
Mensch Gott versiihnet wird. Ich aber will nicht Hand anlegen, noch Jemand, so ohn
Glauben ist, bereden, vielweniger zwingen, dass er sie selbs mit Gewalt abthue. Allein
treibe und verdamme ich solchen Missbrauch der Messen durchs Wort. Wers gliiubt,
der gliiube es, und folge ungenothiget ; wers aber nicht gliiuben will, der lasse und fahro
immer hin denn niemand soil zum Glauben, und was den Glauben belanget, gezwun-
:
gen, sondern durchs Wort gezogen und gewounen werden. —

Ich verwerfe auch die
Bilde, die man ehret, aber durchs Wort treibe die Leute nicht, dass sie sie verbrennen
;
sollen, sondern dass sie ihr Zuversicht und Vertrauen nicht drauf setzen, wie bisher ge-
schehen, und noch geschieht. Sie wiu'den wohl von ihnen selbs fallen, wenn das Volk
recht durchs Wort untervveiset wiisste, dass sie fiir Gott nichts sind noch gelten. Also
verdamme ich auch des Papsts Gesetze von der Ohrenbeicht, vom Gebot, zum heil. Sac-
rament zu bestimmter Zeit zu gehen, vom Gebet und Anrufen der Heiligen, ihnen zu
feiren und fasten. Ich thue es aber mit und durchs Wort, dass ich die Gewissen frei
mache, und von solchen Stricken erledige. Wenn das geschieht, stehets denn bei ihnen,
dass sie derselben entweder brauchen um der Schwachen willen, die noch dran hangen
und drinnen verwirret wo sie und andere stark sind dass
sind, oder nicht brauchen, :
also die Liebe herrsche und Oberhand behalte in diesen und dergleichen ausserlichen
Werken und Gesetzen." Luther to the Church in Eslingen, 21. October, 1523, in de
Wette, ii. 419: "Weil nun viel schwacher Gewissen seind, die in Papsts Gesetzen ge-
fangen liegen, so ists wohlgethan, dass du nit Fleisch essest, etc. Denn solch nit Fleisch
essen wird damit ein Werk der Lieb, well du damit deinem Niichsten dienest, seiner
Weise zu folgen, und seines Gewissens zu verschonen." Comp. Luther's Eight Sermons
against Dr. Carlstadt's Novelties, preached in Lent, at Wittenberg, 1522, in Walch,
XX. 4.
;
PAKT II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 34. LUTHER. 395
he opposed the principle that the Spirit is not given to man with-
out media, and that faith comes from the "Word of Grod.^' Extern-
ally he would have diverging doctrines repressed by the civil au-
thorities only so far that they should not disturb the public order.^^
" Luther, Against the Ileavenlj- Prophets, Th. 2, 1525, in Walch, xx. 271: "So nun
Gott sein heiliges Evangelium hat aushisseu gehen, handelt er mit uns auf zweierlei
AVeise. Einmal ausserlich, das anderemal innerlich. Aeusserlich handelt er mit uns
durch miindliche Worte des Evangelii und durch die leiblichen Zeichen, als da ist Taufe
und Sacrament. Innerlich handelt er mit uns durch den lieil. Geist und Glauben samt
andern Gaben. Aber das alles der Massen und der Ordnung, dass die ausserlichen
Stiicke sollen und miJssen vorgehen, und die innerlichen hernach und durch die iiusser-
lichen kommen, also dass ers beschlossen hat, keinem Menschen die innerlichen Stucke
zu geben ohne durch die ausserlichen Stiicke denn er -vrill niemand den Geist noch
;
Glauben geben ohne das ausserliche Wort und Zeichen, so er dazu eingesetzt hat, wie
er, Luc. xvi. 29, spricht Lass sie Mosen und die Propheten horen. Daher auch St.
:
Paulus darf nennen die Taufe ein Bad der neuen Geburt, darinne Gott den heil. Geist
reichlich ausgeusst, Tit. iii. 5, 6, 7 : Und das miindliche Evangelium eine giittliche Kraft,
die da selig mache dran gliiuben, Rom. i. IG."
alle, die
'^ Luther's Interpretation of the 82d Psalm, on verse
4, in Walch, v. 1055. He here
distinguishes four cases " Erstlich sind etliche Ketzer aufriihrisch, die offentlich leh-
:
ren, dass man keine Obrigkeit leiden soil. Item dass kein Christ moge im Stande der
Obrigkeit sitzen. Item dass man soil nichts Eigenes haben, sondern von Weib und
Kind laufen, Haus und Hof lassen, oder alle Dinge gemein halten und haben. Diese
sind stracks und ohne alien Zweifel zu strafen von der Obrigkeit, als die da offentlich
wider die weltlichen Rechte und Obrigkeit streben, Rom. xiii. 2. Denn sie sind nicht
schlecht allein Ketzer, sondern als die Aufriihrer greifen sie die Obrigkeit und ihr Regi-
ment und Ordnung an, gleichwie ein Dieb fremdes Gut, ein Morder fremden Leib, und
ein Ehebrecher fremdes Gemahl antastet, welches alles nicht zu leiden ist. Zum An-
dern, wo etliche wollten lehren wider einen offentlichen Artikel des Glaubens, der klar-
lich in der Schrift gegrundet, und in aller Welt geglaubet ist von der ganzen Christen-
heit, gleichwie die, so man Kinder lehret im Credo als wo jemand lehren wollte,
die :
dass Christus nicht Gott sey, sondern ein schlechter Mensch, und gleich wie ein anderer
Prophet, wie die Tiirken imd die Wiedertaufer halten die soil man auch nicht leiden,
;
sondern als die offentlichen Lasterer strafen denn sie seind auch nicht schlecht allein
:
Ketzer, sondern offentliche Lasterer. Nun ist ja die Obrigkeit schuldig, die offentlichen
Lasterer zu strafen, als man die strafet, so sonst fluchen, schworen, schmiihen, lastern,
—
schanden, verleunulen. Denn hiermit wird niemand zum Glauben gedrungen, denn er
kann dennoch wol glauben, was er will. Allein das Lehren und Lastern wird ihm ver-
boten, damit er will Gott und den Christen ihre Lehre und Wort uehmen, und will
solches dennoch unter derselbigen eigenen Schutz und Gemeinschaft aller weltlichen
Nutzung zu ihrem Schaden thun. Er gehe dahin, da nicht Christen sind, und thue es
daselbst. Denn, wie ich mehr gesagt, wer bei Burgern sich nahren will, der soil das
Stadtrecht halten, und dasselbige nicht schanden und schmiihen, oder soil sich trollen.
— Zum Dritten, wo sichs begibt, dass in einer Pfarre, Stadt oder Herrschaft die Papisten
uud Lutherischen (wie man sie nennet) gegen einander schreien und wider einander
predigen iiber etlichen Artikeln, da beides Theils die Schrift vor sich haben will, wollte
ich dennoch solche Zwiespalt nicht gerne leiden, und meine Lutherischen sollten auch
selbst gerne abtreten und schweigen, wo sie merken, dass man sie nicht gerne horet, wie
Christus lehret, Matth.am 10. v. 14, und sich lassen zu predigen zwingen, wie ich thue.
—Will aber ja hier kein Theil, oder kann vielleicht Amis halben nicht weichen noch
schweigen, so thue die Obrigkeit dazu, und verhore die Sache, und welches Theil nicht
bestehet mit der Schrift, dem gebiete man das Stilleschweigen. —Denn es ist nicht gut,
dass man in einer Pfarre oder Kirchspiel widerwilrtige Predigt in das Volk lasset gehen
Yet he rejected all punishment of heretics as such, and all use of

force in their conversion. ^^
Luther's doctrine, that justification does not come from the law,
but from faith, was not infrequently misunderstood, and threaten-
ed to lead to dangerous errors.-^ Accordingly, Melancthon, in his
Articulis, de quibus egerunt Visitatores in regione Saxoniae,
1527,^^ insisted with emphasis that the preachers should also
denn es entspringen daraus Rotten, Unfriede, Hass und Neid, auch in audern weltlich-
en Sachen. Zum Vierten, wo aber etliche gegen einauder schreien iiber solchen Arti-
keln, da beide Theile bekennen, dass es keiiie Schrift, sondern alte Gewohnheit oder
Menscliengesetze sey, neben und ausser der Schrift aufgekommen, als Flatten, Weih-
wasser, Wiirzweihe, und dergleichen unnotliige Stiicke mehr, die weder mit Wunder-
zeichen noch Miirtyrerblut bestiitiget sind, da soil man keinesweges solch Gezanke auf
der Canzel leiden, sondern beiden Theilen gebieten, dass sie Friede haben. Denn was
die Schrift nicht hat, darum sollen die Prediger nicht zanken vor dem Volke, sondern
soUen die Schrift immer treiben. Denn Liebe und Friede gehet weit iiber alle Ceremo-
nien, M'ie St. Paulus auch sagt, dass der Friede solle iiber alles den Vorgang haben, und
ist unchristlich, dass Friede und Einigkeit solle denen Ceremonien weichen. Was ich —
aber sage von offentlichen Predigten, das sage ich vielmehr von Winkelpredigten und
Leimlichen Ceremonien denn dieselbigen sind aller Dinge nicht zu leiden sonst mag
: :
einer bci sich selbst lesen und gliiuben, was er will. Will er nicht Gott horen, so hore
er den Teufel."
" Luther, To the Christian Nobles of the German Nation, 24; Div. I., § 1, Note CO.
Kircheiipostil, Sermon on the Fifth Sunday after Epiphany, in Matth. xiii. 24-30
(Walch, xi. G93) " Aufs andere (lehrt uns diess Evangeliuni), wie wir uns halten sol-
:
len gegen dieselbigen Ketzer und falsche Lehrer. Nicht sollen wir sie ausrotten, noch
vertilgen. Er spricht offentlich allhier, man solle es lassen mit einander wachsen. Mit
Gottes Wort soil man hier allein handeln denn es gehet also zu in dieser Sache, dass
:
wer heute irret, kann morgen zurecht kommen. Wer weiss, wann das Wort Gottes sein
Herz riihren wird ? Wo er aber verbrennet oder sonst erwurget wird, so wird darait
gewehret, dass er nicht kann zurechtkommen, und wird er also dem Worte Gottes en-
triicket, dass er muss verloren seyn, der sonst hatte mogen selig werden. Da geschieht
denn, was hier der Herr sagt, dass der Waizen wird auch mit ausgerauft, wenn man das
Unkraut ausgiitet. Das ist denn gar graulich Ding vor Gott, und nimmermehr zu ver-
antworten. Daraus merke, welche rasende Leute wir sind so lange Zeit gewesen, die
wir die Tiirken mit dem Schwerte, die Ketzer mit dem Feuer, die Juden mit Tcidten ha-
ben wollen zum Glauben zwingen, und das Unkraut ausrotten mit unserer eigenen Ge-
walt, grade als wiireu wir die Leute, die iiber Herzen und Geister regieren konnten, und
wir sie mochten fromm und recht machen, welches doch allein Gottes Wort thun muss."
In the sentence of condemnation bj- the Sorbonne, 1521 (Div. I., § 21, Note 1), the propo-
sition of Luther, haereticos comburi est contra voluntatem Spiritus, is rejected in the
—
terms haec propositio est falsa, contra voluntatem Spiritus divini asserta et errori Ca-
tharorum et Waldensium consona d'Argentre CoUectio Judiciorum de novis Erroribus,
;
i. ii. 367.
See above, § 30, Note 3. Georgii Wicelii Assertio bonorum Operum, p. 71, at the
^°
end of his Confutatio Calumniosissimae Responsionis Justi Jonae, Colon., 1549 Con- :
cionatores secuti magistros suos mirum in modum ubique et semper supploserunt bona
opera, adeo ut nulla ab illis sit audita concio, in qua misera opera non crucifixerint.
Neque enim judicaverunt se tvayyt\i'(,uv, nisi quam insanissime bona opera conspue-
rent. Atque adeo ipsa populi evangelici religio et conversatio plus satis declarant, doc-
tane sint opera in suis ecclesiis an dedocta, etc.
" See Div. I., § 4, Note 25.
PART II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 34. LUTHER. 397
preach repentance, and that this must precede faith, and that they
must explain the law, the knowledge of which is necessary to
work repentance.^^ On the other hand, John Agricola (Magister
Eisleben)^^ maintained that repentance is not to come from the
law, but from the G-ospel, and thus gave occasion for the Antino-
mian Controversy.-^ the only one which prevailed in the Lutheran
Church during the lifetime of Luther. Agricola at first allowed
himself to be appeased in a conference with Luther and Melanc-
thon, in Torgau,^^ December, 1527 ; but he renewed his assertions
in some arrogant theses, 1537.^^ The truth that seemed to be
^- Chursaclisische Visitations-Artikel, 1527 and 1528, Latin and German ; edited bj'
G. Th. Strobel, Altdorf, 1777. It begins Pastores debent exemplum Christi sequi, qui
:
quoniam poenitentiam et remissionem peccatorum docuit, debent et ista pastores tradere

Ecclesiis. Nunc vulgare tamen intelligi quid sit fides non po-
est vociferare de fide, et
test, nisi Plane vinum novum in utres veteres iufundunt, qui
praedicata poenitentia.
fidem sine poenitentia, sine doctrina timoris dei, sine doctrina legis praedicant, et ad
carnalem quaudam securitatem adsuefaciunt vulgus. Ea securitas est deterior, quam
omnes errores, qui antea sub Papa fuerunt, hoc genus concionatorum describit Hierony-
—
mus et vituperat eos, qui dicant, pax pax, et non est pax. Aliquando totum decalogum
enarrent ordine, quia praedicatio legis ad poenitentiam provocat, aliquando certvmi ali-
quod vitium vituperent, et copiose declarent, quam graviter ofFendatur Deus, et quas
poenas minetur. Non enim satis est praecepta enarrare, sed etiam poenas commemo-
rent, quas Deus minatur peccatoribus. Nee tantum de aeternis poenis, sed etiam de
praesentis vitae poenis doceaut.
^^ M. Job. Agricola's aus Eisleben Schriften moglichst vollstandig verzeichnet, by
M. B. Kordes, Altona, 1817. Luther's opinion about him, to Jac. Stratner, court preach-
er at Berlin, 6. Dec, 1540, in de Wette, v. 321 Non est Meister Grickel is vir, qualia
:
cupit videri, aut qualem credit esse Marchio, neque unquam erit. Nam si veils scire,
quiduam ipsa vanitas sit, nulla certiore imagine cognosces, quam Islebii. Hoc depre-
hendes gestu, voce, cachinnis, denique omnibus animi et corporis raotibus et moribus, ut
scurram possit superare quemvis. Pileum consilium fuit, ut a functione verbi in aeter-
num abstineret, et jocularem aliquam professionem susciperet: ad docendum prorsus
non valet. Ac si omnia reliqua essent tolerabilia, tamen gloriae furor tantus est in eo,
ut nihil possitDeo in suo opere prodesse, sed plurimum nocere. The attack on Melanc-
thon had its ground probably in his chagrin that a vacant theological chair at Witten-
berg had been given to him, and not to Agricola ; see Bretschneider in the Theol. Stu-
dien u. Krit., 1829, iv. 741.
^* Documents about its historj' in C. E. Forstemann's Neues Urkundenbuch
zur Ge-
schichte der Evangel. Kirchenreformation, Bd. 1 (Hamburg, 1842. 4.), s. 291. Comp.
Planck's Gesch. der Eutstehung unseres Prot. Lehrbegriffs, v. i. 1. C. L. Nitzsch De
Antinomismo Jo. Agricolae Comm. II., Viteberg, 1804. 4. (also in his De Discrimine
Revelationis Imperatoriae et Didacticae, Viteb., 1830, ii. 1). A. Wewetzer De Antino-
mismo Jo. Agricolae diss., Stralsund, 1829. 4. K. Matthes Phil. Melanchthon (Alten-
burg, 1841), s. 93.
Mel. ad Just. Jonam, dd. 20. Dec, 1527, Corp. Ref., i. 914; of. Lutherus ad eun-
^'=
dem, dd. 10. Dec, 1527, in de Wette, iii. 243.

" Ratzeberger, Luther u. s. Zeit, edited by Neudecker (Jena, 1850), s. 96. Agricola
had secretly and anonymously diffused his Eighteen Positiones: Luther had them pub-
lished,December 1, 1537, and then, in 1538, refuted them in five Disputationes, to which
a sixth was added in 1540 (Opera, Tom. i., Jen. fol. 516. Comp. the relation in Forste-
mann, i. 313). The most important of those Positiones are 1. Poenitentia docenda est
:
hovering before the mind of Agricola was this, that an external

law, by its external promises and threatenings, could not awaken
true repentance, that is, a moral hatred of sin ; that this, on the
contrary, is produced only by the living knowledge of God and
love to him.^^ But he expressed these ideas so obscurely, and
with such an irrational contempt of the law, that the refutation
of this Antinomianism by Luther's disputations was a very time-
ly and desirable work.^^
non ex decalogo, aut ulla lege Mosi, sed ex violatione Filii per Evangelium. 2. Nam
Christus Lucae ultimo ait " sic oportuit Christum mori, et hoc modo intrare in suam glo-
:
riam, ut praedicentur in nomine suo poenitentia et remissio peccatorum." 3. Et Chris-

tus apud Johannem ait, Spiritum arguere mundum de peccato, non legem. 4. Idem do-
cet ultima concio Christi ite, praedicate Evangelium omni creaturae.
: 5. Paulus cum
ad Philippenses ait: "hoc sentite in vobis, quod et in Christo Jesu, ut in timore et tre-
more salutem vestram operemini," praeclare statuit, docendam esse poenitentiam, quam
vocat timorem et tremorem, ex memoria Christi, non ex lege. 6. Ex concionibus Pauli
et Barnabae satis manifestum est, non esse opus lege ad ullam partem justificationis.
7. Sine quacunque re datur Spiritus sanctus, et homines justificantur ea res non est ne-
:
cessaria, ut doceatur, neque pro principio, neque medio, neque fine justificationis. 8. At
datus olim, et datur perpetuo Spiritus sanctus, et justificantur homines sine lege per so-
lum Evangelium de Christo. 9. Ergo lex Mosi non est necessaria ut doceatur, neque
pro principio, neque medio, neque fine justificationis. 13. Quare pro conservanda puri-
tate doctrinae resistendum est iis, qui docent, Evangelium non praedicandum nisi ani-
mis prius quassatis et contritis per legem. 10. Lex tantur arguit peccata, et quidera
sine Spiritu sancto, ergo arguit ad damnationem. 17. Opus est autera doctrina, quae
magna efficacia non tantum damnat, sed et salvat simul ea autem est Evangelium,
:
quae conjunctim docet poenitentiam et remissionem peccatorum. 18. Nam Evangelium

Christi docet iram de coelo et simul justitiam Dei, Rom. i. Est enim praedicatio poe-
nitentiae, conjuncta promissioni, quam ratio non tenet naturaliter, sed per revelationera
divinam. Then follow the passages from Luther's writings in which the doctrine is
stated "pure," and other passages from the Visitation-Articles and Luther's Comm. in
Ep. ad Gal., in which it is "impure" propounded. At the close, also, "alii articuliAn-
tinomi," which are probably onlj' oral declarations 1. Lex non est digna, ut vocetur
:
verbum Dei. 2. Art thou a whore, a knave, an adulterer, or anj' other sort of sinner, if
thou believest thou art in the waj- of salvation. (This and the third proposition of like
import, Agricola declares (in his Klagschrift in Forstemann,
, i. 317) to be a —purum fig-
mentum et chimaera. Luther appended to the Weimar copj' in MS. : istas duas potest
negare fortasse, tamen nescio. Nee sunt Islebio imputati, sed aliis ut suis discipulis, ut
titulus indicat. Omnes M. Grickels, ut ex aliis probatur.) 4. Decalogus be-
aliae sunt
longs to the town-hall, and not to the pulpit. 5. All who go about with Moses must go
on the gallows with Moses. 6. We are not to prepare men for the Gospel
to the devil,
by the preaching of the law God must do it, whose work it is. 7. In Evangelio non
;
debere agi de violatione legis, sed de violatione Filii. 8. Audire verbum et ita vivere
est consequentia legis. Audire verbum et sentire in corde est propria Evangelii con-
9.
sequentia. 10. Peter knew nothing about Christian freedom. 11. His declaration Cer- :
tam facientes vocationem vestram per bona opera, is good for nothing. 12. As soon as
thou thinkest it must go thus and so in Christendom, everj' body is to be refined, honor-
able, discreet, holj', and chaste, thou hast alreadj' prostituted the Gospel Cap. vi., Luke. ;
" Comp. Nitzsch Comm. ; see Note 25. Schenkel, i. 178.

i., Jen. fol. 517) : 1. Poenitentia, omnium testimonio et vero, est dolor
-* Disp. i. (T.
de peccato cum
adjuncto proposito melioris vitae. 2. Hie dolor proprie aliud nihil est,
nee esse potest, quam ipse tactus seu sensus legis in corde seu conscientia. 4. Poeni-
PART II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 34. LUTHER. 399
The doctrines held in common by the Lutheran Reformers were

set forth in the Catechisms of Luther, 1529 f^ in the Augshurg
Confession,^''1530, in opposition to the old church, on the part of
the rulers and cities; in the Smalcald Articles,^^ 1537, on the part
of the theologians. The Augshurg Confession was generally con-
sidered as the doctrinal centre of the parties, and, especially after
the Diet of the princes at Naumburg, 1561, it became customary
to impose it by an oath.^^
tentiae prior pars, sciL dolor, est ex lege tantum. Altera pars, soil, propositum bonuni,
non potest ex lege esse. 5. Non enim potest homo, territus a facie peccati, bonum pro-
ponere suis viribus, cum nee quietus et securus id possit. 6. Sed vi peccati confusus et
obrutus cadit in desperationem et odium Dei, seu descendit ad inferos, ut Scriptura lo-
quitur. 7. Ideo addenda est legi promissio seu Evangelium, quae conscientiam territam
pacet et erigat, ut bonum proponat. Disp. ii. 1 : Lex non solum est non necessaria ad
justificationem, sed plane inutills et pvorsus impossibilis. 10. Ex his autem non sequi-
tur, legem esse abolendam, et e concionibus Ecclesiae tollendam. 11. Quin eo magis
est necesse eam doceri et urgeri, quod non est necessaria, sed impossibilis ad justifica-
tionem, 12. ut homo superbus et de viribus suis praesumens erudiatur, sese per legem
non posse justificari. 37. Sed et hoc falsura est, quod sine Spiritu sancto arguat lex
peccatum, cum lex sit scripta digito Dei. Disp. v. 42 : Quare lex promiscue docenda
est, sicut et Evangelium, tam piis quam impiis. 43. Impiis, ut territi agnoscant suum
peccatum, mortem et inevitabilem iram Dei, per quam humilientur. 44. Piis, ut admo-
neantur carnem suam crucifigere cum concupiscentiis et vitiis, ne securi fiant. Agricola
yielded ; and, as he had diffused his eiTor especiallj' in Eisleben, Luther addressed a let-
ter (de Wette, v. 147) to the preacher of that place, Casp. Giittel, Jan. 1539, in which
he refuted the error and announced Agricola's recantation. Afterward, however, Agric-
ola thouglit that Luther, in that letter and other writings, had ascribed to him doctrines
he had never held, and addressed a formal complaint about the matter to the Elector
(March 1, 1540, in Forstemann's Neues Urkundenbuch, i. 317). Luther answered verj-
violenth' (ibid., s. 321). Without awaiting the investigation Agricola went to Berlin as
court preacher, and at length sent thence a recantation, Dec. 6, 1540 (ibid., s. 349).
^' Dr. J. Chr. W. Augusti's Einleitung in die beiden Hauptkatechismen der Evangel.
Kirche, Elberfeld, 1824, s. 44. Dr. E. Kollner's Sj'mbolik der Luther. Kirche, Ham-
burg, 1837, s. 485. Die erste Ausgabe v. Luthei-'s kl. Katechismus in einer niedersach-
sischen Uebersetzung (1529), mit einer Untersuchung iiber die Entstehung des kleinen
Katechismus, edited hy C. Monckebei-g, Hamburg, 1851, 12mo. Dr. G. Mohnike's das
sechste Hauptstiick ira Katechismus nebst einer Gesch, der katechet. Literatur in Pom-
mem, Stralsund, 1830.
=» Div. I., Notes 4 and 0.
§ 5,
" Div. I., § 7, Notes 18 and 19.
^° In the new statutes of the theological facultj' drawn up bj' Melancthon, 1533, it is
declared (Liber Decanonim facultatis theol. Acad. Viteberg, ed. C. E. Forstemann, Lips.,
1838, p. 152) : 1. Ut in Ecclesiis totius ditionis nostrae —
ita in Academia — volumus pu-
ram Evangelii doctrinam, consentaneam quam Augustae anno 1530, Imp.
confessioni,
Carolo exhibuimus, —pie et fideliter proponi, conservari et propagari. And in the oath
for the doctorate, appended, p. 158 : Ego promitto Deo, — me Deo juvante fideliter servi-
turum esse Ecclesiae in docendo Evangelic sine ullis corruptelis, et constanter defen-
surum Nicaenum et Athanasianum, et perseveraturum esse
esse Sj-mbola, Apostolicum,
in consensu doctrinae comprehensae in confessione Augustana, quae per banc Ecclesiam
exhibita est Imperatori anno 1530. The Hamburg Convention, April 15, 1535, prepared
\yy the ecclesiastical authorities of Liibeck, Bremen, Rostock, Stralsund, Liineburg, and
Hamburg, provided that the preachers should follow the Augsburg Confession, and be
§ 35.
THE FIRST SHAPING OF THE DOCTRINAL SYSTEM IN THE SWISS CHURCH.

[Das theologische System Zwingli's, bj' Dr. E. Zeller, Tiibingen, 1853 ibid., Ursprung
;
u. Charakter des Zwingl. Lehrbegriffs, in Theol. Jahrbiicher (Tubingen), 1855. C.

Sigwart, Zwingli, mit Rilcksicht auf Pious Mirandula, 1855. Kohler, zur Beurtheilung
Zwingli, in Zeitschrift f. d. Luth. Thieol., 1857. G. W. Roder, d. Schweizer. Reforma-
tor, Mag. Huld. Zwingli, St. Gallen, 1855. R. Christoffel, Leben und Schriften Zwin-
gli's, 1855 (the Life transL by John Cochrane, Edinb., 1858). F. J. Stahl, Die Lu-
therische Kirche und die Union, Berlin, 1859 reviewed by Stier and Basmann, in the
:
Deutsche Zeitschrift, 1859.]
Zwingle, like Erasmus,^ was devoted to truth and morality ; but

he contended against untruth, superstition, and immorality, with-
out the hesitation which impeded Erasmus, and also with the zeal
jof a patriot, since here he saw the honds by which Rome and the
hierarchy fettered his fatherland." The Holy Scriptures were to
him an unconditional authority.^ He would have the highest rev-
examined upon it before thej' were received, and also that thej^ should diligently use
the Catechism of Luther ;see Schroder's Evangel. Mecklenburg, i. 302. The Church
Order of Suabian Hall, 1543, prescribes that the biblical doctrine be taught as expound-
ed in the Augsburg Confession and Apolog}% In the other oldest Church Orders there
is usuallj' reference to the Scriptures, and also a compendium of doctrine, or reference
to other books or guides, e. g., Luther's Postils, his interpretation of the Epistle to the
Galatians. However, after the Augsburg, Confession had been subscribed anew at the
Diet of Princes in Naumburg, Feb. 8, 1561, and was recognized as the standard for all
the churches of the land (see J. H. Gelbke's der Naumburg. Furstentag, Leipzig, 1793,
s. 139 ff.), it was more frequently made binding in the regular Church Orders. Comp.
J. C. G. Johannsen's Untersuchung der Rechtmassigkeit der Verpflichtung auf symbo-
lische Bucher, Altona, 1833, s. 317 ff. The same, Die Anfiinge des Symbolzwanges un-
ter den Deutschen Protestanten, geschichtliih dargestellt. Leipzig, 1847.
*
See Div. I., § 2, Notes 9, 12. Melanchthon ad Camerar., § 3, Note 26.
^ When Zwingle entered upon his career in Zurich (1519) he announced to the chap-
ter that he would preach the Gospel of Matthew (H. Bullinger's Reformationsgesch., i.
12): "Das woUt er erkleren mit Geschrift, und nit mit Menschen Gutdiinken, alles zu
Ehren Gott, sinem einigen Sun unserm Herren Jesu Christo, und zu rechtem Heil der
Seelen, und frommer biderber Liithen Underrichtung." As to the contents of the Ser-
mons " In welchen er Gott den Vatter pr3-st, und alle Menschen allein uff Gottes Sun,
:
J. Chr., als den einigen Heiland vertruwen lehrt. Heftig hub er an wider den Miss-
glauben. Superstition und Glychssnery reden. Die Buss oder Besserung des Lebens,
und christenliche Lieb und Triiw treib er heftig. Die Laster, als der Mussigang, Un-
maass in Essen, Trinken, Kleidern, Fresserj- und Fiilleiy, Undertrucken der Armen,
Pensionen und Kriegen straft er ruch, trang ernstlich ufFdass ein Oberkeit Gericht und
Recht hielten, Wittwen und Waisen schirmten, und dass man die eidgenossische Frj-heit
sich zu behalten fij-sse, der Fiirsten und Herren buhlen iissschliige."
' Zwingli's Artikel, 1-16, 1523, Div. I., § 2, Note 65. Explanation of Art. 15 (Zw.
Werke, Schuler u. Schulthess, i. 209) "Kurz niit ist war, denn das Gott zeigt; und
:
alles, das nit in dem Wort Gottes sinen Grund hat, wird nit war erfunden denn der
:
Mensch ist lugenhaftig." Guil. Farel De I'Authorite de la Parole de Dieu (Life of Fa-
rel, by Kirchhofer, Zurich, 1831, ii. 189): Soyons, soyons par I'Evangile serfs de Dieu
et de I'Evangile, et afFranchis de tout ce que Jesus Christ ne nous a point ordonne, et

PART II.—CHAP. I.—REFOEMED DOCTRINES. § 35. ZWINGLE. 401
erence given only to G-od and his revelation, and reshape all ec-
clesiastical doctrines, usages, and customs after the divine Word,

without regard to the church development, except in matters of
indifference. He aimed not merely to purify, but also to remould
the Church, according to the standard of the Scriptures; and, since
the honor due to God was here involved, he did not scruple to
have his ecclesiastical and moral reforms introduced by the civil
authorities.* He blamed Luther advancing too for slowly, and

yielding too much to the weak.^ Zwingle was also attached to
Augustinianism,^ and to the Lutheran doctrine of justification by
faith ;''
but by faith he understood the total appropriation of sal-
que I'Evangile ne contient point, de sorte que tout cela soit loin de nous, et qu'il n'ait
ne lieu ne puissance en nous mais que J. Chr. seul et son Evangile y regne et y ait lieu.
:
* Comp. the ordinances, Div. I., § 2, Notes 85, 88, 89, etc. The Bernese gemein Re-
formation, Febr. 7, 1528 (Bullinger's Reformationsgesch., i. 440), begins with the dec-
laration of the maj'or and council: "Als dann uns von wegen der Oberkeit gebiihrt,
uch, die unseren, uns von Gott bevolchnen nit allein in weltlichen Sachen zu aller Bil-
liliheit zewj'sen, senders ouch zu rechtgeschaffnem christenlichem Glouben (als wj-t
Gott Gnad gibt) Inleitung zegeben, und ein erber Vorbild iich vorzetragen, ist iich ane
Zwj-fel wol wiissend, wie vil wir uns in solichem gearbeitet, wie mangerlei Ordnungen
und Mandaten wir disshalb, uns und iich zu guter Underrichtung, angesiichen und uflf-
gericht," etc.
^ His treatise, De Vera et Falsa Religione, 1525
(0pp., iii. 226), is against Erasmus
and his adherents, and not against Luther Hiuc quorundam scripta adeo inipura sunt
:
quod ad veritatem adtinet, quamvis quod ad fucura nitidissima sint, ut nescias, an sati-
us fuisset stilum nunquam levavisse, quam veritatem adeo inverecundis blanditiis in-
volvisse. Qui tanien usque adeo sibi placent, ut nisi ipsorum vestigiis incedas, ac con-
tra christiani pectoris ingeniura sis vel procaciter blandus, vel ambitiose elegans, cum
veritatis etiam jactura, a tuis abstiueant, ut cauis a balneo. Tumultuosa sunt illis, quae
vera sunt morbum enim graviorem esse ajunt, quam qui fortibus remediis possit resti-
;
tui. Belli an unquam viderunt gravem morbum levibus curari ? lenti morbi
homines !
levibus curantur. Pontificum ergo morbus, si nunc primum lente crudescere inciperet,
conveniret plane his remediis. Verum omnia ubi membra sunt a morbo absorpta, an
non jam efficax istud remedium, quod unum ac solum pristinae sanitati restituere potest,
propinandum est .' lenta fortasse lentam redderent mortem, sed nativa vitam ac valetu-
dinem restituent. The second explanation of the 18th Article, 1523 (Werke, i. 255), upon
Luther, see Div. I., § 2, Note 39. Then he continues " Ich weiss ouch, dass er (Luther)
:
vil nachgibt in etlichen Dingen den Bloden, dass er vil anderst handlen mocht, in dem
ich nit seiner Meinung bin nit dass er ze vil, sunder ze wenig gredt hat
; als in dem ;
Biichlin der zehen Ussatzigen (als mir geseit ist, dann ich es nit gelesen hab) lasst er
etwas der Bycht nach, dass man sich dem Priester solle erzeigen, welchs doch us der
selbigen That Christi (Luc. xvii. 14) nit mag gezogen werden. Derglychen mit dem —
Wort Sacrament gibt er den Latineren nun ze vil nach denn was bektirameret uns :
Tiitschen, wie die wiilschen todten Pfj'fer die heiligen Zeichen, die uns Gott gegeben
hat, nennind. —
Derglychen von Fiirbitt der Seligen und andren Dingen, darin er fiir
und etwas nachgibt, als ich verstand, den Bloden."
fiir
' Second explanation of the 20th Article, 1523 (Werke, i. 275). Elenchus contra
Catabaptistas, 1527 (0pp., iii. 424). Sermonis de providentia Anamnema, 1530 (0pp.,
iv. 111).
^ Second explanation of the 15th Article, 1523 (Werke, i. 208), on Mark xvi. 16:
VOL. IV. 26
vation in Christ, thus including sanctification.^ He handled the

Augustinian doctrine of election with great freedom,^ considering
it as a philosophical speculation, and not as a church doctrine.
Sin, in particular, he viewed as determined hy God through the
union of the soul with a body,^° denying that original sin is a
" Welcher gloiiben wirt unci getouft, der wirt heil oder selig. Welcher gloubt und sich-
er vertruwt in das Gut, das uns Gott us Gnaden gegeben hat, dass es unser Heil sj'g,
das da ist der Sun Gottes, der wirt selig." Conun. de Vera et Falsa Relig. 1525 (0pp.,
iii. 198) His ergo praemissis, videlicet quod Christus expiatio pro omnium peccatis ac
:
via salutis est, —atque ei tandem est soli qui ipso fidit, consequi putant ii, qui Evangelio
vel parum fidei habent, vel ipsum impurius hauserunt, ut omnes, qui ipso nitantur, li-
centia deteriores fiant fieri enim aliter non posse, quam cum humana mens audiat sic
:
liberaliter omnia condonari per Christum, proclivior, ut est ingenium, ad libidinem red-
datur. Thereupon the answer Fides Christiana res est, quae in animo credentium sen-
:
titur, sicut valetudo in corpore. Hanc quisque facile sentit, iniqua sit an aequa. Sic qui
Christianus est, sentit, ut mens propter peccatorum onus male habeat et contra sentit,
;
—
quam bene habeat, cum remedii in Christo certa est. Qui crus fregit, et raedicum nac-
tus est fclicem, qui deluxatum merabrum recte restituit, non sic cogitat: " Beatus es
quod talem invenisti medicum, crebro crus franges, nam medicus iste omnia potest:"
—
fed per omnem vitam circumspicit ac cavet ne crus iterum frangat. Sic qui ad hunc —
modum exultant, cum Christum audiunt pro omnium commissis solvisse " Peccabi- :
mus, nam gratis omnia condonantur per Christum," nunquam senserunt peccati dolo-
rem. Nam si unquam, omni studio caverent, ne qua fieret, ut reciderent.
sensissent
6 Ebrard's Dogma
Abendmal, ii. 88. Schenkel, ii. 299. Melancthon reports to
v. h.
the Elector John about the Marburg Conference, 1529 (Corp. Ref., i., p. 1099): " Zum
Vierten reden sic (Zwingle and his friends) und schreiben unschicklich davon, wie der
Mcnsch vor Gott gerecht geschiitzt werde, und treiben die Lehre vom Glauben nicht
genugsam, sondern reden also davon, als waren die Werke, so dem Glauben folgen, die-
Fclbige Gerechtigkeit. Audi than sie bosen Bericht, wie, man zum Glauben komme.
Nun haben sie Unterricht in diesem Artikel von uns dazumal, so viel in der Eil gesche-
hen mogcn, empfangen. Je mehr sie davon horeten, je bass es ihnen gefiel, und sind
Stucken gewichen, wiewohl sie zuvor (iffentlich anders geschrieben." Id.
in alien diesen
ad Gorlicium, 1530 (Corp. Ref., ii. 25) Nulla est mentio fidei justificantis in omnibus
:
Zwinglianorum libris. Cum nominant fidem, non intelligunt illam, quae credit remis-
sionem peccatorum, quae credit, nos recipi in gratiam, exaudiri et defendi a Deo, sed
intelligunt historicam.
^ Dr. A. Hahn on Zwingle's doctrine of providence, of the nature and destination of
man, and also of election, in the Theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1837, iv. 765. J. J. Her-
zog, Rernarks on Hahn, ibid., 1839, iii. 778. Ebrard's Dogma vom h. Abendmal, ii. 80.
Schenkel, ii. 890. Calvin's opinion about Zwinglii Sermonis de Providentia Anamnema,
in Epist. ad Bullingerum, 1552 (ex Ms., in Henrj-'s Leben Calvin's, iii. i. 62): Zwinglii
enim libellus, ut familiariter inter nos loquamur, tarn duris paradoxis refertus est, ut
longissime ab ea adhibui moderatione distet. Zwingle would not have this spec-
quam
ulation taught to the weak, Ep. ad Fridol. Fontejum, 25. Jan., 1527 (0pp., viii. ii. 21):
Sed heus tu, caste ista ad populum, et rarius etiam ut enim pauci sunt vere pii, sic
:
pauci ad altitudinem hujus intelligentiae perveniunt.

'" Zw. ad Cattorum Principem Philippum Sermonis de Providentia Dei Anam-
illustr.
nema., 1530 (0pp., iii. 79), c. 3, p. 89: Cum igitur unum ac solum infinitum sit, necesse
est praeter hoc nihil esse. —

Jam certum est quod quantum ad esse et existere attinet,
nihil sit quod non numen sit: id enim est rerum universarum esse. C. 4, p. 99: Quid
enim alienius est a mentis et intellectus perspicuitate ac luce quam terrae corporisque
stupor et inertia? —Mens veri. amans
subinde numinis reverens, e cujus substantia
et
cognationem trahit, aequitati et innocentiae studet corpus ad suam originem propen-
:
;
PART II.— CHAP. I.—REFORMED DOCTRINES. § 35. ZWINGLE. 403
ground of guilt and punishment." Nor would he concede that

election was conditioned hy baptism, and consequently he did not
hesitate to reckon even pious heathen among the elect.^^ With
det, ad lutum, ad carnem, atque horum ingenium sequitur. Ita utsi hominem compa-
rare cuiquam velis, nuUi rei videatur esse similior quam si luti massam rivulo clarissi-
mo et purissimo imponas. P. 105 Quo fit, ut volentibus nobis legem amplecti ex men-
:
tis desiderio, alia lex quae in membris—scripta est, repugnet, ut quae velimus quideni
pro animi probitate, per carnis tamen improbitatem non operemur. Cum autem utrius-
que vigor non suus sit sed praesentis Dei, qui omnium esse, existere et virtus est, resul-
tat, ut omnino illius voluntate et conscientia caro spiritui ogganniat, perinde ac
spiritus
illius dicto audiens esse cupit. C. 6, p. 112 Sed (ôd Deus operatur per hominem, ho-
:
mini vitio vertitur, non etiam Deo. Hie enim sub lege est, ille liber legis spiritus et
mens.—Unum igitur atque idem facinus, puta adulterium aut homicidium, quantum Dei
est auctoris, motoris ac impulsoris, opus est, crimen non est ; quantum autem hominis
est, crimen ac scelus est. Schenkel, ii. 146.
'1 Zw. de Peccato Originali Declaratio, ad Urbanum Rhegiam, 1526 (0pp., iii. 629):
Diximus, originalem coutagionem morhum esse (before: naturalem defectum, germa-
nice, ein natiirliches Bresten), non peccatum, quod peccatum cum culpa conjunctum est
culpa vero ex commisso vel admisso ejus nascitur qui facinus designavit. This was also
objected to him in Marburg, 1529, see Mclancthon's report to the Elector (Corp. Ref., i.
1099) "Dass Zwinglius geschrieben, dass keine Erbsiinde sej', und lehret, Siinde sey
:
allein ausserliche bose Werke und Thaten, und meinet, des Herzens angeborne Unrein-
igkeit und Lilste, item dass wir von Natur Gott nicht fdrchten, nicht glauben, sey nicht
Siinde. Diess ist eine grosse Anzeigung, dass Zwinglius nicht viel von rechter christ-
licher Heiligkeit wisse, dieweil er Siinde allein in ausserliche Thaten setzet." Yet Zwin-
gle also wrote in his Fidei Ratio ad Carolum Imp., 1530 (0pp., iv. 6) De originali pec- :
cato sic sentio peccatum vere dicitur cum contra legem itum est ubi enim non est lex,
: :
ibi non est praevaricatio, et ubi non est praevaricatio, ibi non est peccatum proprie cap-
turn. —
Patrem igitur nostrum peccavisse fateor at qui ex isto prognati sunt, non hoc
:
modo peccarunt quis enim nostrum in paradiso pomum vetitum depopulatus est denti-
:
bus Velimus igitur nolimus, admittere cogimur, peccatum originale, ut est in filiis
.'
Adami, non proprie peccatum esse :

—
non enim est facinus contra legem. Morbus igitur
est proprie et conditio. Schenkel, ii. 31.
'2 Zw. de Peccato
Originali Declaratio, ad Urb. Rhegium, 1526 (0pp., iii. 632) : Salus
aeternae vitae, et contra aeternae mortis aerumnae, cum prorsus sint liberae vel electionis
vel abjectionis divini judicii : videntur quotquot de hac quaestione unquam disseruerunt
paulo incautius definivisse, nunc quidem infantes omnes, qui vel circumcisi vel tincti
baptismi lavacro non essent, nunc vero adultos itidem omnes damnando. Cum ergo —
vita aeterna eorum sit, qui ad earn elccti sunt a Deo, cur nos temere judicamus de qui-
busvis, cum electio Dei nos lateat? — Cum iterum Paulus Rom. eum, cujus intactum
ii.
est praeputium, — superare dicat atque praestare, modo, quod lex monet, faciat, qui
si ei
inciso praeputio gloriatur : ostendere enim legis opus scriptum esse in corde suo, cum id
faciat quod lex monet. Quis autem in cor humanum quicquam scribit Deo dignum, nisi
is, qui ipsum condidit, quemadmodum testatur, Hierem. xxxi. ? Si ergo impulsore Deo —
Dei opus facit, cur nos eum damnamus, quod tinctus aut recisus non sit Ista in hunc .'
—
usum argumentati sumus, ut ostenderemus toto errare coelo. etiamsi sint non modo
magna, sed vetera quoque nomina, qui damnationi aeternae solent adjudicare nunc
Christianorum infantes, cum non sint baptismo tincti, "nunc vero eos omnes quos gentiles
vocamus. Quid enim scimus, quid fidei quisque in corde suo Dei nianu scriptum tene-
at.' Zw. Christianae Fidei Expositio ad Regem Christianum (Franciscum I.) scripta,
1531 (0pp., iv. 65) Credimus ergo, animos fidelium protinus, ut ex corporibus evaserint,
:
subvolare in coelum, numini conjungi, aeternumque gaudere. Hie tibi sperandum est,
o piissime Rex, si modo instar Davidis, Ezechiae et Josiae rerum summam a Deo tibi
creditam moderatus fueris, te visurum esse primum numen ipsum in sua substantia, in
:
this, too, was connected his doctrine of the sacraments, that they
only served in attestation, or as signs, of faith, but were not the
media for imparting divine grace.^^ And thus the doctrine of the
sua specie—deinde —sanctorum, prudentium, —virtuosorum omnium, quicunque a con-

;
dito fuerunt, sodalitatem. — Hie duos Adamos, redemtum ac redemtorem, hie

mundo
Ahelum, Enochum, —Petrum, Paulum hie Herculem, Theseum, Socratem, Aristidem,
;
Antigonum,^ Numam, Camillum, Catones, Scipiones, hie Ludovicum pium, — quotquot et
in fide hinc migrarunt majores tuos videbis. Comp. Ebrard's Dogma vom h. Abendmal,
ii.77 ; cf. Lutheri Enarratio in Genesin (written 1536-45) ad Gen. xlvii. 26 (T. vi., Vite-
berg, 1561, fol. 699) Nos quoque dicimus, plurimas gentes salvatas esse, etiam ex linea
:
seu stirpe Cain. Multi enim conversi sunt fortuita misericordia, quod aggregaverunt se
ad Ecclesiam, quae habebat eloquia Dei. Quanquam ipsis non fuerat data promissio de
Christo, taraen fructus ejus in gentes manabat, cum audirent conciones et doctrinam pa-
—
trum. Sed Judaei haec non credunt, et fanatici nostri, hac doctrina abusi, foedissime
lapsi sunt. Sicut Zuinglius nuper scripsit, Numam Pompilium, Hectorem, Scipionem,
Herculem frui aeterna beatitudine in Paradiso cum Petro et Paulo et aliis Sanctis.
Quod nihil aliud est, quam aperte fateri, quod sentiant, nullam esse fidem, nullum
Christianismum. Si enim Scipio et Numa Pompilius, qui fuerunt idolatrae, salvati
sunt, cur oportuit Christum pati et mori, aut quorsum opus est baptizari Christianos,
—
aut doceri Christum ? Itaque valde perniciosus error est, quem nos neutiquam probare
aut tueri possumus. Et tamen audio, Zuinglium allegare commentarium meum in Ge-
nesin, ubi dixi, aliquos de generatione Cainica salvatos esse idque etiam doceo, sed non
:
dico, quod salvati sunt ut Cainitae aut Aegyptii, sed ut incorporati et conjunct! Ecclesiae
piorura. Supra enim audivimus, qiioties narravit Moses excitata fuisse altaria ab Abra-
hamo et aliis Patribus, docuisse eos familiam suam, et ad eam alios accessisse, audivisse
conciones, et verbum traditum a patribus amplexos esse, adjunxisse etiam vota et preces
—
suas ad invocationem piorum. Non excludo quidem gentes, sed dico, eas nulla alia ra-
tione servari, quam per verbum Christi. But besides this, there is still a second resort
in favor of the heathen ; see Melancthon ad A. Musam, 1543 (Corp. Ref., v. 58) De :
quaestione tua aliquoties cum Luthero disserui et illi et mihi videtur simplicissime, ut
:
sonat, articulus intelligendus esse : Christum fuisse apud inferos, excitasse multos mor-
tuos, et erudiisse fortassis praestantes omnium gentium viros, ut Scipionem, Fabium et
similes. Tale quiddam intelligit Petrus, qui clare ait, Christum apud inferos conciona-
tum esse.
" Zw. Comm. de Vera et Falsa Keligione, 1525 (0pp., iii. 228) Vocem istam Sacra- :
mentum magnopere cupiam Germanis nunquam fuisse receptam, nisi germane esset ac-
cepta. Cum enim hanc vocera Sacramentum audiunt, jam aliquid magnum sanctumque
intelligunt, quod vi sua conscientiam a peccato liberet. Rursum alii, cum istorum er-
rorem viderunt, dixerunt sacrae rei signum esse. Quod equidem non improbarem ad-
modum, nisi hoc quoque statuerent, cum externe Sacramentum peragas, tum certo intus
peragi mundationem. Tcrtii prodiderunt Sacramentum signum esse, quod tandem de-
tur, ubi mentis expiatio facto sit, sed in eum usum detur, ut is qui accipit, certus redda-
tur, quod jam transactum sit istud, quod per Sacramentum significatur. All these opin-
ions he sets aside (against the second, p. 230 Hac ratione libertas divini Spiritus alli-
:
gata esset, qui dividit singulis ut vult, i. e. quibus, quando, ubi vult: nam si tunc coge-
retur intus operari, cum nos extra signis notamus, signis prorsus alligatus esset), and de-
clares his opinion, p. 231 : Sunt ergo Sacramenta signa vel ceremoniae, quibus se homo —
Ecclesiae probat aut candidatum aut militem esse Christi, redduntque Ecclesiam totam
potius certiorem de tua fide quam te. (So, too, Melancthon, Loci Theol., 1521. Ql verso
Probabilis et illi voluntatis, qui symbolis seu tesseris militaribus haec signa comparave-
runt, quod essent notae tantura, quibus cognosceretur, ad quos pertinerent promissiones
divinae.) Hence it was objected to the Zwinglians in Marburg (Melancthon's Report to
the Elector, Corp. Ref., i. 1099) " Zum Andern irren sie sehr vom Predigtamt oder
:
Wort, und vom Brauch der Sacraments. Denn sie lehren, dass der heil. Geist nicht
— —
PART II.— CHAP. I.—REFORMED DOCTRINES. § 35. LORD'S SUPPER. 405
Lord's Supper came to be the point of controversy between Zwin-

gle and his followers on the one side, and Luther on the other.'*
Luther had, indeed, abandoned transubstantiation but he held fast ;
to the view that the sacraments were media of grace, and conse-
quently to the real presence of Christ and the true reception of
his body and blood in the Lord's Supper.^^ According to Zwin-
durclis Wort oder Sacrament gegeben werde, sondern werde ohne Wort und Sacrament
gegcben. Also lehrete auch Miinzer, und fiel dadurch auf eigene Gedanken ; wie denn
folgen muss, wenn man den heil. Geist ohne Wort vermeinet zu erlangen." Yet still
Zwingle again declares, in the Fidei Ratio ad Carol. Imp. 1530 (Opp., iv. 9) Credo, imo :
scio, omnia Sacramenta tarn abesse ut gratiam conferant, ut ne adferant quidem aut dis-
pensent, —Dux autem vel vehiculum Spiritui non est necessarium : ipse enim est virtus
aut latio qua cuncta feruntur, non qui fen-i debeat ; neque id unquam legimus in Scrip-
turis sacris, quod sensibilia, qualia Sacramenta sunt, certo secum ferrent Spiritum ; sed
si sensibilia unquam lata sunt cum Spiritu, jam Spiritus fuit qui tulit, non sensibilia.
Ebrard's Dogma vom h. Abendmale, ii. 90. Schenkel, i. 412.
'* On
the beginning of the contest and the first controversies, see Div. I., § 3, Note
21 sq. Zwingle and Luther came out against each other, especially after 1527. There
were published, almost contemporaneous!}-, 1527, Zwinglii Amica Exegesis, i. e. exposi-
tio Eucharistiae negotii ad Mart. Lutherum (Opp., iii. 459) and M. Luther, " Dass diese
;
Worte Christi das ist mein Leib, noch veste stehen, wider die Schwarmgeister" (in
:
Walch, XX. 950). To this Zwingle responded in thework, " Dass dise Wort Jesu Chris-
ti: das ist min Lychnam, der fiir iich hinggeben wirt ewiglich den alten einigen Sinn
haben werdend, u. M. Luther mit sinem lezten Buch sinen und des Papsts Sinn gar nit
gelehrt noch bewahrt hat," 1527 (Werke, ii. ii. 16) and Oecolampadius " Dass der
; :
Missverstand Dr. Mart. Luther's auf die ewige bestiindige Worte, das ist mein Leib, nicht
bestehen mag, die andere billige Antwort Joh. Oekolampadii," Basel, 1527. 4. " Vom
Abendmal Christi Bekenntniss" M. Luther, 1528 (usually called the Great Confession),
in Walch, xx. 1118. " Ueber Dr. M. Luther's Buch Bekenntniss genannt, zwo Antwor-
ten Joh. Oekolampadii u. Huldrich Zwingli's" (Zwingli's answer in his Works, ii. ii. 94,
and in Walch, xx. 1538 that of Oecolampadius in Walch, xx. 1720). Historical Ac-
;
counts. 1. The side of the Reformed: Lud. Lavateri Hist, de Origine et Progressu Con-
troversiae Sacramentariae de Coena Domini ab anno 1 524-63 deducta. Tiguri, 1563. 4.

Rud. Hospiniani Historia Sacramentaria (2 Tomi. Tiguri, 1598 and 1602, fol.), T. ii.
Ebrard's Dogma v. h. Abendmale, ii. 136. 2. The Lutheran side : Comp. Ernst Loscher's
extended Historia Motuum zwischen den Evangelisch Lutherischen u. Reformirten, 2tc
Aufl., 3 Th. Frankf. u. Leipzig, 1723. 24. 4. Planck's Gesch. der Entstehung unsers
Protest. Lehrbegriffs, ii. 247, 464.
'^ Goebel, Luther's Abendmalslehre vor und in dem Streite mit Carlstadt (Theol. Stu-
dien u. Kritiken, 1843, ii. 314), Schenkel, i. 397, 475, 502. Luther's Grosse Confession,
1528, in —
Walch, xx. 1380: "Der heil. Geist lehret uns solche Wohlthat Christi, uns
erzeiget, erkennen, hilft sie empfahen u. behalten, niitzlich brauchen u. austheilen,
niehren u. fordern. Und thut dasselbige beide innerlich u. ausserlich innerlich durch :
den Glauben und andere geistliche Gaben, ausserlich aber durchs Evangelium, durch
die Taufe und Sacrament des Altars, durch welche er, als durch drei Mittel'oder Weise,
zu uns kommt, und das Leiden Christi in uns iibet und zu Nutz bringet der Seligkeit.
Eben so rede ich auch und bekenne das Sacrament des Altars, dass daselbst wahrhaftig
der Leib und Blut im Brot und Wein werde miindlich gegessen und getrunken, obgleich
die Priester, so es reichen, oder die, so es empfahen, nicht glaubeten, oder sonst mis-
brauchten. Denn es stehet nicht auf Menschen Glauben oder Unglauben, sondern auf
Gottes Wort u. Ordnung." Luther's Sixth Sermon against Carlstadt, 1523 (Walch, xx.
48) " Die leibliche u. ausserliche Empfahung ist die, wenn ich den Leichnam Christi
:
und sein Blut iiusserlich mit dem Munde empfahe. Und solche Empfahung kann wol
gle, on the other hand, the bread and the wine were only signs of
the body and the blood ;^^ and though he afterward conceded a
spiritual participation in the body and blood, yet he also said that
this consisted only in the believing remembrance of the Crucified
One, such as believers alone had, and that even with them it wâs
not restricted to the participation in the Lord's Supper.^''
obne Glauben u. Liebe geschehen von alien Menschen. —Aber die innerliche, geistliche
u. recbteEmpfahung des Sacraments ist viel ein ander Ding. Obne den Glauben ist die —
ausserliche Empfabung dieser Sacramente nichts. —
Der Glaube aber ist dahin gerichtet,
— dass wir vestiglicb glauben miissen, dass Cbristus Jesus Gottes Sohn sey, u. die einige
Genugtbuung fur unsere Sunde. —Der in einem solchen Glauben stehet, der—nimmt
diess Sacrament wurdig zu einer Sicherung und Wahrzeichen, dass er gottlicher Zusage
und Versprechung gewiss sey."
'^ Zw. de Vera et Falsa Eeligione, 1525, Opp., iii. 256, shows that in the Scripture est
often stands for signijlcat, and gives his view, p. 258 Coena igitur dominica, ut earn :
Paulus appellat, mortis Christi commemoratio est, non peccatorum remissio nam ea :
solius mortis Christi est. Ait enim hoc quod nunc edere. ac bibere jubeo, sj'mbolura
:
vobis erit, quo omnes utemini simul manducando et bibendo tunc, cum mei commemo-
rationem facietis. Quam commemorationem Paulus i. Cor. xi. 26. Sic expressit quo- — :
tiescunque enira cderitis panem hunc, sj-mbolicum scilicet (nam camem nemo appellat
omnium), et hoc poculum biberitis, mortem Domini annunciate, donee veniat. Quid
vero est annunciare mortem Domini praedicare nimirum, gi-atulari, laudare. Schen-
.'*
kel, i. 487.
" Zw. ad Matth. Alberum de Coena Dom. Epist. 1524 (Opp., iii. 589) : Job. vi. does
not refer to the Sacrament (p. 593). The sense of the passage is (p. 594) : Panis, quern
ego dabo, caro mea est pro mundi vita tradita. Caro igitur mea, quatenus est morte ad-
flicta, cibus, b. e. spes est animae. P. 595: Vult ergo Cbristus, nos, nisi edamus ejus
camem, credamus, eum pro nobis mortem obiisse et sanguinem efFudisse, vita
i. e. nisi
esse carituros. This is a spiritualis manducatio ; Christ here speaks de fide, non de Sa-
cramento Eucharistiae. For, p. 602, with Augustin. super Joan vi., Tract. 26, the sacra-
mentalis esus must be distinguished from the spiritalis. (On John vi. he discourses at
length in his Klare Unterrichtung vom Nachtmable
Christi, Werke, ii. i. 438.) On this
account Zwingle from the first which implied a literal partaldng of
rejected expressions
the spiritual body of Christ in the Lord's Supper. Comm. de Vera et Falsa Eeligione,
1525 (Opp., iii. 270) Dicunt nos adoramus, atque etiam edimus spirituale corpus
: :
Christi. Quid per Deum opt. max. est spirituale corpus Christi ? An uspiam in Scrip-
turis repertum est aliud spirituale Christi corpus, quam aut Ecclesia, quemadmodum,
Eph. 4 et Col. i. 18, habetur, aut fides nostra, quae et credit, eum in cruce poenas pro
iv.
nobis dependisse, et per eum salutis certa est Cur quaeso ejusmodi vocibus, quas nul-
.'
lus capit intellectus, pias mentes oneramus Spirituale corpus sic ab homine capitur,
.'
ut si dicas corporea mens, aut carnea ratio. An non spiritualiter edimus Christi corpus,
cum ipsum credimus pro nobis caesum, eoque fidimus ? On the other hand, Bucer was
in favor of the spiritual reception. Thus, as early as his opinion upon the controversj-
between Carlstadt and Luther, 26. Dec, 1524 (Fussli's Beitrage zur Eeformationsgesch.,
V. 115) " Sehe allein, was du da geniessest, dass du es dem Ilerrn zur Gedachtniss ge-
:
niessest, auf dass du durch den Glauben das Fleisch und Blut Christi geistlich geniessest;
d. i. dass du ganzlich glaubest, dass du durch solches Opfer von allem Uebel erloset, und
ein Kind Gottes worden seyest." In his letter to Luther, defending the remarks in favor
of the Swiss which he had added to the Latin translation of the fourth part of the Luther-
an Postils (Praefatio in quartum tomum postillae Lutberanae continens summam doc-
trinae Christi, 1527. 8.), he says, fol. E. 1 Ostendimus, non posse verba haec corpora-
:
lem Christi praesentiam statuere, quia nee ipse Dominus in coena panem in corpus suum
mutaverit. Quomodo enim dicemus, factum esse quod non fuit ? Panis panis mansit,
—
"With Luther, in fact, that which was alone essential was the
real presence and true reception of the body and blood of Christ
in the Lord's Supper.^^ In the investigation and determination
of these points against Zwingle he was, however, led to emphasize
non factum corpus, ut jam multoties dictum. Tum illud in hoc est corpus,
fuit igitur :
Scriptura non habet. Denique manducari Christum corporaliter niliil prodest, noa igi-
tur voluit carnalem sui manducationem instituere. Ergo verba ilia hoc est corpus meum, :
ita intelligenda sunt, panis ut corpus Christi vere q.uidem sit, sed spiritaliter, sed disci-
pulis uti, sicut corpore panis, ita mente edatur corpus Christi. The Swiss adopted this
view so far as to saj', even on the Zwiuglian interpretation, that the spiritual partaking
could be united with the sacramental. Thus Oecolampadius, in the disputation at Berne,
1528 (ZwingU's Werke by Schuler u. Schulthess, ii. i. 126) " Item wir verlaugnen :
keineswegs, dass wir den Leib Christi essen und sein Blut trinken ; aber wir thun das
geistlich durch den Glauben, dass wir durch das Leiden Christi Gott, dem himmlischen
Vater, versohnt sind, nicht aber, dass uuter dem Brod weseutlich oder leiblich sey der
Leib Christi." So, too, Zwingle accepted the 15th Marburg Article (Div. I., § 4, Note
38). Cf. Zwinglii ad Carolura Imp. Fidei Ratio, 1530 (Opp., iv. 11) Credo in sacra Eu- :
charistiae — coena verum Christi corpus adesse fidei contemplatione ; h. e. eos, qui gratias
agunt Domino pro beneficio nobis in Filio sue collate, agnoscere, ilium veram camem
adsumsisse, vere in ilia passum esse, vere nostra peccata sanguine suo abluisse, et sic om-
nem rem per Christum gestam illis fidei contemplatione velut praesentem fieri. Sed
quod Christi corpus per essentiam et realiter, h. e. corpus ipsum naturale, in Coena ant
adsit aut ore dentibusque nostris mandatur, qucmadmodum Papistae et quidam qui oUas
Aegyptiacas respectant perhibent, id vero non tantum negamus, sed errorem esse qui
verbo Dei adversetur, constanter adseveramus. Id. Ad illustr. Germaniae Principes Au-
gustae congregates de Convitiis Eccii (Opp., iv. 33) Et nos nunquam negavimus, cor-
:
pus Christi sacramentaliter ac in mj'sterio esse in Coena, cum propter fidei contempla-
tionem, tum propter sj-mboli, ut diximus, totam actionem. Ejusd. Christ. Fidei Exposi-
tio ad Eegem Christ, scripta, 1531 (Opp., iv. 53) : Spiritualiter edere corpus Christi nihil
est aliud quam spiritu ac mente niti misericerdia et bonitate Dei per Christum ; h. e. in-
concussa fide certum esse, Deum nobis peccatorum veniam et aeternae beatitudinis gau-
dium donaturum esse propter Filium suum. Sacramentaliter autem edere corpus Christi,
cum proprie volumus loqui, est adjuncto Sacramento mente ac spiritu corpus Christi
edere. — Spiritualiter
edis corpus Christi, non tamen sacramentaliter, quoties mentem
tuam sic :
.' —
anxiam quomodo salvus fies etc. cum, inquam, sic anxiara mentem sic so-
laberis : —
Deus bonus est, etc. Verum cum ad Coenam Domini cum hac spirituali man-
ducatione venis, et Domino gratias agis pre tanto beneficio, ac simul cum fratribus pa-—
nem et vinum, quae jam synibolicum Christi corpus sunt, participas, jam proprie sacra-
mentaliter edis, cum scilicet intus idem agis quod foris operaris, cum mens reficitur hac
fide quam symbolis testaris. At sacramentaliter improprie dicuntur edere, qui visibile
sacramentum sive sj'mbolum publice quidem comedunt, sed domi fidem non habent.
'^ Luther, Against the Heavenly Prophets, 1525 (Walch, xx. 368) " Uns ist nicht be- :
fohlen zu forschen, wie es zugehe, dass unser Brod Christus Leib wird und sey. Gottes
Wort ist da da bleiben wir bei, und glaubens." Dass diese Worte noch veste stehen,
; —
1527 (Walch, xx. 968): "Wie aber das zugehe, wissen wir nicht, sollens auch nicht
wissen." S. 1011 : " Wie aber das zugehe, ist uns nicht zu wissen wir sollens glauben, :
weil es die Schrift u. Artikel des Glaubens so gewaltiglich bestiitigen." To the Swiss
Reformed, Dec. 1, 1537 (de Wette, v. 85) : "Wir lassens gottlicher Allmachtigkeit be-
fohlen seyn, wie sein Leib und Blut im Abendmal uns gegeben werde, we man aus sei-
nem Befehl zusammen kommt, u. sein Einsatzung gehalten wird. Wir denken da kei-
ner Auffahrt u. Niederfahrt, die da sollt geschehen, sondem wir bleiben schlechts u.
einfaltiglich bei seinen Worten das ist meiu Leib, das ist meia Blut." Comp, Planck,
;
vi. 745.
408 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIY, I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
the corporeal presence and reception with the mouth as necessary

conditions of the real presence and he even went so far, in reply-
;
ing to the objections of his opponents derived from the very nature
of a body, as to maintain, in opposition to them, the ubiquity of
Christ's humanity.^^ The Strasburg theologians, Bucer and Cap-
ito, saw correctly, from the first, that the supposition of a spiritual
" To Zwingle's objcttion, that the body of Christ was sitting at the right hand of God,
and hence could not be in the Lord's Supper, he replied in the work, Dassdiese Wort J.
Chr. d. m. L. noch veste stehen, 1527 (Walch, xx. 1010) "Christi Leib ist zur Rech-
i. :
ten Gottes, das ist bekannt. Die Rechte Gottes ist aber an alien Enden, wie ihr musset
bekennen aus unserer vorigen Ueberweisung. So ist sie gewisslich auch im Brod und
Wein liber Tische. Wo nun die rechte Hand Gottes ist, da muss Christi Leib u. Blut
sej'n denn die rechte Hand Gottes ist nicht zu theilen in viel Stilcke, sondem eiu eini-
;
—
ges einfiiltiges Wesen. Das will auch Christus, so oft er im Evangelio bekennet, dass
ihm alles sey iibergebcn vom Vater, und alles unter seine Fiisse gethan, Psalm viii. 7,
d. i. Rechten Gottes welches ist nicht anders, denn dass er auch als ein
er ist zur ;
Mensch iiber alle Dinge ist, alle Dinge unter sich hat u. druber regiert. Darum muss
er auch nahe dabei, drinneu und drum seyn, alles in Handen haben, etc. Denn nach
der Gottheit ist ihm nichts iibergeben, noch unter die Fiisse gethan, so ers zuvor alles
gemacht und erhalt. Sitzen aber zur Rechten ist so viel als regieren und Macht haben
uber Alles. Soil er Macht haben und regieren, muss er freilich auch da sej-n gegenwar-
tig und wesentlich durch die rechte Hand Gottes, die allenthalben ist. Was will nun
hier werden ? Es will das draus werden Wenn Christus im Abendmal diese Worte
:
(das ist main Leib) gleich nie hatte gesagt noch gesetzt, so erzwingens doch diese Worte
(Christus sitzt zur Rechten Gottes), dass sein Leib u. Blut da moge sej-n, wie an alien
andern Orten, u. darf hier nicht einiger Transsubstantiation, oder Verwandlung des
Brods in seinen Leib kann dennoch wol da seyn gleichwie die rechte Hand Gottes
; :
nicht drum muss in alle Dinge verwandelt werden, ob sie wol da und drinnen ist. Wie
aber das zugehe, ist uns nicht zu wissen wir soJlens glauben, weil es die Schrift u. Ar-
:
tlkel des Glaubens so gewaltiglich bestatigen." [The substance of the reply is, that the
" right hand of God" is everj- where, and so may be in the bread and wine of the Lord's
table. To sit at the right hand of God means, to govern, to have power over all, etc.]
Zwingle, in his rejoinder, went into an investigation of the doctrine of the two natures
(Werke, ii. ii. 66), and showed that the view of Luther led to a confounding of the two
natures, and illustrated the usage of language as to the two natures bj- the figure of speech,
alloiosis, as often exemplified in the words of Christ; s. 66: "Hierum wiss, dass die
Figur, die aWoiuxn? (mag uns Gegenwechsel' zimlich vertiitschet werden), von
heisst '
Christo selbs unzalbarlich gebrucht wird und ist die Figur, so vil hieher dient, ein Ab-
;
tuschen oder Gegenwechslen zweier Naturen, die in einer Person sind da man aber die ;
einen nennet, und die andren verstat oder das nennet, das sie beed sind, und doch nur
;
die einen verstat." Luther now became verj' zealous against this alloiosis, but yet de-
clared, in his Larger Confession, 1528, that in his former work he had only made an at-
tempt to explain the presence of Christ Walch, xx. 1177: "Denn dass ich beweisete,
;
wie Christus Leib allenthalben sej-, weil Gottes rechte Hand allenthalben sey, das that
ich darum (wie ich gar offentlich daselbst bedinget), dass ich doch eine einige Weise
anzeigte, damit Gott vermocht, dass Christus zugleich im Himmel und sein Leib im
Abendmal sey, und vorbehielt seiner gottlichen Weisheit und Macht wohl mehr Weise,
dadurch er dasselbige vermochte, weil wir seiner Gewalt Ende noch Maass nicht wissen."
Though he afterward defended that view against Zwingle's objections, yet it is apparent
that he did not hold it unconditionallj-. He never repeated it in his later works. Comp.
Chemnitz, infra, § 38, Note 24. F. W. Rettberg's Occam u. Luther, oder Vergleich ihrer
Lehre vom heil. Abendmale, in the Theol. Studien u. Kritiken, 1839, i. 69. Baur's Drei-
einigkeit, iii. 398. Schenkel, i. 529. [Cf. C. H. '\yeisse, Christologie Luther's, 1852.]
PART IL— CHAP. I.—EEFOKMED DOCTRINES. § 35. LORD'S SUPPER. 409
reception, restricted to the Lord's Supper,was enough to unite the

contending But Bucer's efforts to make out, on this ac-
parties.^"
count, that the whole controversy was a mere strife of words, were
of no avail, since there was between Zwingle and Luther a real
contradiction as to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, which had
its roots in their more general views as to the nature of the sacra-
ments. And hence in Marburg, 1529, a union was not effected,
notwithstanding the concessions which Zwingle was inclined to

make.^^
The cities of the Oberland, under the lead of Bucer, maintained
their independence of the two contending parties by handing in
their own Confession^^ at the Diet of Augsburg, 1530. The next
attempt of Bucer to effect a union, much as the circumstances of
the times pressed to it, was favorably received only by Oecolam-
padius, but decisively rejected by both Luther and Zwingle.^^ Bu-
'" See Bucer, above, Note 17. Thej' sent George Chaselius, Professor of the Hebrew
language, to Luther, October, 1525, to induce him to come to terms the answer of Lu- ;
ther is in de Wette, iii. 42. On the efforts of both sides to make peace, see Planck, ii.
310; Schenkel, i. 535.
^' See Div. I., § 4, Notes 37 and 38 ; Das Religionsgesprach zu Marburg im J. 1529,
von L. J. K. Schmitt, Marburg, 1840.
" Div. I., § 5, Note 29.
^^ On these attempts,
see S. Hess, Lebensgesch. Dr. Joh. Oekolampads, Zurich, 1793, s.
311 J. J. Herzog's Leben Joh. Oekolampads (2 Bde., 1843), ii. 229. Thej' began in Sep-
;
tember, 1530, at a sj-nod in Zurich, and continued to Februaiy, 1531. Bucer's full report
to the Duke of Luneburg, April, 1531, is in Hess, s. 368. Bucer, always insisting that it
was onlj' about words, proposed, from Augsburg to the synod in Zurich, Septem-
a strife
ber, 1530, the formula (Hess, s. 313) " Dass Christus im Nachtmal gegenwartig sey,
:
nicht im Brod, nicht vereinigt mit dem Brod, sondern im Sacrament, der blossen Seel —
und reinem Gemuth und also geistlich auf die Weise zugegen sey, als die Geschrift
;
weiset, Christus wohnet in Each, wird seyn mitten unter ihnen, und wir werden Woh-
nung bei ihm haben" [i. e., Christ is present in the Supper, not in the bread, but in the
—
sacrament to the soul; as when the Scripture says, Christ dwells in you]. The Swiss
agreed to this formula Bucer, however, felt that he could not come to Luther with it,
;
and proposed to the diet in Basle, Nov. 16, 1530, the formula: "We believe and confess
that the true bodj- and the true blood of Christ are realh' present in the Lord's Supper,
and are offered with the words and sacrament of the Lord." Oecolampadius was ready
and recommended it to Zwingle, Nov. 19 (Zwingl. Opera, viii.
to accept this, ii. 546).
Zwingle, however, adhered to the form before agreed upon in Zurich, Nov. 20 (1. c, p.
549). But Bucer still sent the last formula to Luther,
Jan. 22, 1531 (de who rejilied,
Wettc, 216)iv.Gratias agimus Deo, quod saltem eatenus Concordes simus, uti scribis,
:
quod utrique confitemur, corpus et sanguinem Christi vere in Coena adesse, et cum ver-
bis porrigi incibum animae. Miror autem, quod Zwinglium et Oecolampadium quoque
—
hujus opinionis aut sententiae participes facis. Si igitur corpus Christi confitemur vere
exhibei'i animae in cibum, et nulla est ratio, cur non impiae quoque animae hoc modo
exhiberi dicamus, etiamsi ilia non recipiat, quemadmodum lux solis videnti pariter et
caeco offertur miror, cur vos gravet ultro confiteri, etiam cum pane offerri foris ori tarn
:
—
piorum quam impiorum. Sed si ista sententia nondum apud vos maturuit, censeo diffe-
rendam causam, et divinam gi-atiam ulterius expcctandam, Qu?'s solidam et plenam —
410 FOUETH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-16'i8.
cer renewed his undertaking, with more prospect of success, after

the disastrous termination of the Cappel war (1531) made it de-
sirable for the Reformed Swiss to effect a union with the German
Evangelical princes;^* but, in order to appease the excited pas-
sions of both sides, he allowed himself to say many things, which
brought upon him the reproach of ambiguity .^^ He found most
where the desire for union was continued under
favor in Basle,
Oswald Myconius, the successor of Oecolampadius, and expressed,
not only in the Basle Confession, ^'^ which appeared in January,
concordiam (vollige Kirchengemeinschaft) non possum vobiscum confiteri, nisi velim

conscientiam laedere, imo nisi velim semina jactare multo majoris turbationis ecclesia-
rum nostrarum et atrocioris discordiae inter nos futurae. Commendemus causam Deo, —
interim servantes pacis istius qualiscunque et concordiae eatenus firmatae, quod confite-
mur, corpus Domini vere adesse et exhiberi intus animae fideli (i. e., the articles agreed
upon in Marburg, Div. I., § 4, Note 38). His doubts about them are more fully devel-
oped to the Elector John, under date Feb. 16, 1531 (de Wette, iv. 223). Bucer asked of
Zwingle, Feb. 6, 1531 (Zwingl. Opera, viii. ii. 676), a written declaration in the sense
of the earlier agreement, that it might be laid before Luther ; and in this connection he
expressed the idea of a syncretism : Cuperem vel quavis ratione, quae modo Christi glo-
riam non obscuret, si nondum solidam
concordiam, saltem S3'ncretismum inter nos ob-
tinere. Meanwhile Zwingle had already heard, through the Landgrave of Hesse, about
Luther's doubts, and violently opposed all union, Februar}' 12, 1531 (0pp., viii. ii. 579) :
Vos istud plane agitis, ut concordia iIttouXos fiat, quae quotidie novum dissidium exul-
ceret. Missam ferme magis papisticara habent, quam ipsi Papistae, Christum in
Isti
loco, in pane, invino non minus indicant, quam in scriniolo Pontificii. Nam bonus ille —
Cattorum Princeps anxie monet, Lutherum cupere, ut et istud fateamur, Christi corpus
ori etiam praeberi, cum sj'mbola porriguntur. At the end Summa summarum per- : :
stamus perpetuo, neque aliter credas me unquam sensurum, etiamsi orbis diversum sen-
tiat, quam et nunc et antea sensimus.
^* On these renewed attempts at union, see Planck,
iii. i. 855 Lebensgeschichte H.
;
Bullinger's, by S. Hess (2 Bde., Ziirich, 1828-29), 185; Oswald Myconius, by Melch.

i.
Kirchhofer (Zurich, 1813), s. 195 ; Die Conflictc des Zwinglianismus, Lutherthums und
Calvinismus in der Bernischen Landeskirche von 1532-58, bj' Dr. C. B. Hundeshagen,
Berne, 1842, s. 59; Ebrard's Dogma v. h. Abendmal, ii. 361. [Comp. The Lives of Oe-
colampadius and of Myconius, by Hagenbach, in his Leben u. Schriften der Reformato-
ren, 1859.]
^* Thus to the Swiss he spoke with reverence of Zwingle and Oecolampadius, while
toward Luther he was always trying to ward off the suspicion that he was inclined to
Zwingle's doctrine see BuUinger, bj- Hess, i. 283, 290, 301.
;
^^K. R. Hagenbach's Krit. Geschichte der ersten Easier Confession, Basel, 1827. Dr.
n. A. Niemej-er CoUectio Confessionum in Ecclesiis Reformatis publicatarum. Lips.,
1840, p. 78 cf. praef., p. xxviii.
; The article on the Lord's Supper there reads " In :
des Herren Nachtmal, in dem uns mit des Herren Brot und Trank, sammt den Worten
des Nachtmals der wahr Lyb und das wahr Blut Christi durch den Diener der Kylchen
furbildet und angeboten wiirdet, blybt Brot und Win. Wir gloubend aber vestiglich,
dass Christus selbs syge die Spj'ss der gloubigen Seelen zum ewigen Leben, und dass
unsere Seelen durch den wahren Glouben'in den kriitzigten Christum mit dem Fleisch
und Blut Christi gespj-set und getrankt Averdend, also dass wir sines Lybs, als unsers
einigen Houpts, Glieder in ihm, und or in ims lebe, damit wir am jiingsten Tag durch
ihn und in ihm in die ewigen Frowd und Seligkeit ufferstan werdend. Und schliessend —
aber den natiirlichen, wahren, wesentlichen Lyb Christi —nit in des Herren Brot noch
:
1534, tut also in taking part in the union which was effected,
1534, in the adjacent Wiirtemberg."'' Ziirich, too, showed itself
favorable, under the lead of Henry Bullinger. In Berne, among

the clergy, a strict Zwinglianism had the preponderance f^ but
Thus Bucer suc-
the aristocratic 'government desired the union.^^
ceeded in bringing the Swiss, at a synod held in Basle, January
30, 1536 sq.,^*^ into the pacific mood which is expressed in the
Confession of Faith (Confessio Helvetica I.)^^ there drawn up. On
this account they were at first the more hostile to the Wittenberg
Concordia (May, 1536), which contained the doctrine that the
body and blood of Christ were partaken of even by the unworthy.^"
Yet Bucer was still able to pacify them by explanations f^ with
these interpretations the Swiss declared to Luther that they were
ready to adopt the Concordia (November, 1536),^'* and he replied
Trank. Darum wir ouch Christum nit in diesen Zeichen Brot und Wins, die wir gemein-
lichSacramenta des Lybs und Bluts Christ! nennend, sender in den Himlen bj' der Ge-
rechten Gott des Vatters aabetend, daher er kilnftig ist zu richten die Lebendigen und
die Todten."
-' It was made between the preachers who here introduced the Reformation, Simon
Gr3-naeus, of Basle, and Ambrosius Blaurer, from Constance, holding the Swiss views,
and the Lutheran Erhard Schnepf Kirchhofer's Myconius, s. 206.
;
•^ At their head was Caspar Megander see Kirchhofer's Myconius, s. 22G Hundes-
; ;
hagen, s. 64.
^' Das Leben Wilh. Farel's, by Melch. Kirchhofer (Zurich, 2 Bde., 1831, 1833), ii. 27.
'" Bullinger's Leben, by Hess, i. 217. Kirchhofer's Mj'conius, s. 237.
^' Less correctlj' called Conf. Basileensis II. ; see in Niemejêr Confess. Reform., p.
105 ; cf. praef., p. xxxiii. ; in the original German in Bockel's Bekenntnissschriften der
Evangel. Reform. Kirche (Leipzig, 1847), s. 115. 21. De vi et efficacia Sacramentonim
Sigua, quae et Sacramenta vocantur, duo sunt, Baptismus et Eucharistia. Haec rerum
arcanarum symbola non nudis siguis, sed signis simul et rebus constant. In Eucharis- —
vinum signa sunt, res autem communicatio corporis Domini, parta salus, et
tia panis et
peccatorum remissio. Quae quidem ut ore corporis signa, sic fide spii'itus percipiuntur.
Nam in rebus ipsis totus fructus Sacramentorura est. 23. (Assevimus) coenam vero —
mysticam, in qua Dominus corpus et sanguinem suum, i. e., seipsum suis vere ad hoc
offerat, ut magis magisque inillis vivat, et illi in ipso. Non quod pani et vino corpus
et sanguis Domini vel naturaliter uniantur, vol hie localiter ineludantur, vel ulla hue
carnali praesentia statuantur. Sed quod panis et vinum ex institutione Domini sA'mbola
slut,quibus ab ipso Domino per Ecclesiae ministerium vera corporis et sanguinis ejus
communicatio, non in pcriturum ventris cibum, sed in aeternae vitae alimoniam exhi-
beatur.
== Div. I., Note 28. Myconius, by Kirchhofer, 263. Ebrard's Abendmal,
§ 7, s. ii.
882. Schenkel, i. 545.

" Div. I., § 7, Note 29. Myconius, by Kirchhofer, s. 267. Bullinger, by Hess, i. 241.
Worthy of note is the letter of the learned Joach. Vadianus, burgomaster of St. Gallen,
to Bullinger, 2. Nov., 1536 (in Bullinger's Lebensgesch. by Hess, i. 263),' which points
out unsparingly that among
the Swiss theologians, also, exaggerated mistrust and ex-
citablenese were delaying the union so much to be desired.
5* Their letter in Hospiniani Hist. Sacramentaria, ii. 263.
in such terms (December 1, 1537)^^ that the agreement seemed

to be completed. Strict ZwingUanism was suppressed in Berne,
and in both Berne and Basle even a Lutheran tendency became

predominant.^®
Luther thought he might take for granted, as the Swiss had ac-
knowledged the real presence, that they had abandoned the Zwin-
glian doctrine. But as they still expressed reverence for Zwingle,
he thought that he must prove he had not come to terms with
the Zwinglian error. Stimulated by the new edition of Zwingle's
works, he came out very strongly against him, in his " Short Con-
fession of theHoly Sacrament, against Enthusiasts," 1544.^^ This
work aroused in Switzerland a general indignation,^^ and com-
pletely shattered the Concordia, which had been but loosely held.
In 1561 Calvin returned to Geneva,^^ and commenced that ex-
traordinary career which made him the second reformer of his
Church. In Strasburg he had become connected with the Church
^^ See above, Note 18, and Div. I., § 7, Note 32. Ebrard's Abendmal, ii. 396. The
Swiss looked upon tbe iiniou as already completed, in their replj-, 4. Mai, 1538 (in Walch,
xvii. 2608).
^^ Mcgander's deposition, at the end of 1537 Hundeshagen, s. 95. The leaders of the
;
Lutheranizing tendency in Berne v/ere, Peter Kunz (see his letter to lodocus Neobolus,
in Wittenberg, in Hundeshagen, s. 369), and Sebastian Mej-er, to -whom (1538) Simon
Sulzer was added, who soon became the head of the party ; Hundeshagen, s. 105. On
Basle, see above. Note 27. How M3-conius was cried out against as a Lutheran in Zu-
rich, see Kirchhofer's Myconius, s. 354.
" See Div. I., § 8, Note 26.
^^ Bullinger, by Hess, i. 437. Melanchthon ad H. Bullingerum, 30. Aug., 1544 (Corp.
Ref., v. 475) : Fortassis priusquam hae meae literae ad te perferentur, accipies atrocissi-
mum Lutheri scriptum, in quo bellum irtpl odTrvov KvpiaKov instaurat. Nunquam ma-
jore impetu banc causam egit. Desino igitur sperare Ecclesiarum pacem. Tollent cris-
tas inimici nostri, —Ecclesiae nostrae magis distrahentur. qua ex re ingentem capio dolo-
rem. Calvin, too, exi^ressed his decided disapproval to Bullinger, Nov. 25, 1544 (infra,
Note 42), and
Melancthon, 12. Cal. Febr., 1545 (Calvini Epp. et Responsa, Genevae,
to
1575, The Zurichers thereupon published the Confession drawn up by Bul-
fol., p. 52).
linger, " Wahrhafte Bekenntniss der Diener der Kirche zu Zurich, was sie glauben —
und lehren, insonderheit aber von dem Nachtmal unseres Herrn J. Chr., mit gebiir'licher
Antwort auf das unbegrundet iirgerlich Schmahen, Verdanimen u. Schelten Dr. M. Lu-
ther's," 1545 Bullinger, b}- Hess, i. 445. The document was also subscribed by Berne,
;
although a Lutheranizing Bernese preacher called it " a fencing and fantastical little
book ;" ibid., s. 451. Calvin, too, judged unfavorably of it (ibid., s. 455). Calvinus
ad Melanchth., 28. Jun., 1545: Verum aut aliter scribere oportuit aut penitus tacere.
Praeterquam enim quod totus libellus jcjunus est et puerilis, cum in multis pertinaciter
magis qnam erudite, et interea parum verecunde Zuinglium suum excusant ac tuentur,
nonnullaque in Luthero immerito exagitant, turn vero in praecipui capitis tractatione,
i. e. in ipso causae statu, infeliciter, meo judicio, se gerunt. Luther did not replj' to this
Zurich document.
^' See Div. I.,
§ 10, Note 35. Das Leben Joh. Calvin's des grossen Reformators, by
Paul Henry. Hamburg, 3 Bde., 1835-44.
PART II.-CHAP. I.— REFORMED DOCTRINES. § 35. CALVIN. 413
there established, had subscribed the Augsburg Confession,'*'' and en-

tirely agreed with Bucer as to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper.*^
*" Calv. ad M. Schalingium, Pastorem Ratisbon., viii. Cal. April, 1557 (Epp. et Re-
sponsa, Genev., 1575, fol. p. 182) : Nee vero Augustanam confessionem repudio, cui pri-
dcm volens ac libens subscripsi, sieuti earn auctor ipse interpretatus est (viz. in the
Variata). Henrj-, ii. 505.
Ebrard's Abendmal, li. 412, 424. Schenkel, i. 425, 565. He gives testimony to
*i
Bucer, in a letter to H. Bullinger, 12. Mart., 1540 Tametsi enim singulari perspicientia
:
judiciique acumine praeditns est, nemo tamen est, qui religiosius studeat in simplicitate
Verbi Dei se continere, ac alienas ab eo argutias non dico minus captet sed magis oderit
(ex MS. in Henry's Leben Calvin's, i. 274). Comp. Calv. ad Zebedaeum, 19. Maj., 1539
(ex MS. in Henry, Bd. i. Appendix, s. 43), ad Bullingerum, 6. Cal. JvU., 1548 (Henrj-,
Bd. ii. Appendix, s. 131). Calvin's Judgment on the sacramental controversy, in his
De Sacra Coena (1540 in French, 1545 Latin, by Des Gallars Henry, i. 268. Calvini
;
Tractatus Theol. Amstelod., 1667, fol., or 0pp. Calv., T. viii. p. 8) Cum Lutherus do- :
cere coepit, sic materiam Coenae tractabat, ut, quod ad corporalem Christi praesentiam
talem ipsam relinquere videretur, qualem tunc omnes concipiebant. Nam trans-
attinet,
substantiationem damnans, panem corpus Christi esse dicebat, quod una cum ipso con-
junctum esset. Adjungebat praeterea similitudines duras quidem illas et rudes. Sed
eis uti cogebatur, quod aliter mentem suam explicare non poterat. Difficile enim est
rem tarn arduam «xponere, quin impropria quaedam subinde accersantur. Dehinc su-
borti sunt Zuinglius et Oecolampadius, qui, cum imposturam et deceptionem a diabolo
invectam considerarent in stabilienda praesentia ilia camali, quae ab annis sexcentis
tradita et pro certo habita fuerat, rem tanti momenti dissimulare nefas esse existima-
runt. Maxime cum huic errori execrabilis idololatria annexa esset, quod Christvis quasi
sub pane inclusus adoraretur. Quia vero difficillimum erat, banc opinionem, quae diu
jam et altius radices egerat in animis hominum, revellere, omnem ingenii vim ad earn
impugnandam applicarunt, admonentes crassissimi et absurdissimi erroris esse, non ag-
noscere ea quae de adscensione Christi tota Scriptura testificatur, ipsum in coelum in
hominis natura receptum esse, ibique mansurum, quoad descendat ad judicandum or-
beni. Sed huic proposito nimium intenti, quam praesentiam Christi in Coena credere
debeamus, qualis illic communicatio corporis et sanguinis ipsius recipiatur, dicere omitte-
bant, adeo ut Lutherus eos nihil praeter signa nuda et spiritualis substantiae vacua re-
linquere velle existimaret. Ideo coepit palam obsistere, ita ut pro haereticis habendos
denunciaret. Ex quo semel efferbuit contentio, sic temporis progressu adaucta et in-
flammata est, ut acerbius aequo exagitata sit per annos plus minus quindecim, quibus
interim neutri alteros aequo animo et placido audire sustinebant. Cum etiam ad con-
cordiam aliquam accedere debuissent, magis ac magis regressi sunt, nihil aliud spec-
tantes quam ut opinionem suam tucrentur, et contrariam refutarent. Habemus itaque
qua in re impegerit Lutherus, in qua etiam Oecolampadius et Zuinglius. Lutheri partes
orant ab initio admonere, non esse propositi sui, praesentiam localem talem statuere,
qualem Papistae somniant. Item testari, se non hoc quaerere, ut Sacramentum Dei
loco adoraretur. Tertio abstinere a similitudinibus rudibus et perceptu difficillimis,
illis
aut moderate eis uti, atque ita interpretari, ut nuUam offensionem parere possent. De-
nique, ex quo mota est contentio, ipse modum excessit, tum in declaranda opinione sua,
turn in aliis nimia verbonim acerbitate vituperandis. — Alii etiam offenderunt in eo, quod
ita tenaciter inhaeserunt in oppugnanda superstitiosa ilia et fanatica opinione Papista-
rum do praesentia locali et adoratione quae inde sequebatur, ut ad vitium diruendum co-
natus suos potius converterint, quam ad id quod cognitu utile erat stabiliendum. Nam
etsi veritatem non negarimt, eam tamen non ita aperte ut decebat docuerunt. Hoc in-
telligo : dum nimis studiose ac diligenter in hoc toti incumbebant, ut assererent, panem
et vinum corpus sanguinem Christi vocari, quod ipsorum signa sint non cogitarunt
et ;
sibi hoc interea simul agendum, ut adjungerent ita signa esse, ut nihilominus Veritas
cum eis conjuncta sit. Nee testati sunt, sose non eo tendere, ut veram cominunioucm
For Luther he had a high regard,*^ and was also greatly es-
teemed in turn by him.*^ He put Zwingle much lower, express-
obscurarent, quam nobis hoc Sacramento Dominus in corpore et sanguine suo exhi-
bet. Utrique profecto in culpa fuerunt, dum sese mutuo audire non sustinuerunt, ut
posita omni affectione veritatem, undecunque patefieret, sequerentur. Verum non ideo,
quod nostri erga ipsos officii est, praetermittere debemus. Ne scilicet obliviscamur gra-
tiarum et beueficiorum quae Deus in eos contulit, et nobis per ipsorum manum distri-
buit, etc.
*2 Calv. Resp. contra Pighium de Libero Ai-bitrio, 1543 (0pp., viii. 119) : Si quis tem-
poris illius statum prudenter consideret, quo exortus est Lutherus, euin alias fere omnes
difficultates habuisse cum Apostolis communes videbit una vero
: in re iniquiorem ac du-
riorem fuisse ejus couditionem quam illorum, quod nullum erat tunc in mundo regnum,
nullus principatus, cui illi bellum indicerent, hie autem emergere nullo modo poterat,
nisi ejus imperii ruina et interitu, quod non modo omnium potentissimum erat, sed reli-
qua omnia quasi sibi obnoxia tenebat. P. 123 De Luthero nunc quoque sicut hacte-
: —
nus non dissimulanter testamur, eum nos habere pro insigni Christi Apostolo, cujus
maxime opera et ministerio restituta hoc tempore fuerit Evangelii puritas. Calv. ad
Bullingerum, 25. Nov., 1544 (Epist. et Respons. ed. Genev., p. 383), in reference to Lu-
ther's Confession, Note 37 Audio Lutherum tandem cum atroci invectiva non tarn in
:
vos, quam in nos omnes prorupisse. Nunc vix audeo a vobis petere, ut taceatis. Sed —
haec cupio vobis in mentem venire, primum quantus sit vir Lutherus, et quantis dotibus
excella't, quanta animi fortitudine et constantia, quanta dexteritate, quanta doctrinae
efficacia hactenus ad profligandum Antichristi regnum et simul propagandam salutis
doctrinam incubuerit. Saepe dicere solitus sum, etiamsi me diabolum vocaret, me ta-
men hoc illi honoris habiturum, ut insignem Dei servum agnoscam, qui tamen, ut poUet
cximiis virtutibus, ita magnis vitiis laborct. Hanc intemperiem, qua ubique ebullit,
utinam magis frenare studuisset ; vehementiam autem, quae illi est ingenita, utinam in
hostes veritatis semper contulisset, non etiam vibrasset in servos Domini utinam recog-
;
noscendis suis plus operae dedisset

vitiis Plurimum illi obfuerunt adulatores, cum
!
ipse quoque natura ad sibi indulgendum nimis propensus esset. Nostrum tamen est sic
repreliendere quod in eo est malorum, ut praeclaris illis donis aliquid concedamus. Hoc
igitur primum reputes, obsecro, cum tuis collegis, cum primario Christi servo, cui mul-
tum debemus omnes, vobis esse negotium. High esteem is also avowed in the letter of
Calvin to Luther, Jan. 20, 1545 (Henrj-, ii.. Append., s. 106), which was sent to Melanc-
thon, tut not delivered by him,
*3 Calv. ad Farellum, 20. Nov., 1539 (ex MS. in Henry, i. 267. The passages in pa-
renthesis were erased by Calvin, but plainly expressed his real sentiments) Crato unus :
ex chalcographis nostris Witemberga nuper rediit, qui literas attulit a Luthero ad Bu-
cerum (see the same in de Wette, v. 210), in quibus ita scriptum erat saluta mild :
Sturmium et Calvinura reverenter^ quorum libellos singulari cum voluptate legi. (Jam re-
puta, quid illic de Eucharistia dicam. Cogita Lutheri ingenuitatem. Facile erit sta-
tuere, quid causae habeant, quitam pertinaciter ab eo dissident.) Philippus autem ita
scribebat Lutherus et Pomeranus Calvinum et Sturmium jusserunt salutari. Calvinus
:
marjnam gratiam iniit. Hoc vero per nuncium jussit Philippus narrari, quosdam, ut
Martinum exasperarent, illi indicasse, quam odiose a me una cum suis notaretur. Lo-
cum ergo inspexisse, et sensisse sine dubio illic se attingi. Tandem ita fuisse locutum :
spero quidem, ipsum olim de nobis melius sensurum, sed aequum est a bono ingenio nos ali-
quid ferre. (Tanta moderatione si non frangimur sumus plane saxei. Ego vero fractus
sum. Itaque satisfactionem scripsi, quae praefationi in epistolam ad Romanes insere-
tur.) As Lutherat this time must have known the Institutions of Calvin, it follows,
from the declarations of this letter, that he was then satisfied with his doctrine upon the
Lord's Supper; and, besides, it also fully agreed with that to which the Swiss had de-
clared assent to Luther in 1536. Thus the avowals of Luther about Calvin are trust-
worthy, given by Christoph. Pezel, in his Ausfiihrl. Erzahlung vom Sacramentsstreit,

PART II.— CHAP. I.— REFORMED DOCTRINES. § 35. CALVIN. 415
ing an unfavorable judgment respecting him.'** His strict char-
acterwas mirrored forth in his theology, the head and front of

which was the Augustinian system, unvailed, and carried to all
its consequences;*^ and also in his principles about the Church,
Bremen, 1600. So he writes to Cruciger on Calv. Responsio ad Sadoletum, 1540 (s.

125) " Diese Schrift hat Hiinde und Fiisse, und ich freue mich, dass Gott solche Leute
:
erwecket, die, ob G«ott will, dem Papstthum vollend den Stoss geben, und was ich wider
den Antichrist angefangen, mit Gottes Hiilfe hiiiausfiihren werden." On Calv. de Sacra
Coena, which was sent to him by the Wittenberg bookseller, Moritz Golsch, 1545, and
particularly on the passage adduced above, Note 41, he thus expresses himself to the
same (s. 137) " Moritz, es ist gewiss ein gelehrter und frommer Mann,
: dem hiitte ich
anfanglich wohl dorfen die ganze Sache von dieseni Streit heimstellen. Ich bekenne
meinen Theil wenn das Gegentheil dergleichen gethan hiitte, wiiren wir bald anfangs
:
vertragen worden, denn so Oecolampadius und Zwinglius sich zum ersten also erkliiret
hiitteu, waren wir nimmer in so weitliluftige Disputation gerathen." Henry, ii. 499.
The last anecdote is borrowed bj- Hospinianiis (ii. 312) from Pezel Ebrard (ii. 476) is ;
wrong in his opinion that it is there told about Calvin.

** Calv. ad Zebedaeum, 19. Maj., 1539 (in Henr}-, i. Beil., s. 45): Buceri retracta- ;
tionibus non est ut tantopere succenseas. Quia in tradendo Sacramentorum usu errave-
rat, jure eam partem retractavit. Atque utinam idem facere Zuinglius in animum in-
duxisset, cujus et falsa et peniiciosa fait de hac re opinio. Quam cum viderem multo
nostratium applausu arripi, impugnare non dubitavi. Nihil fuisse
adhuc agens in Gallia —
asperitatis in Zwinglii doctrina, tibi minime concedo. Siquidem videre promtum est, ut
nimiuni occupatus in evertenda carnalis praesentiae superstitione, veram communica-
tionis vim aut simul disjecerit, aut certe obscuravit. Calv. ad Farellum, 4. Mart., 1540
(in Hundeshagen, s. 83) Uruntur boni viri (the Ziirichers), si quis Lutherum audet
:
praeferre Zuinglio, quasi Evangelium nobis pereat, si quid Zuinglio decedit, neque ta-
men in eo fit ulla Zuinglio injuria. Nam si inter se comparantur, scis ipse, quanto in-
tervallo Lutherus excellat. Itaque mihi minime placuit Zebedaei carmen, in quo non
putabat se pro dignitate laudare Zuinglium, nisi diceret majorem sperare nefas. Cum
viventibus et umbris maledicere inhumanum habetur, tum vero de tanto viro non hono-
rifice sentire impie certe esset. Verum est aliquis modus in laudando, a quo ille procul
discessit. Ego certe tantimi abest quin illi assentiar, ut majores multos nunc videam,
aliquos sperem, omnes cupiam. Calv. ad Petr. Viretum, 3. Id. Sept., 1542 (.J. Calvini,
Th. Bezae, Henrici IV., Regis Literae quaedam, ed. C. G. Bretschneider, Lips., 1835, p.
10) De scriptis Zuinglii sic sentire, ut sentis, tibi perniitto.
:
Neque enim omnia legi.
Et fortassis sub finem vitae retractavit ac correxit in melius quae temere initio excide-
rant. Sed in scriptis prioribus memini, quam proflma sit de Sacramentis doctrina.
** Jo. Calviui Institutio Christianae Religionis was published in three principal edi-
tions, with alterations (Henry, iii. Beil., s. 177)
; 1. In French, Basle, 1535; in Latin,
;
Basic, 1536 (Henry, i. 102). 2. Argentorati, 1539. 3. Genevae, 1559 (Henry, i. 286).
On the Fall and Redemption through Christ, Instit., lib. ii. c. 1-7. On Election, lib. iii.
c. 21-24. Cf iii. 2], 1 : In ipsa quae terret caligine non modo utilis hujus doctrinae, sed
suavissimus quoque fructus se profert. Nunquam liquido ut decet persuasi erimus, sa-
lutem nostram ex fonte gratuitae misericordiae Dei fluere, donee innotuerit nobis aeterna
ejus electio, quae hac comparatione gratiam Dei illustrat, quod non omnes promiscue
adoptat in spem salutis, sed dat aliis quod aliis negat. Hujus principii ignorantia quan-
tum ex gloria Dei imminuat, quantum verae huniilitati detraliat, palam est. Qui hoc —
extinctum volunt, maligne quantum in se est obscurant quod magnifice ac plenis buccis
celebrandum erat, et ipsam humilitatis radicem evellunt. Qui fores occludunt, ne quis —
ad gustum hujus doctrinae accedere audeat, non minorem hominibus quam Deo faciunt
injuriam. Calvin went beyond Augustine in being a supralapsarian iii. 23, 4 Rur- ; :
fium excipiunt nonne ad eam, quae nunc pro damnaiionis causa ohtenditur, corruptionem
:
;
for which he demanded independence of the State and strict dis-

cipline.'*Âll these peculiarities found, at that time, more support
in Lutheranism than in the Zwinglian reform and so Calvin, in ;
the Grerman Switzerland, soon came under the suspicion of being

Lutheran in sentiment, and of striving to introduce a new papa-
cy.*' He was particularly hated in Berne, which ascribed chiefly
to Calvin the loss of its political influence in Geneva, and was at
the same time very reluctant to see Calvinistic principles pene-
trating into the Canton de Vaud, then under the Bernese rule, as
it seemed government of the Church by the secular
to imperil the
power.*^ The Lutheranizing clergy of Berne were indeed favor-
able to Calvin ;*^ but this led to their defeat in 1548, and giving
the upper hand again to the strict Zwinglian party .^° By the
Consensus Tigurinus^^ of 1549 Calvin removed the doubts about
Dei ordinatione praedestinati ante fuer ant'? Cum ergo in sua corruptione pereunt, nihil
aliud quam poenas luunt ejus calamitatis, in quam ipsius jjraedestinatione laj)sus est Adam.,
ac 2'>osteros suos praecipites secum traxit. Annon itaque injustus, qui creaturis suis tarn
crudeliter illudit ? Fateor sane, in hanc qua nunc
illigati, sunt conditionis miseriam Dei
voluntate decidisse universes filios Adam

atque id est quod priucipio dicebani, redeun-
:
dum tandem semper esse ad solum divinae voluntatis arbitrium, cujus causa sit in ipso
abscondita. Sed non protinus sequitur, huic obtrectationi Deum subjacere. Occurrc-
mus enim cum Paulo in hunc modum homo tu quis es, qui disceptes cum Deo? Rom.
:
ix. 20 ss. However, in other places he distinguishes in this doctrine what is practically
necessaiy and what is speculative ; see Responsio contra Pighium de Liberc^ Arbitrio,
1543 (0pp., viii. 123) Cum edenda Augustae esset Confessionis formula (Phil. Melanch-
:
thon), non nisi in ea doctrina immorari voluit, quae sola Ecclesiae propria est et neces-
saria cognitu ad salutem nihil scilicet valere per se naturae vires ad percipiendam
:
fidem, ad obedientiam divinae legis, et totam spiritualem justitiam. So, too, in 1546, he
published Melancthon's Loci in a French translation, and declared in the Preface that
Melancthon had said about predestination all that was necessary for the salvation of
man, and only omitted what could not be known without danger (Henrj-, ii. 496).
*^ Calv. Institutio, lib. iv.
*' Henry, ii. 461.
*8 Hundeshagen's Conflikte des Zwinglianismus, Lutherthums, und Calvinismus in
der Bernischen Landeskirche v. 1532-58 ; Berne, 1842, s. 55 ff., 330 ff.
*'
Hundeshagen, s. 161.
Hundeshagen, s. 196 ff., 209. The Vaudois preachers (Viret and Valier) were re-
5"
ceived in a veiy unfriendly manner by the clergy in Berne, who stood at the head of
affairs; see Calvinus ad BuUingerum, 6. Cal. Jul., 1548 (Henrj-, ii., App., s. 132: Ob-
sccro te, mi Bullingere, si ita agendum est, utrum generosius saltem fuit, Bernae an
Romae subjici ? Agnosce etiam, quam apta fuerit Jodoci interrogatio, quis me vocasset,
ut Lausannae concionarer. Tandem ut primis ultima responderent, jussi sunt fratres
abire et facessere cum suo Calvinismo et Buceranismo. Et haec omnia furioso prope
impetu et insanis clamoribus. Quid durius aut truculentius a Papistis expectes ?
51 Agreed upon by Calvin and Farel in Zurich, with the clergy of that city see Bul- ;
linger's Leben, by Hess, ii. 15 Calvin's Leben, by Henry, ii. 469

; Hundeshagen, s. 248 ;
Niemeyer Confess. Eccl. Ref., praef., p. xli. the Consensus itself, in Niemeyer, p. 191
;
German in Bockel's Bekenntnissschriften d. Evang. Ref. Kirche, s. 173. VI. Haec spi-
ritualis est communicatio, quam habemus cum Filio Dei, dum Spiritu suo in nobis habi-
PART IL— CHAP. I.—EEFORMED DOCTRINES. § 35. CALVIN. 417
his doctrine of the Lord's Supper, by especially emphasizing those

Zwino^lian principles which he adopted, and those Lutheran views
tans faciat credentes omnes omnium, quae in se resident, bonorum compotes. Cujus
testificandae causa tarn Evangelii praedicatio instituta, quam Sacramentorum usus no-
bis commendatus, nenipe Baptismi, et sacrae Coenae. VII. Sunt quidera et hi Sacra-
mentorum fines, ut notae sint ac tesserae christianae professionis et societatis sive fra-
ternitatis, ut sint ad gratiarum actionem incitamenta et exercitia fidei ac piae vitae, de-
nique S5'ngraphae ad id obligantes. Sed hie unus inter alios praecipuus, ut per ea nobis
—
gratiam suam testetur Deus, repraesentet atque obsignet. VIII. Cum autem vera sint,
quae nobis Dominus dedit gratiae suae testimonia et sigilla, vere procul dubio praestat
ipse intus suo Spiritu, quod oculis et aliis sensibus figurant h. e. ut potiamur Christo,
:
tanquani bonorum omnium fonte, tum ut beneficio mortis ejus reconciliemur Deo, Spi-
ritu renovemur in vitae sanctitatem, justitiam denique et salutem consequamur, simul-
que pro his beneficiis olim in cruce exhibitis, et quae quotidie fide percipimus, gratias
aganius. IX. Quare etsi distinguimus, ut par est, inter signa et res signatas, tamen
non disjungimus a signis veritatem, quin omnes, qui fide amplectuntur illic oblatas pro-
missiones, Christum spiritualiter cum spiritualibus ejus donis recipere, adeoque et qui
dudum participes facti erant Christi, communionem illam coutinuare et reparare fatea-
mur. X. Materia aquae, panis aut vini, Christum nequaquam nobis ofFert, nee spiritua-
lium ejus donorum compotes nos facit sed promissio magis spectanda est, cujus partes
;
sunt, nos recta fidei via ad Christum ducere, quae fides nos Christi participes facit. XII.
Praeterea si quid boni nobis per Sacramenta confertur, id non fit propria eorum virtute,
etiam si promissionem, qua insigniuntur, comprehendas. Deus enira solus est, qui Spi-
ritu suo agit. Et quod Sacramentorum ministerio utitur, in eo neque vim illis suam in-
fundit, neque Spiritus sui efficaciae quicquam derogat, sed pro ruditatis nostrae captu
ea tanquani adminicula sic adhibet, ut tota agendi facultas maneat apud ipsum solum.
XIV. Constituimus ergo, unum esse Christum, qui vere intus baptizat, qui nos in Coena
facit sui participes, qui denique implet quod figurant Sacramenta et sic quidem uti his
;
adminiculis, ut totus effectus penes- ejus Spiritum resideat. XVII. Hac doctrina everti-
t-urillud Sophistarum commentum, quod docet, Sacramenta novae legis conferre gratiam
omnibus non ponentibus obicem peccati mortalis. Praeterquam enim quod in Sacra-
mentis nihil nisi fide percipitur, tenendum quoque est, minime alligatam ipsis esse Dei
gratiam, ut, quisquis signum habeat, re etiam potiatur. Nam reprobis peraeque ut elec-
tis signa administrantur, Veritas autem signorum ad hos solos pervenit. XVIII. Certum
quidem est, offerri commimiter omnibus Christum cum suis donis, nee hominum incre-
dulitate labefactari Dei veritatem, quin semper vim suam retineant Sacramenta; sed
non omnes Christi et donorum ejus sunt capaces. — XIX. Quemadmodum autem nihilo
plus Sacramentorum usus infidelibus conferet, qitam si abstinerent, imo tantum illis
exitialis est : ita extra eorum usum fidelibus constat, quae illic flguratur Veritas. — Sic
in Coena se nobis communicat Christus, qui tamen et prius se nobis impertierat et per-
petuo manet in nobis. Nam cum jubeantur singuli seipsos probare, inde consequitur.
fidem ab ipsis requiri, antequam ad Sacramentura accedant. Atqxu fides non est sine
Christo, sed quatenus Sacramentis confirmatur et augescit fides, confimiantur in nobis
Dei dona, adeoque quodammodo augescit Christus in nobis, et nos in ipso. XXI. Prac-
sertim vero tollenda est quaelibet localis praesentiae imaginatio. Nam cum signa hie
in mundo sint, oculis cernantur, palpentur manibus Christus, quatenus homo est, non
;
alibi quam in coelo, nee alitor quam mente et fidei intelligentia quaerendus est. Quare
pervei'sa etimpia superstitio est, ipsum sub elementis hujus muudi includere. XXII.
Proinde qui in solennibus Coenae verbis hoc est corjms meum, hie est sanguis mens, prae-
:
cise literalem, ut loquuntur, eos tanquam praeposteros interpretes repu-

sensum urgent,
diamus. Nam extra controversiam ponimus, figurate accipienda esse, ut esse panis et
—
vinum dicantur id quod significant. XXIV. Hoc modo non tantum refutatur Papista-
rum commentum de transSubstantiatione, sed crassa omnia figmenta atque futiles argu-
tiae, quae vel coclesti ejus gloriae detrahunt vel veritati humanac naturae minus sunt
VOL. IV. —27

;
418 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1G48.
which he rejected ; but Berne did not accept this formula,^^ and
was steadfast in its hostiUty. When Hieronymus Bolsec Avas put
in prison in Geneva,^^ October 16, 1551, for his opposition to un-
conditional election, and this doctrine was formally set forth by.
the Genevese clergy in the Consensus Genevensis,^* January 1,
1552, the German cantons replied by referring to the unsearch-

ableness of the secret things of God, and advised mildness.^^ As
Bolsec, however, was banished from Geneva, and continued, with-
out interruption, to calumniate Calvin from his place of refuge in
the neighboring Canton de Vaud, the dissatisfaction of Berne with
Calvin came to be more distinctly expressed f^ preaching upon
consentancac. Nequc enim minus absurdum judicamus, Christum sub pane locare vcl
cum pane copulare, quam panem transsubstantiare in corpus ejus. On the contents,
fee Planck, v. ii. 19 Ebrard's Abendmal, ii. 503. Comp. Calvin's doctrine about the
;
Lord's Supper on the basis of his InstiCufio, and judged from the Lutheran point of view
in Rudclbach's Reformation, Lutherthum und Union (Leipzig, 1839), s. 187. [Comp.
Jul. Miiller, Lutheri et Calv. Sent, de sacra Coena, Halle, 1853.J
=2 Hundeshagen, s. 251. Ebrard, ii. 522 f.
^^ Trechsel's Antitrinitarier, i. 185. Henrj', iii. i. 44. Hundeshagen, s. 271.
^* Henrj', This Consensus was not subscribed hy the Ziirich theologians
iii. i. 82.
!)Ut the Consensus Tigurinus, in which election is also incidentally mentioned, was con-
firmed by them anew in 1551 ; Heniy, iii. ii., App., s. 114. The Consensus Genevensis,
in Niemeyer, p. 218 (cf. Praef., p. xlvi.) ; German in Bockel, s. 182. It is a violent
polemic against Albertus Pighius and Georgius Siculus Bolsec is not named, but con- ;
temptuously referred to. It is, as Calvin himself saj's, a reproduction of the paragi'aph
in the Institutio. Melanchthon ad C. Peucerum, 1. Febr., 1552 (Corp. Ref., vii. 9.32):
Lelius (Socinus) mihi scribit, tanta esse Genevae certamina de Stoica necessitate, ut car-
ceri inclusus sit quidam a Zenone disscntiens. rem miseram Doctrina salutaris ob-
!
scuratur peregrinis disputationibus.

*^ See the letters of Zurich, Berne, and Basle, in Jo. Alph. Turretini Nubes Testium
pro moderato et pacifico de Rebus theologicis Judicio (Genev., 1719. 4.), p. 102 the first ;
two are also in Henry, iii. ii., App., s. 17. The Bernese wrote lUud tamen etiam atque :
etiam videndum esse sentimus, ne quid severius statuatur in errantcs, ne, dum dogma-
tum puritatem immoderatius vindicamus, a i-egula Spiritus Christi deficiamus, h. e. ca-
ritatem fraternam, unde discipuli Christi censemur, ad sinistram declinantes, transgre-
dianiur. Bullingcr wrote to Calvin (Bullinger's Lebcn, by Hess, ii. 42) : Apostoli subli-
mem banc causam paucis attigerunt, nee nisi coacti, eamque sic moderati sunt, ne quid
inde ollenderentur pii. — Si simplici A'eritate non sinit se supcrari Hieronymus (Bolsec),
nos nullam vim praeterea possumus addere.
^''
BuUinger, bj' Hess, ii. 237. Trechsel's Antitrinitarier, i. 194. Hundeshagen, s. 280.
Ilenrj-, iii. i. C9. Calvinus ad Bullingerum, 18. Sept., 1554 (in Hundeshagen, s. 281):
Agri Bernensis concionatores me haereticum omnibus Papistis deteriorem pro suggestu
proclamant. Ac quo quisque petulantius in me bacchatur, co plus sibi favoris et praesi-
diicomparat. The execution of Servetus, Oct. 27, 1553, was made the occasion of much
reproach to Calvin bj' all his opponents (Trechsel, i. 203) Bolsec said, Magnam inju- ;
riam Serveto factam esse, et bonam causam injusta Calvini t3-rannide fuisse oppressam
(Trechsel, i. 195). Andr. Zebedee, professor in Lausanne, a stiff Zwinglian Ignis gal- :
licus vicit ignem hispanicum,'sed ignis Dei vincet igneni gallicum (Hess, ii. 2S8). Sc-
bast. Castellio, professor in Basle, published : De an sint persequondi, et
Haereticis,
omnino quomodo sit cum eis agendum, doctorum virorum turn vctcrum turarecentiorum
PART II.— CHAP. I.— REFORMED DOCTRINES. § 35. CALVIN. 419
predestination was fortidden f the Vaudois were prohibited from

receiving the Lord's Supper in Geneva f^ and no
satisfaction was
given to the G-enevese when they complained of being cahimni-
ated.^^ All the German Swiss became still more incensed against
the Calvinistic theologians, when Theodore Beza, in the spring of
1557, to induce the German princes to intercede for the French
Reformed, handed in to the Elector Otto Henry, of the Palatinate,
and Duke Christopher, of Wiirtemherg, a Confession,^" and there-
Sententiae (the Preface, with the assumed name Martiiius Bellius, subscribed, Magde-
burg!, 1554) ; Laelius Socinus : Dialogus inter Calvinum et Vaticanum, 1554 ; cf. S'eb.
Castellio Lebensgeschichte, by J. C. Fiiesslin, Franl^f. u. Leipz., 1775, s. G3; F. Chr.

Schlosser's Leben des Theodor de Beze und des Peter Mart3-r Vermili, Heidelberg, 1809,
s. 54. The dissension was increased by the fact that the Genevese held that the Lord's
Supper could not be dispensed in a holy manner without the excommunication of the
unworthy, which was not the case in Berne. Other subjects of strife were baptismal
fonts (of stone), which the Genevese abolished and the Bernese retained and the doing ;
away in Geneva, after a shoi't time, of all festivals which did not fall on Sundays.
*' The 2Gth Januarj-, 1555, the Bernese Council renewed the prohibition about disput-
i.ig on doctrines and ecclesiastical order, and especially emphasized (Hundeshagen, s.

28G) certaines hautes et subtiles doctrines, opinions, et traditions des hommes, principa-
lement touchant la matiere de la divine predestination, qui nous semble non etre neces-
saire, ains qui servent ii factions, sectes, erreurs, et debauchement, qu'a edification et
consolation. The classis of Lausanne made reiiresentations against this edict, which
was renewed March 13, on the 6. Non. Maj., 1555 in Gerdesii Scrinium Antiqu., ii. 472.
;
^'^
In the edict of 26th January, 1555, in Hundeshagen, s. 394. The Lord's Supper,
in the Bernese churches, was helel by manj- Calvinists not to be valid, because there
was no church discipline.
^ After manycomplaints, made in writing, liad proved ineffectual, a deputation from
Geneva, and Calvin in person, appeared before the Bernese council, March, 1555 but ;
the accused denied the charges, and brought forward counter complaints on the ground
of Calvin's objections to Zwingle and the Zurich Confession (supra. Note 38), and also
cliarges of heterodoxy. The council did not impose punishment, but demanded peace,
Arret du 3. Avril, 1555 (Trechsel's Antitrinitarier, i. 203; Hundeshagen, s. 292): Aus- —
sy que nos trds chers combourgeois de Geneve tiennent main, que leurs ministres fassent
du semblable et que dorrenavant se dcpourtent de composer livres contenants si hautes
choses, pour perscruter les secrets de Dieu, a notre semblant non necessaires, qui don-
—
nent occasion de telles choses et qui plus destruisent que edifient. Toutefois luj' (Cal-
vin) et tous les Ministres de Geneve par ces presentes expressemeut advertissons, eas
advenant, que nous trouvions aulcungs livres en nos paj-s, par luy ou par aultres coni-
poscz, contrariants et repugnants a notre dite Disputation et Reformation (Div. I., § G,
Notes 10, 11), que non seulement ne les soufFrirons, ains aussi les bruslerons. Item
tous personnages, qui viendront, hanteront en nos pays, parlants, devisants, disputants,
escripvants, et tenants propos coutraires a nostre Disputation et Reformation, i ceux
punirons selon leur demerite, de sorte que cliascung enteudra que ne voullons cela
souftVir.
'" BuHinger, by Hess, ii. 359. Hundeshagen, s. 311. The Confession subscribed by
Bcza, Farel, and others, professed to give the doctrines of the Churches in France,
Switzerland, and Savoy the best account of this is in Baum's Theodor Beza, Th. 1
;
(Leipz., 1843), s. 405 Fatemur in Coena Domini non omnia modo Christi bencficia, sed
:
ipsam etiam Filii hominis substantiam, ipsam, inquam, veram carnem, quam Verbum
aeternum in perpotuam unitatcm personae assumpsit, in qua natus et passus pro nobis
resurrexit, et ascendit in coelos, et verum ilium sanguinem, quem fudit pro nobis, noa
upon, at the Diet of Worms, October, 1557, made declarations"
significari duntaxat, aut sj-mbolice, tj-pice vel figurate tanquam absentis memoriam pro-
poni sed vere ac certe repraesentari, exhiberi, et applicanda offerri, adjunctis ipsi rei
;
symboiis niinime nudis, sed quae, quod ad Deuin promittentem ct offerentem attinet,
rem ipsam semper vere ac certo conjunctam habeant, sive fidelibus, sire infidelibus pro-
ponantur. Jam vero modum
ilium, quo res ipsa, i. e., verum corpus et verus sanguis
Domini cum sj'mbolis copulatur, dicimus esse symbolicum sive sacramentalem. Sacra-
mentalem autem modum vocamus non, qui sit duntaxat figurativus, sed qui vere ac
certo sub specie rerum visibilium repraesentet, quod Deus cum s^-mbolis exhibet et of-
fert, nempe quod superiore articulo diximus ut appareat, nos ipsius- corporis Christi
:
substantiae praesentiam in Coena retinere et defendere. Et si quid nobis cum vere piis
et doctis controversiae est, non de re ipsa, i. e., de praesentia sed de modo praesentiae
duntaxat, qui soli Deo est cognitus, a, nobis autem creditur, disceptari. Quod autem
attinet ad modum, quo sj-mbola nobiscum communicantur, physicum eum esse scimus.
Nam physice visibiiia ilia et palpabilia sumimus. Deuique quod attinet ad modum,
quo res ipsa, i. e., naturalis ilia et vera Christi substantia vere ac certo nobis communi-
catur, non facimus eura modum phj'sicum, nee localem conjunctionem imaginamur, aut
dift'usionem naturae humanae Christi, aut crassam illam et naturalem commixtionem
substantiae Cliristi cum nostra substantia, non denique papisticam transsubstantiatio-
nem, sed spiritual em esse modum dicimus, i. e., qui nitatur incomprehensibili Spiritus
Dei omnipotentis virtute, quam nobis in hoc verbo suo patefecit Jioc est corpus meum, :
hoc est sanguis meus. Obtestamur autem omnes fratres verae pacis ac concordiae aman-
tes, ut sepositis omnibus privatis affectibus cogitent, ecquid oporteat illos, qui de Christi
Sacramentis ita sentiunt et docent, pro infidelibus et haereticis traduci. This Confession
was handed in without the knowledge of the Swiss when it was made known to them, :
they were much discontented with it, because, while it professed to give the doctrine of thp
Swiss churches, it was so very different from the Consensus. See Bullinger's correspond-
ence about it with Calvin and Beza, in Bullinger, by Hess, ii. 362 Hundeshagen, s. 312. ;
Comp. the account in BuUingeri ad Jo. a Lasco, 24. Jun., 1558, in J. C. Fueslini Episto-
lae ab Eccl. Helv. Reformatoribus vel ad eos scriptae (Tiguri, 1742), p. 414 Baum's ;
Theod. Beza, i. 267.

'^ When the Lutheran divines in Worms asked for a Confessio doctrinae Ecclesia-
rum Gallicarum, for which they were to intercede, their deputies, Beza, Farel, Job.
Budiius of Geneva, and Casper Carmel, Reformed preacher in Paris, did not dare to pre-
sent the Confession which in the spring had been handed in to the Duke of Wiirtem-
berg, because it was so much disapproved in Switzerland but they drew up a shorter ;
and more cautious declaration (see this in Corp. Ref., ix. 332, in Baum's Theod. Beza, i.
409), which is often incorrectly confounded with that Confession. It is there said Cum :
legerimus vestram confessionem, quae Augustae exhibita est anno 1530, prorsits earn in
omnibus articulis congruere cum nostris Ecclesiis judicamus, et earn amplectimur, ex-
cepto tameu uno articulo, videlicet de Coena Domini, in quo controversiae haerent, de
quibus colloquia cum vestris semper expetivimus, et speramjps dirimi eas posse, si eru-
ditorum et piorum explicatio audiatur. Nunquam hoc nos sensimus aut docuimus, Coe-
—
nam Domini esse tantum signum professionis, aut esse signum tantum absentis Christi.
— Constantissime affirmamus, Filium Dei missum esse, ut per eum colligatur Ecclesia,
et adesse eum suo ministerio, et in Coena testificari, quod faciat nos sibi membra. Et
verba Pauli sequimur, qui ait: panis est Kowwvia corporis, i. e., ilia res, quam cum su-
mimus, filius Dei vere adcst et facit nos per fidem sibi membra, et testificatur, se nobis
dare etapplicare remissionem peccatorum, Spiritum sanctum, et vitam aeternam. Baum's
Th. Beza, i. 302. From Ziirich reproaches about this new Confession were also addressed
to Beza ; Bullinger, bj' Hess, ii. 377 ; Baum, i. 326 : also from Berne ; Hundeshagen, s.
319. Bullinger ad Jo. a Lasco, 24. June, 1558 (in Fueslini Epistt., p. 416) implicate :
iterum loquuntur de Coena, et exponunt locum Pauli 1 Cor. x. secus quam oportebat.
Dubitamus item, an Ecclesiae Galiicanae per omnia agniturae sint Augustanam confes-
sionem, maxime in Coufessione auriculari et Missa.
PART II.—CHAP. I.—REFORMED DOCTRINES. § 35. CALVIN. 421
which seemed to concede too much to the Lutherans. Beza, of

his own Lausanne in 1558 and soon afterward the
accord, left ;
Calvinistic preachers, who were urgent for stricter church disci-

phne, were banished from the Canton de Vaud,^- 1559. Calvin
died in the midst of these dissensions, May 27, 1564.
This tension was kept from resulting in a total separation, in
which both parties had in common to undergo
part by the attacks
from the ultra-Lutheran Germans, on account of their doctrine
respecting the Lord's Supper. Another occurrence in Germany
helped to bring them nearer together. The Elector Frederic IIL,
of the Palatinate, went over to the Reformed Church in 1560, and
thereupon had the Heidelberg Catechism drawn up by Zacharias
Ursinus and Caspar Olevianus, in 1563.^^ When the Lutheran
side then raised the question, whether the Elector could still be
considered as an adherent of the Augsburg Confession, and as
Swiss were led to unite
fsuch included in the religious treaty,^* the
by BuUinger, as the expression of their com-

in the Confession left
mon faith (Confessio Helvetica H. ,1566),^^ in order to show their
agreement with the Augsburg Confession.
The Heidelberg Catechism and the second Helvetic Confession
were the most widely diffused formularies of the Reformed Church.
Their doctrine respecting the Lord's Supper agrees with that of
Calvin ;^'^
but the Augustinian doctrine of election is not in the
" Hundeshagen, s. 351 ff.

'^ In German and Latin in Niemcyer's ColL Confessionum Reform., p. 390; cf. Praef.,
p. Ivii. : in German in Biickel's Beltenntnissschriften d. EvangeL Ref. Elirche, s. 395.
H. S. van Alpen's Gesch. und Literatur
Heidelb. Katechism., Frankf. a M., 1800. Au-
d.
gusti's Hist. Krit. Einleitung in die beiden Hauptkatechismen der EvangeL Kirche, El-
berfeld, 1824, s. 96. Dr. M. J. H. Beckhaus uber den Lehrbegriff des Heidelb. Kate-
chismus, in Illgen's Zeitschr.
f. d. hist. Theol., viii. (1838), ii. 39. Ebrard's Abendmal,
ii. 602. [On
the Heidelberg Catechism, compare Nevin's work, and his articles in the
Mercersburg Review, 1853 sq., and the Princeton Repertory,-, 1854. Also Kahnis, Lebre
vom Abendmal, 1851 and Dieckhoff, Abendmalslehre im Zeitalter der Ref., 1854.]
;
«*
B. G. Struven's pfalzische Kirchenhistorie, Frankfurt, 1721. 4., s. 165 ff.
^* Confessio Helvetica posterior.
Recognovit atque cum integra lectionis varietate
autographi Turicensis, prolegomenis indicibusqiie edidit O. F. Fritzsche, Turici, 1839.
In Niemeyer, p. 462 cf. Praef., p. Ixiii. Ebrard's Abendmal, ii. 735.
;
«« Heidelberg Catechism,
Question 76: "Was heisst den gekreuzigten Leib Christi
essen, und sein vergossen Blut trinken Es heisst nit allein mit glaubigem Herzen
.'
das ganze Leiden u. Sterben Christi annehmen, u. dardurch Vergebung der Sunden u.
ewiges Leben bekommen sender auch darneben durch den heil. Geist, der zugleich in
:
Christo u. in uns wohnet, also mit seinem gebenedeiten Leib je mehr u. mehr vereiniget
werden, dass wir, obgleich er im Himmcl, und wir auf Erden sind, dennoch Fleisch von
seinem Fleisch, und Bein von seinen Beinen sind, u. von einem Geist (wie die Glieder
unsers Leibs von einer Seelen) ewig leben und regieret werden." Question 78 " Wie :
—
Catechism at all, and the Confession gives it in a mild form, far

behind that in which Calvin advocated it.^^ On the other hand,
das Wasser in dem Tauf Blut Christ! verwandelt, oder die Abwaschung der
nit in das
Sunden selbst wird, deren es allein ein gottlich Wahrzeichen u. Versicherung ist also :
wird auch das beil. Brod im Abendmal nit der Leib Christi selbst, wiewol es nacli Art
und Branch der Sacramenten der Leib Christi genennet wird." Question 79: Christus
hat das Brod seinen Leib, u. den Kelch sein Blut genannt, "dass eruns nit allein daniit
will leliren, dass, gleichwie Brod u. zeitliche Leben erhalten, also se_y auch
Wein das
sein gekreuzigter Leib u. vergossen Blut die wahre Speis u. Trank unserer Seelen zum
ewigen Leben sender vielmehr dass er uiis durch diess sicbtbare Zeicben und Pfand
;
will versichern, dass wir so wahrhaftig seines wahren Leibs u. Bluts durch Wirkung
des heil. Geists theilhaftig werden, als wir diese heiligen Wahrzeichen mit dera.leib-
lichen Mund zu seiner Gedachtnuss enipfangen, und dass all sein Leiden u. Gehorsam
so gewiss unser eigen sej-, als batten wir selbst in unser eigen Person alles gelitten u.
genuggethan." Cf. Beckhaus, in Illgen's Zeitschr., viii. ii. 82; Ebrard's Abendmal, ii.
604. Conf. Helvetica Posterior, c. xxi. Retinere vult Dominus ritu hoc sacro in re-
:
centi memoria maximum generi mortalium praestitum beneficium, nempe quod tradito
corpore et effuso sue sanguine omnia nobis peccata nostra condonavit, ac a morte aeter-
na et potestate diaboli nos redemit, jam pascit nos sua carne et potat suo sanguine, quae
—
vera fide spiritualiter percepte alunt nos ad vitam aeternam. Et quidem visibiliter hoc
foris Sacramento per ministrum repraesentatur, et veluti oculis contemplandum exponi-
tur, quod intus in anima invisibiliter per ipsum Spiritum sanctum praestatur. Mandu-—
catio non est unius generis. Est enim manducatio corporalis, qua cibus in os percipitur
ab homine, dentibus atteritur, et in ventrem deglutitur. Hoc manducationis genere in-
tellexerunt olini Capernaitae sibi manducandam carnem Domini, sed refutantur ab ipso
—
Joan. c. vi. Est et spiriLualis manducatio corporis Christi, non ea quidem, qua existi-
memus eibum ipsum mutari in spiritum, sed qua, manente in sua essentia et proprietate
—
corpore et sanguine Domini, ea nobis commuuicantur spiritualiter, per Spiritum sanc-
tum, qui videlicet ea, quae per carnem et sanguinem Domini, pro nobis in mortem tra-
dita, parata sunt, ipsam inquara remissionem peccatorum, liberationem, et vitam aeter-
nam applicat et confert nobis, ita ut Christus in nobis vivat, et nos in ipso vivamus, effi-
citque, ut ipsum, quo talis sit cibus et potus spiritualis noster, i. e., vita nostra, vera fide
—
percipiamus. Fit autem hie esus et potus spiritualis etiam extra Domini Coenam, et
quoties, aut ubicunque homo in Christum crediderit. Quo fortassis illud Augustini per-
tinet quid paras dentem et ventrem ? crede et manducasti. Praeter superiorem mandu-
:
cationem spiritualem est et sacramentalis manducatio corporis Domini, qua fidelis non
tantum spiritualiter et interne participat vero corpore et sanguine Domini, sed foris
etiam accedendo ad mensam Domini accipit visibile corporis et sanguinis Domini Sacra-
mentum. Prius quidem, dum credidit fidelis, vivificum alinientum percepit, et ipso fru-
itur adhuc, sed ideo, dum Sacramentum quoque accipit, non nihil accipit. Nam in con-
tinuatione communicationis corporis et sanguinis Domini pergit, adeoque magis magis-
—
que incenditur, et crescit fides, ac spirituali alimonia reficitur. Et qui foris vera fide
sacramentum percipit, idem ille non signum duntaxat percipit, sed re ipsa quoque, ut
diximus, fruitur. Praeterea idem ille institutioni et mandate Domini obedit, laetoque
animo gratias pro redemptione sua totiusque generis humani agit, ac fidelem mortis do-
minicae memoriam peragit, atque coram Ecclesia, cujus corporis membrum sit, attesta-
tur obsignatur item percipientibus Sacramentum, quod corpus Domini non tantum in
:
—
genere pro hominibus sit traditum, sed peculiariter pro quovis fideli communicante.
Caeterum qui nulla cum fide ad banc sacram Domini mensam accedit, Sacramento dun-
taxat communicat, et rem Sacramenti, unde est vita et salus, non percipit. Et tales
—
indigne edunt de mensa Domini, et ad judicium sibi edunt et bibunt.
^' Heidelb. Catech. Qu. 37, it reads that Christ " an Leib und Seele
—
den Zorn Gottes
wider die Siinde des ganzen menschlicben Geschlechts getragen hat ;" Question 54 :
'"
Dass der Sobn Gottes aus dem ganzen menschlicben Geschlecht ibm din auscrwiiblte
Gemein zum ewigen Leben durch sein Geist u. Wort in Einiakeit des wahren Glaubeus
;
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 30. MELANCTHON. 423
strict Calvinism had the preponderance among the Reformed, out-

side of Switzerland and Germany,^^ and was decidedly expressed
in the Confessio Belgica, 1559, and in the Confessio G-allicana,^'^
1561.
Basle, under its antistes, Simon Sulzer (since 1553), was in
closeunion with the new Church of Baden, and did not adopt the
second Helvetic Confession. Sulzer even intended to take part in
Andreii's work on the Formula Concordiae but in the ; last years
of his life (he died 1585) this intention was frustrated. His suc-
cessor, J. J. Grynaeus, restored Basle to agreement with the rest
of the Swiss churches.""
§ 36.
MELANCTHON'S THEOLOGICAL RELATIONS TO LUTHER.

Versuch einer Charakteristik Melanchthon's als Theologen u. eincrEntwickelung seiues
Lehrbegriffs, von F. Galle, Halle, 18-40. Phil. Melanclithon, sein Leben u. Wirken, aus
den Quellen dargestellt von K. Matthes, Altenburg, 18-11. [C. F. Ledderhose, Life of
Melancthon, transl. from German bj- G. F. Krotel, New York, 1854. Cox's Life of
Melancthon, Lond., 1815. Mel. imd das Interim, Rossel in Studien und Kritiken,
1844: conip. Zeitschrift fi'ir d. Hist. Tlieol., 1851. Mel. Il3-potyposea, Schwarz in
von Anbeginn der Welt bis ans End versammle, schiitze u. erhcrlte, u. dass ich dcrsel-
ben ein lebendiges Glied bin, u. e^Yig bleiben werde." On the later controversj-, wheth-
er the Catechism teaches universal or particular grace, see Beckhaus, in Illgen's Zeitschr.,
viii. ii. 70. Confessio Ilelvet. posterior, X. De praedestinatione Dei et electione Sanc-
torum. Deus ab aeterno praedestinavit vel elegit libera et mera sua gratia, nullo homi-
—
num respectu, Sanctos, quos vult salvos facere in Christo. Ergo non sine medio, licet
non propter ullum meritum nostrum, sed in Christo et propter Christum nos elegit Deus,
ut qui jam sunt in Christo insiti per fidem, illi ipsi etiam sint electi reprobi vero, qui ;
—
sunt extra Christum. Et quamvis Deus norit, qui sint sui, et alicubi mentio fiat pauci-
tatis eleciorum, bene sperandum est tamen de omnibus, neqite temere reprobis quisquam
est annumerandus. —
Satis perspicuum et firmum habebimus testimonium, nos in libro
vitae inscriptos esse, si communicaverimus cum Christo, et is in vera fide noster sit, nos
ejus sumus. Consoletur nos in tentatione praedestinationis, qua vix alia est periculo-
sior, quod promissiones Dei sunt universales fidelibus, quod ipse ait petite et accipietis,:
omnis qui petit accipit. remarkable that the epistle to the Romans is not cited in
It is
this section. Predestination to condemnation is not mentioned, as Bullinger, in particu-
lar, feared that it would be so misunderstood as to represent God as the author of sin
see Hess's Bullinger, ii. 40.
'' Beza was a strict Thus, at the colloquy of Mompelgard, 1586, he
supralapsarian.
defended against Andrea the position Adamum sponte quideni, sed tamen non modo
:
praesciente, sed etiam juste ordinante et decerîente Deo in istas calamitates prolapsum
esse ; see Acta Colloquii Montisbelligartensis, Witteberg, 1613. 4., p. 414, 424, 429. Th.
Beza, Ad Acta Colloqu. Montisbell. Responsio (Partes ii., Genev., 1588, 4.), p. 233.
" Niemej-cr Coll. Confess. Reform., p. 300 u. 311.
'" Hagenbach's Gesch. d. ersten Easier Confession (Basle,
1827), s. 90. The second
Helvetic Confession was formally assented to by Basic first in 1642 .s. 158. ;
:
42-4 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
Stud. u. Ki'it, 1855; ibid, on Melancthon's Loci in Stud. u. Ej-it., 1857; comp. Cor-
pus Reform., vol. xxv.-xxvii. Zum Secular-Andenken Phil. Mel., bj- J. F. T. "Wohl-
fartli, 1858.]
When Philip Melancthon came to Wittenberg in 1518, he was

aheady attached to the reforming tendencies. He there came
into intimate relations with Luther,^ and devoted himself with
great zeal to the study of theology.^ In his Loci Commun. Re-
rum Theologicarum, 1521, he presented the first scientific elaho-
ration of the new doctrine. The theological controversies which
immediately sprung up among the adherents of the Reformation
somewhat cooled his zeal, and at the same time convinced him of
the need of a more thorough philosophical and philological cul-
ture among the theologians. For some years he seemed to aban-
don theology, and to devote himself exclusively to his original
course of study .^ However, in 1526 he took a theological chair,
and began to move more independently in this sphere. He al-
ways esteemed piety and morality as the highest object of all the-
ological pursuits,* and unity and order as essential conditions of
'
Mel. ad Jo. Langium, Aug., 1519, Corp. Eef., i. 106: Ego et Martini studia et
11.
jiias literas et Martinum, si omnino
in rebus humanis quidquam, vehementissime diligo,
et animo integerrimo complector. Galle, s. 101.
^ Mel. ad Jo. Schwebelium, Maj., 1520, C. R., i. 190 Nunc seriae ac necessariae ma-
:
gis sunt occupationes nostrae, quam fuerunt illae in Suevis olim, cum adhuc ivâvuvofxiv.
Galle, s. 109. For the high estimation in which Luther held him, see Luth. ad Jo. Stau-
pitium, 3. Oct., 1519 (de Wette, i. 341) Philippi positiones (against Eck, in Lutheri
:
0pp., Tom. i., Jen. lat., p. 345) vidisti aut nunc vides audaculas sed verissimas. Ita re-
spondit, ut omnibus nobis esset id quod est, scilicet miraculum : si Christus dignabitur,
multos Martinos praestabit, diabolo et scholasticae theologiae potentissimus hostis
ille
novit illorum nugas et Christi petram ideo potens poterit. Amen. Ad Jo. Langium, 18.
:
Aug., 1520 (de Wette, i. 478) Ego de me in his rebus nihil statuere possum
: forte ego :
praecursor sum Philippi, cui exemplo Heliae viam parem in spiritu et virtute, conturba-
turus Israel et Achabitas. Galle, s. 101, 131.
- In many letters he expresses the desire to give up the theological lectures. Galle, s. 113.
Mel. ad Spalatin., Jul., 1522, C. R., i. 575. Theologica, quae praelegere coeperam prop-
ter Baccalaureatum, ut mos est, omittere malim. —
Humanarum literarum et multis et
adsiduis doctoribus opus esse video, quae non minus hoc saeculo, quam sophistico illo
negliguntur. Nuper adeo plerosque juvenes languentes revocavi in viam, qui omissa
bene dicendi cura nescio quid sectabantur. Mel. Praefatio ad Lutheri Librum de con-
stituendis Scholis., Aug., 1524, C. R., i. 666: Linguas profecto praecidi oportet iis, qui
pro concionibus passim a literarum studiis imperitam juventutem dehortantur. Nam
admissa barbarie videmus olim labefactatam esse religionem, et vehementer metuo, ne
eodem redeat res, nisi manibus ac pedibus pulcherrimum Dei munus, literas, defenderi-
mus. [Comp. L. Koch, Melancthon's Scbbla Privata, 1859.]
* Mel. ad Joach. Camerarium, 22. Jan., 1525, C. R., i. 722 De negotio ruyaioto-Tias
:
non aliud adhuc susceptum video, nisi ut hac occasione in intricatas, obscuras et profa-
nas quaestiones ac rixas conjecti animi a conspectu doctrinae necessariae tanquam tur-
—
bine quodam auferantur. Ego mihi ita conscius sum, non aliam ob causam unquam
TtQto\oyy]Kivai., nisi ut vitam emendarem.
PART II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 36. MELANCTHON. 425
the efficiency of the Church.^ Hence he was repugnant to the

theological speculations and controversies,which seemed to lose
sight of that object and of these conditions f and he blamed the
violence of Luther in these discussions. He, kept himself ready
to sacrifice what was non-essential for the sake of peace,'' and
was impartial acknowledging what was true in the opinions of
in
his opponents.^ Thus his doctrinal peculiarities, gradually devel-
oped, and consummated, as to the chief points, in his edition of
the Loci^ of 1535, had for their aim to sunder what was essential
^ Melancthon's judgment expressed to the Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, Sept., 1526,

C. R., i. 821 Videtur item utile prohibere dissensiones in concionibus. ^ Rixantur aii-
:
tem non tantum Papistae, sed et adversarii Papistarum saepe multo vehementius quam
alteri. Nonnunquam etiam lis est de lana caprina. Eas dissensiones, quantum fieri
potest, stBdeat V. Cels. per praefectos cohiberi ita, ut qui sanior videatur solus doceat,
alter taceat prorsus, juxta Pauli regulam. Doceat autem non fidem tantum, sed timo-
rem quoque Dei, cujus jam paene nuUaîn concionibus mentio fit, ac caritatera, et inter
praecepta caritatis summum et gravissimum obedientiam erga magistratus. Postremo
rogo Cels. V., ut quantum pie fieri potest, pacis publicae causa veteres cerimonias con-
servet. Nunquam ritus ac mores sine magnis scandalis mulantur. Et Christianismus
minime in ritibus situs est, sed in timore Dei, fide, caritate et obedientia erga magis-
tratus ; quae utinam tarn sedulo docerent concionatores quam strenue vociferantur in
Papam.
^ Postilla Melanthoniana (collecta a C. Pezelio, p. i., Heidelb., 1594 ; p. ii.-lv., Ilano-
viae, 1594. 95. 8.), p. ii., p. 759 : Ego non delector inanibus disputationibus, nee quaero
subtilitates in ullo genere doctrinarum, sed quaero realia et quae utilia sunt in omni vita.
Non est sapientia quaerere praestigias et excogitare nova, aut occupari disputationibus
inutilibus. Galle, s. 234.
' Mel. ad Alex. Drachstadtium Epist. Nuncupatoria in Scholia in Epist. Pauli ad
Coloss., Haganoae, 1557. C. R., i. 874 Multae hoc tempore controversiae tractantur,
:
quas hie attingere oportuit. In his explicandis volui non tantum diligentiam meam
probari lectoribus, sed etiam kviiiKuav, quam in ecclesiasticis dissensionibus in Driniis
praestari oportebat. Neque enim aliter aut conservari aut sarciri Ecclesiae concordia
potest. Ad
Ge. Spalatinum, 1527, on his instructions to the Visitatores Tantum me :
hoc cavisse, ut sine acerbitate verborum res nudae proponerentur. Multae mihi causae
fueruut ejus lenitatis. Nolui enim alere Aurei et similium amentiam, qui putant, unum
hoc esse docere Evangelium, summa contentione atque amarulentia debacchari velut e
plaustris adversus eos, qui a nobis dissentiunt. Neque ignore, quantum odii apud quos-
dam conciliarit mihi haec mea diligentia sed mihi magis spectandum, quicl Deo place-
;
quam quomodo sycophantas illos mihi placarem, a quibus nunc ut haereticus, ut fa-
ret,
naticus traducor (C. R., i. 898).

* Mel. ad Casp. Aquilam, Nov., 1527, C. R., iv. 959 Ego in hac inspectione Ecclesi- :
arum maxime volui concordiam constituere. Itaque hortatus sum eos, qui decent Evan-
gelium, ut moderate et sine conviciis suum officium faciant quaedam etiam in doctrina :
superioris saeculi probavi, v. c. tamen tribuatur satisfactio

poenitentiae partitionem, si
eamque partitionem utilem esse existimo ad docendum. Nimio

Christi {leg. Chrisio), —
odio Papae quidam omnia bona et mala juxta damnant ea ex re quanta sint nata :
scandala videmus. Quin potius quae poterunt tolerari aut excusari leniamus, ut Eccle-
siae concordiae consulamus. —
Multa nunc melius docentur divino beneficio in Ecclesia
quam ante ; sed quaedam melius olim docebant aliqui, quam multi nunc indocti Lufhe-
rani. — Quaedam Papistae in nostris non sine causa reprehendunt.
' On this second chief edition, see Strobel's Literiirgesch, v. Ph. Melanchthon's Lods
—
42G FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1C48.
from all that might lead to needless strife or to misunderstandings

that imperiled morality.
In the controversy of Luther with Erasmus he came to see the
danger of strict necessarianism, to which he had been previously
inclined.^" After 1527 he abandoned it by degrees,^ until at ^
length, in the edition of the Loci in 1535, he came to teach a

synergism on the part of man in the work of conversion, and re-
jected the necessarian view as an error of the Stoics.^^
Theologicis, Altdorf u. Niirnberg, 1776, s. 56. Mel. ad J. Camerarium, 2. Sept., 1535,

C. R., ii. 936 : Ego nunc in meis locis multa mitigavi. Ad eimd., 24. Dec, 1835, C. R.,
ii. 1027 : In locis meis etiam sicubi videor habere StvTtpa^ (ppovTioai, vides me hoc agere,
ut rebus obscuris et intricatis aliquid addam lucis. Nam tu ne malles obsecro me au-
gere ths aKvpoXoyiai, oistte/o utwLkov tivu !) TrXaTwviXôvTa, cum summas rerum vide-
as me retinere. Neque tameu valde recuse, etiam si qua plaga raihi accipienda ali-
quando erit, habeo enim rationem mei consilii. -^
'" Loci Theol., 1521. A. 7: Quandoquidem omnia, quae eveniunt, necessario juxta
divinam praedestinationem eveniunt, nulla est^'oluntatis nostrae libertas. B. 4 verso:
Praedicent liberi arbitrii vim Pharisaei scholastic! Christianus agnoscet, nihil minus in
:
potestate sua esse, quam cor suum. Summa, si ad praedestinationem referas humanam
voluntatem, nee in externis nee in internis operibus ulla est libertas, sed eveniunt omnia
juxta destinationem divinam. Si ad opera externa referas voluntatem, quaedam videtur
esse judicio naturae libertas. Si ad adfectus referas voluntatem, nulla plane libertas est
etiam naturae judicio. Comm. in Ep. ad Rom., 1524, in cap. 8 Itaque sit haec certa sen- :
tentia, a Deo fieri omnia, tam bona, quam mala. —

Consequitur itaque, ridiculum commen-
tum esse liberum arbitrium. —
Nos vero dicenius, non solum permittere Deum creaturis,
ut operentur, sed ipsum omnia proprie agere, ut, sicut fatentur proprium Dei opus fuisse
Pauli vocationem, ita fateantur, opera Dei propria esse, sive quae media vocantur, ut
comedere, bibere, communia cum brutis, sive quae mala sunt, ut Davidis adulterium,
—
Manlii severitatem animadvertentis in filium. Constat, Deum omnia facere non per-
missive sed potenter, —
ita ut sit ejus proprium opus Judae proditio, sicut Pauli vocatio.
Galle, s. 247.
"
Mel. Enarratio Epist. ad Colossenses, 1527 Quia Christus ipse dicit Job. viii. cum
: :
loquitur mendacium, ex propriis loquitur, non faciam Deum auctorem peccati, sed natu-
ram conservantem, et vitam et motum impertientcm, qua vita et motu diabolus aut im-
pii non recte utuntur.— Claris sententiis traditum est (Joh. vi., Rom. viii.), humanam
voluntatem non habere cjusmodi libertatera, ut justitiam christianam seu spiritualcm
efficere possit, idque ideo, ut discamus, christianam justitiam non tantum esse civilia
opera, sou cjusmodi opera, quae ratio per se efficit, sed novam quandam vitam prorsus
ignotam impiis.— Habet libertatem voluntas humana in deligendis his, quae xf/vxtxa
sunt, ut hoc aut illud cibi genus eligere,— habet et vim carnalis et civilis justiliae effici-
endae, continere manus potest a caede, a furto, abstinere ab alterius uxore. With this
agree the Visitation Articles, 1527 (ed. b}- Strobel, s. 81 and 36-), and the Augsburg Con-
fession, Arts. 18 and 19. He goes a step farther in the tertia editio Enarrationis Epist. ad
Rom., 1532, ad cap. 9 Scriptores veteres omnes practer unum Augustinum ponunt, ali-
:
quam causam Et recentiores fxaXa /Jt/JjjXtos afl5rmare audent,

electiouis in nobis esse.
rem totam pendere ex raeritis nostris et dignitate nostra, quod ideo falsum esse necesso
est, quia neque justificamur neque salvamur propter dignitatem nostram aut impletio-
nem legis. Verecundius est, quod aliquamdiu placuit Augustlno, misericordiam Dei
vere causam electionis esse, sed tamen eatenus aliquam causam in accipiente esse, qua-
teniis promissionem ohlatam non repudiat, quia malum ex nobis est. Galle, s. 274.
'= Loci Theol., 1535. De causa joeccati et de contingentia, E. verso: Est autem haec
pia et vera sentcntia, utraque manu, ac verius toto pectore tenenda, quod Deus non sit
:
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 3G. MELANCTHON. 427
The misajiprehension, dangero'as to morality, of the formula,

that faith alone justifies, he expressly contended against in the
Visitation Articles,^^ 1527: in his Loci, 1535, he declared that
"ood works were the necessary results of faith.^^
causa pecc-iti, et quod Deus nonpeccatum. Sed causae pcccati sunt voluntas Dia-
vclit
boli, et voluntas homiuis. : Nee invehenda sunt in Ecclesiam deliramenta
E. III. verso
de Stoico fato, aut Trtpi t?)s di/uyKijs niliil enini habent veri aut firmi, sed sunt merae
:
praestigiac ac sopliisticae coacervationes. Deinde non est obscurum, quantum haec opi-
nio noceat pietati et moribus, si sic sentiant homines, ut Zenonis servulus dicebat, non
debere se plecti, quia Stoico fato coactus esset peccare. Ab his opinionibus decet pios
auribus atque aniniis abhorrere. De humanis virihus seu de libero arbitrio, E. IV. verso
Quaeritur, quomodo voluntas sit libera, h. e. quomodo possit obedire legi Dei. —
Primuni
igitur respondeo : cum in natura hominis reliquum sit judicium et delectus quidam re-
rum quae sunt subjectae rationi aut sensui, reliquus est etiam delectus externorum ope-
rum civilium. Quare voluntas humana potest suis viribus sine renovatione aliquo modo
externa legis opera facere. — lllud tantum addam, banc ipsam libertatem efficiendao civi-
lis justitiae saepe vinci naturali imbecillitate, saepe impediri a diabolo. — Sccundo, Evan-
gelium docet in natura horribilem corruptionem esse, quae repugnat legi Dei, h. e. facit,
—
ne praestare integram obedientiam possimus. Sciendum est igitur de libero arbitrio,
non posse homines legi Dei satisfacerc. Nam lex divina requirit non tantum externa
facta, sed interiorem munditiem, timorem, fiduciam, dilectionem Dei summam, deniquc
perfectam obedientiam, et proliibet omnes vitiosos affectus. Constat autem, homines
banc perfectam obedientiam in hac corrupta natura non praestare. De hac corruptione
praecipuc loquimur, non deextemis factis, cum extenuamus libertatem voluntatis. De- —
inde et hoc addendum est voluntas humana non potest sine Spiritu sancto efficerc spi-
:
rituales affectus, quos Deus requiret, scil. verum timoi'em Dei, veram fiduciam miseri-
cordiae Dei, obedientiam ac tolerantiam afflictionum, dilectionem Dei, et similes motus.
— Neque haec eo dicuntur, ut laqueos injiciamus conscientiis, aut deterreamus homines
a studio obediendi, aut credendi, aut ne conentur. Imo cum a verbo ordiri debeamus,
certe non repugnandum est verbo Dei, sed annitendum ut obtemperemus, et intuenda
promissio Evangelii, quae est universalis. Porro in veris certaminibus haec clarius ju-
dicari possunt, quam in oticsis disputationibus. Nam in vero agone, ubi angimur do
remissione peccatorum, erigere nos debemus et intueri in promissionem. —Et Spiritus
sanctus ibi efiicax est per verbum. Sicut inquit Paulus : Spiritus adjuvat infirmitatem
nostram. In hac lucta hortandus est animus, ut omni conatu retineat verbum. Non
est dehorlandus ne conetur, sed docendus, quod promissio sit universalis, et quod debeat
credere. In hoc exemplo videmus, conjungi has causas, Verhian, Sjnrituvi sanctum, et
voluiitatem, non sane otiosam, sed repugnantem infirmitati suae. Has causas hoc modo
ccclesiastici scriptores conjungere solent. Basilius inquit: jxovov QtXijcrop, Kal 6 Otos
TrpoairavTa. Deus antevertit nos, vocat, movet, adjuvat, sed nos viderimus
ne repug-
nemus. Constat enim peccatuni oriri Chrysostomus in-
a nobis, jion a voluntate Dei.
quit o 5e 'i\Kwv Tuu povXofiivov 'i\Kii.
: Id apte dicitur auspicanti a verbo, ne adverse-
tur, ne repugnet verbo. Et nos quidem sic judicare oportet. Non enim indulgerc de-
bemus diffidentiae aut desidiac naturali. Schenkel, ii. 445.
" Supra, § 34, Note 22.
^* Loci Theol., 1535. De bonis operibus, G. IV. verso: Plane igitur et clare dico: obe-
dientia nostra, h. e. justitia bonae conscientiac seu operum, quae Deus nobis praecipit,
necessario sequi debet reconciliationem. — Acceptatio
ad vitam aeternam, seu donatio
vitae aeternae conjuncta est cum justificatione, i. e., cum
remissione peccatorum et re-
couciliatione, quae fide contingit, juxta illud quos just ificat, eosdem et glorijicat (Rom.
:
viii. 30). Itaque non datur vita aeterna propter dignitatem bonorum operum, sed gra-
tis propter Christum. Et tamen bona opera ita necessaria sunt ad vitam aeternam, quia
scqul rcconciUatloncm necessario debent. Ideo Paulus ait vae mihi si non docuero Evan- :
After he had for a long time held fast to the Lutheran doctrine
of the Lord's Supper, as in agreement with the ancient Church,"
and had been opposed to all union with the Swiss,^^ he was first
led to adopt a milder tone by the Dialog-us of Oecolampadius,^'

and began, after 1531, to declare in favor of a union.^^ After the
conference with Bucer in Cassel, at the end of 1534 and begin-
ning of 1535, he decidedly changed his views,^^ holding firmly,
from this time on, that the internal reception of Christ and union
with him is all that is essential in the Lord's Supper,^*'
Item qui (alia agunt, regnum Dei non possidebunt (Gal. v. 21).
rjelium (1 Cor. ix. IG). :
Rcquiruntur autem non solum externa civilia opera, sed etiam spirituales motus, timor
Dei, fiducia, invocatio, dilectio, et similes motus. — Sed non satis est docere, quod obedi-
entia nostra necessaria sit: addendum est enim, quomodo placeat Deo, cum constet,
ncminem —
Et necessaria est ilia obedientia, et placet Deo, sed in recon-
satisfacere legi.
non quia legi satisfacit, sed quia jam personae placent.
ciliatis, et est justitia,
'^ He seeks to show this agreement in the work Sententiae Patrum de Coena Domini
:
cum praef. ad Mj-conium, March, 1530. Galle, s. 390.

" Mel. ad H. Baumgartnerum, 17. Maj., 1529 (Corp. Kef., i. 1070) Quaeso, ut quan- :
tum poteris, des operani, ne recipiantur Cingliani in ullius foederis societatem. Neque
enim convenit impiam sententiam defendere, aut confirmare vires eorum, qui impium
dogma sequuntur, ne latins serpat venenum. Cf. ad eund., 20. Jun., 1529, 1. c, p. 1077.
" Oec. Dialogus, quid de Eucharistia Veteres tum Graeci, tum Latini senserint, 1530.
iswritten against the Sententiae of Melancthon, to show that Augustine did not teach
the manducatio oralis, that particular passages from other Fathers are interpolated, etc.
'8 Mel. ad Bucerum, Apr., 1531 (Corp. Ref., ii. 498): De nostris negotiis
nihil habeo
quod scribam, nisi quod sperem, aliquando inter nos veram et solidam concordiam coi-
turam esse idque nt fiat Deum oro, certe quantum possum ad hoc annitar. Nunquam
enim placuit mihi hacc violenta et hostilis digladiatio inter Lutherum et Cinglium. Me-
lius illi toti causae consultum fuerit, si sinamus paulatim consilescere has tragicas con-
tentiones. Ad eund., 10. Oct., 1533 (1. c, p. 675).
" Mel. ad J. Brentium, 12. Jan., 1535 (C. R., ii. 823) : 'Opw ot ttoWus twi/ iraXaLwu
CTvyypacpiwv /xapTvpia^ lii/ai, a'i livtv dfx<pil3o\tai sp/iyjviUovaL to fivcTTvpiov irspl tvttov,
Kai TpoTTLKwi' kvavriai Sk fxapTvpiai tialu 7) vtuirtpai n vodoL (the Dialogues of Oecolam-
padius had manifestly helped him to a knowledge of this). SwTn-toi; 6k kuI v/luu, d ira-
\at«s yvwfjir)i inrfjOaa-TriÊ-rE. a<p6opa Sk sii)(otyUi)w ti)i; ivartpi] kKK\t](Tiai/ Tau-ri;i; 6lki)V
oLKaaai liviv (to(J)i(7tik>i's kcu uvtv TvpavviSo^. And right after his return from Cassel
—
he wrote about the negotiations there had with Bucer ad J. Camerarium, 10. Jan., 1535
(1. c, p. 822) Meam sententiam noli nunc requirere, fui enim nuncius alienae, etsi pro-
:
fecto non dissimulabo quid sentiam, ubi audiero, quid respondeant uostri. Schenkel
i. 552.
=° Loci Theol., 1535. De Coena Domini, N. VIII. : Supra dictum est, Sacramentum
ceremoniam esse additam promissioni, in qua Deus nobis aliquid exhibet. Sic et liaec
Coena est Sacramentum, debet enim intelligi ceremonia addita summae totius Evange-
lii, quod et complectitur in ipsis verbis hie est calix novum testamentum, i. e., testimo-
:
nium novae promissionis. Est et summa Evangelii seu promissionis in his verbis hoc :
est corpus meum quod pro vobis daiur, item hie est sanguis qui pro multis effunditur in re-
:
missionem peccatorum. Principalis igitur finis hujus ceremoniae est, ut testetur, nobis
exhibcri res in Evangelio pômissas, scil. remissionem peccatorum et justificationem
—
propter Christum. Deinde sic prodest haec ceremonia, cum fidem addimus, scil. qua
credimus promissa contingere, nosque consolamur ; et hoc spectaculum oculis atque
animo objicitur, ut nos ad credendum admoneat, et fides in nobis exsuscitetur. Christus
PART II.— CHAP. I,—LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 36. MELANCTHON. 429
Melancthon's doctrinal views were widely diffused by his nu-

merous hearers, and gained the majority of the academical teach-
ers in Wittenberg. Luther was magnanimous enough to distin-
guish between what was essential in religious doctrines and their
dogmatic form of statement ; and thus the small body of his strict-
est adherents, at the head of whom was Nicholas von Amsdorf,
never fully succeeded in making him mistrustful of his true
helper.^^
enim testatur ad nos pertinere beneficium suum, cum nobis impertit suum corpus, et nos
sibi adjungittanquam membra, qua non potest alia conjunctio cogitari jiropior. Testa-
tur item se in nobis efficaeem fore, quia ipse est vita : dat sanguinem, ut testetur, se nos
abluere. —Multae autem et horribiles de hoc Sacramento controversiae extiterunt. Dis-
putatur de verbis Coenae, an sit in his verbis metaphora : hoc est corpus meum. Quaeri-
tur de Missa, an sit quaedam oblatio facienda et applicanda pro aliis vivis et mortuis, ut
raereatur eis remissionem seu culpae sen poenae ;
quid differant opus sacerdotis et laici.
Hae non esset mutata vetus

controversiae et aliae his vicinae facile dijudicari possent, si
Ecclesiae consuetudo in hac ceremonia tractanda. Atque utinam synodus eas pie et
feliciter explicet. Ego nee auctor nee assertor ullius novi dogmatis esse volo, quod non
habet Ecclesiae veteris probata testimonia. Non enim contemno Ecclesiae catholicae
judicium et auctoritatem. Quid autem de verbis Coenae seuserint ecclesiastici scripto-
res, ex dictis eorum apparet. Paulus inquit Pants est commimicatio corporis Christi,
:
poculum est communicatio sanguinis Christi. Itaque datis bis rebus, pane et vino, in Coe-
na Domini, exhibentur nobis corpus et sanguis Christi. Et Christus vere adest Sacra-
mento suo, et efficax est in nobis, sicut Hilarius inquit: quae sumpta et hausta faciunt,
ut Christus sit in nobis, et nos in Christo. IMirum profecto et ingens pignus summi erga
nos amoris, summae misericordiae, quod hac ipsa Coena testatum vult, quod seipsum
nobis impertiat, quod nos sibi adjungat tanquam membra, ut sciamus, nos ab eo diligi,
respici, servari. Mel. ad Vitum Theodorum, 23. Apr., 1538 (Corp. Ref., iii. 514) Ego :
ne longissime recederem a veteribus, posui in usu sacramentalem praesentiam, et dixi,

datis his rebus Christum vere adesso et efficaeem esse. Id profecto satis est. Nee ad-
didi inclusionem, aut conjunctionem talem, qua affigeretur tw iiprio to aoo/xa, aut ferru-
minaretur, aut misceretur. Sacramenta pacta sunt, ut rebus sumptis adsit aliud. Quid —
requiris amplius ? Et hue decurrendum est tandem, nisi defendas illud, quod nonnulli
jam dicunt, separatim tradi corpus et sanguinem. Id quoque novum est, ac ne Papistis
quidem placiturum. Error foecundus est, ut dicitur, multas quaestiones parit ilia phj--
sica conjunctio: an separatim, an sint inclusae partes, quando adsint, an extra usum?
Horum nihil legitur apud veteres. Nee ego, mi Vite, inveham has disputationes in Ec-
clesiam, eoque tam parce dixi in Locis de hoc negotio, ut a quaestionibus illis juventu-
tem abducerem. On his agreement with Calvin, see Calvinus ad Farellum, Mart., 1539
(Calv. Epistolae, ed. Genev., 1575, p. 12) Cum Philippo fuit mihi multis de rebus col-
:
loquium (m Frankfort, March, 1539, see Ileniy, i. 244) de causa concordiae ad eum :
prius scripseram, ut bonis viris de ipsorum sententia certo possemus testari. Miseram
ergo paucos articulos, quibus summam rei breviter perstrinxeram. lis sine controversia
ipse quidem assentitur : sed fatetur esse in ilia parte nonnullos, qui crassius aliquid re-
quirant, atque id tanta pervicacia, ne dicam t3'rannide, ut diu in periculo fuerit, quod
eum videbant a suo sensu nonnihil alienum. Quanquam autem non putat constare soli-
dam consensioncm, optat tamen, ut haec concordia, qualiscunque est, foveatur, donee
in unitatem suae veritatis nos Dominus utrinque adduxerit. De ipso nihil dubita, quia
penitus nobiscum sentiat.
-' How Luther thought about the attacks on Melancthon (§ 34,Note 25), ad Mel., 27.
Oct., 1527 (de Wette, iii. 215) : Scribis te flagellari a quodani, quod poenitentiani a ti-
niorc Domini incipi docueris in visitatione vestra. Scripsit similia fere Mag. Eislebius,
When Caspar Cruciger, in 1536, first made public the Melanc-

thonian formula —Bona opera non quidem esse causam efficien-
tem salutis, sed tamen causam sine qua non^^ it was — violently
assailed by Cordatus.^^ Luther, whom Amsdorf tried to rouse
up,^^ disapproved, indeed, of the formula, but so fully conceded the
right intention of it, that the opponents had to drop their com-
25
plaint
sed ego fvgnam isiam verbomm non magni puto, praesertim apud vulgiim. Nam timor
2Joenae et timor Dei quam differant, facilius dicitur syllahis et Uteris, quani re et affectu
cognoscitur. Thus, too, he would certainly have judged in after j-ears about most of
the attacks upon him. Mel. ad Vitum Theodorum, 22. Jun., 1537 (Corp. Ref., iii. 383) .
Scis me quaedam minus horride dicere de praedestinatione, de assensu voluntatis, de

necessitate obedientiae nostrae, de peccato mortali. De his omnibus scio re ipsa Luthe-
rum eadem, sed ineruditi quaedam ejus (popTiKWTipa dicta, cum non videant quo
scntire
pertineant, nimium amant. Kec ego cum illis pugnandum milii esse duco. Fruantur
suo judicio. Mihi tamen concedant homini Peripatetico, et amanti mediocritatem, mi-
nus Stoice alicubi loqiii.
" Supra, Note 14.
'^ Strobel's Literiirgesch. v. Mel. Locis Theol., s. 97. Ratzeberger, edited by Neu-
decker, s. 81. Galle, s. 345.
^* Amsdorf. ad Lutheruni, 14. Sept., 1536 (Corp. Ref., iii. 162), an announcement of
the false doctrine. Melancthon, who knew only by report about the intrigues against
—
him, wrote in respect to them ad Lutherum, Jonam, Bugenhagium, et Crucigerum, 1.
Nov., 1536, 1. c, p. 179.
25 Mel. ad Yitum Theodonnn, 22. Jun., 1537 (C. R., iii. 383): Equidem studeo omni
officio tueri concordiam nostrae Academiae, et scis in hoc genere meetiam artis aliquid
adhibere solere. Nee hostili animo videtur in nos esse Liitkenis. Heri etiam admodum
amanter de his controvcrsiis mecum collocutus est, quas movit Quadrattis (Cordatus),
cum quidem ego disputarem, quam tragicum spectaculum futurum esset, si velut Cad-
mei fratres inter nos ipsi depugnaremus. Cruciger ad Vitura Theodorum, 10. Jul., 1537,
1. c, p. 385 Existimo, te vidisse jam propositiones Lutheri nuper disputatas respon-
:
dente Petro Ravo. Ibi cum forte repeterem cujusdam argumenta de hac propositione,
quod nova obedientia sit necessaria ad salutem, adductis ad id Scripturae locis, tametsi
D. negabat sibi placere hoc sic dici necessariam ad sahitem, quod vulgus fortasse non
recte intelligeret hoc mihi prolixe concedebat, quod sit efFectus necessario sequens jus-
;
tificationem. (According to an account of Friedr. Mj-conius, in Just. Menius Bericht

von der bittern Wahrheit, 1559, M. 3., tuther, in this disputation, did not saj' that the
position, "that good works are necessary to salvation," was altogether objectionable,
but said that the position, "that good works are necessarj- to justification," was so.)
Quod ego sane aocipiebam, cum de re viderem eum non dissentire, etiamsi quaedam
vTToTKXi'ipws dicere solebat, ut de batuentibus vocabulis philosophicis, praesertim illud,
quod Philippo respondcbat de abrogatioue legis, etiam obligationem sublatam esse,
quasi sentiens, non solum quoad justificationem et conderanationem nullam esse vim
legis, sed etiam debitum obedientiae abolitum. Male hoc habuit nostrum, sed noluit
earn rem porro agitare. Then, upon the calumnies of the opposite party, with the re-
mark Lutherus quidem ipse satis ostendit, hoc sibi displicere. Melancthon changed
:
the passage in his Loci (cf. Note 14), in the edition of 1538, so as to read Haec nova :
spiritualitas ita necessaria est ad vitam aeternam, ut reconciliationem necessario scqui

dcbeat, without being farther attacked for it. In the Instructions of the Wittenberg di-
vines to F. M3-conius, when he was sent to England in 1538, he was expressly- enjoined
not to contend about the position that good works are necessary to salvation, if justifica-
tion through faith alone was recognized see Just. Menius, ubi supra.
; Meanwhile Me-
1
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 36. MELANCTHON. 43
Meanwhile, as Melancthon had advised the court preacher, Ja-

col) Schenck, in Freiburg (at the beginning of 1537), to yield about
receiving the Lord's Supper under one species,-^ an attempt was

made to bring himwith the Electoral Court and
into suspicion
with Luther as to his general doctrine about this sacrament f
but no abiding impression could be made. Luther, on the contra-
ry, decidedly took Melancthon's part, when Agricola, doubtless en-
lancthon afterward also avoided the expression, ad vitam acternam, adhering to the
statement obedientia nostra necessario sequi debet reconciliationem, which formula is
:
also found in the Loci of 1535 see Note 14. ;
^^ Strobel's Literargesch. von Mel. Locis Theol., s. 112. Matthes, s. 185.

^' In the Weimar archives there is a document professing to report inquiries address-
ed to Luther and Bugenhagcn, by the Chancellor Briick, in the presence of the Elector,
May 5, 1537 (C. R., iii. 3G5), and in which these two men are aslied about the deviations
of Melancthon and other irregularities, and at the same time are put ixnder obligation
to observe a about this inquir3\ The document is doubtless genuine, so
strict silence
far as this, that such an examination was intended ; but that it really took place, is only
noted on the back of the document in another handwiiting ; and this is manifestly in-
correct. For, 1. In the reported investigation mention is reproachfully made of the
changes (up to that time most unimportant) made in the Augsburg Confession, in the
new edition by Melancthon and if this reallj- took place, how can we explain the im-
;
portant changes in the edition of 1540, and Luthei-'s agreement with them ? 2. Bruck's
letter to the Elector, October, 1537, refers to another examination of Luther, which had
to do only with the doctrine about the Lord's Supper, and which, as is verj- plain from
the narrative, could not have been preceded by a.i\y similar conference. In this letter it
is said (C. R., iii. 427) " Doctor Martinus sagt und bekennt, dass er nimmermehr gc-
:
meint hatte, dass Philippus noch in den Phantaseyen so steif steckte. Daraus ich ver-
stunde, dass ihme Philippus das Schreiben Ew. Chf. G. (?) an Doctor Jacob (Schenk)
verborgen gehabt. Er zeigte darneben an, er hatte wohl allerlei Vorsorge, und konnte
nicht wissen, wie Philippus am Sacrament ware. Denn er nenute es nicht anders,
hielte cs auch nur fiir einc schlechte Ceremonicn, hiitte ihn auch lange Zeit nicht sehen
das heil. Abendmal empfahcn. Er hatte auch Argumente gebracht nach der Zeit als er
zu Cassel gewest, daraus er vernommen, wie er fast Zwinglischer Meinung ware. Doch
wie es in seinem Ilerzen stiinde, wisse er noch nicht. Aber die heimlichen Schreiben
und Rathe, dass unter den Tj-rannen einer das Sacrament moge in einerlei Gestalt
'
empfahen,' gilben ihm seltsame Gedanken. Aber er wollte sein Herz mit Philippo
theilen, und wollte ganz gern, dass sich Philippus als ein hoher Mann nicht mcichte
von ihnen und von der Schul allhier thun denn er that ja grosse Arbeit. Wurde er
;
aber auf der Meinung verharren, wie er aus dem Schreiben an Dr. Jacob vermerkt, so
miisste die Wahrheit Gottes vorgehen." Melancthon about this time expected an ex-
amination (ad Camerar., 11. Oct., C. R., iii. 420, ad Vitum Theod., 13. Oct., p. 429 Hcri
:
intellexi scriptos articulos Sed certi nihil habeo, est euim mirilica
mihi proponendos.
occultatio), which did not come off, since meanwhile Agricola had again come forward
with hi§ Antinomianism, and Schenck had joined him. Mel. ad Vitum Theod., 25.
Nov., 1537, 1. c, p. 152: Post illas nuper de me deliberationes habitas etsi dies mihi
dicta erat, tamen Lutheri morbus impediit, ne quid ageretur, deinde fuerunt induciae.
Et Fribergensis ille Si]fxvyopoi ita ruit, ut displiceat suo theatro. Yociferatur turpiter
contra legem ilia uTOTra, quae somniabat Islebius, Christianis nullam legem praedican-
dam esse. De hac ipsa re jam litigat per literas Islebius cum Luthero. Vide, quale
doctrinae genus isti inepti pariant, qui nostras in his materiis accuratas et fj.idod1.Ka9
distributiones fastidiuut, et suas quasdam uKvpoXoyia^ amant, quibus applauduut in-
docti.
— :;
couraged by these circumstances, again tried to insist upon his

Antinomian views in opposition to Melancthon.^^ Melancthon re-
mained in the position of collocutor of the Wittenbergers,^^ and
was ever conscious of his essential agreement with Luther,^°
which was also conceded by the latter, who always spoke with
high veneration of his Philip.^^ As to the new edition of the
Augsburg Confession in 1540, the so-called Variata, afterward
so much calumniated,^^ no one at that time thought of taking of-
^^ See above,
§ 34, Note 27. But still the machinations of the opponents continued
Mel. ad Vitum TheocL, 22. Mart., 1538, C. R., iii. 503: Amsdorfius Luthero scripsit, vi-
peram eum me significans omitto alia multa. Ad Jo. Camerarium, 27.
in sinu alere, :
Nov., 1539, 840 Me dolores animi, quos tuli toto triennio acerbissimos et conti-
1. e., p. :
nuos, et caeterae quotidianae aerumnae ita consumserunt, iit verear me diu vivere non
posse. To this time of controversy also belong the recommendations of ecclesiastical
unity in academical orations De puritate doctrinae in Ecclesia conservanda, 1536, C.
:
Ref., xi. 272 and De concordia et commuuicatione studiorum atque operarum, 1537,
;
p. 329.
" In Smalcald, Fcbr., 1540, Matthes, s. 197 ; in Worms, Nov., 1540, s. 207 ; in Ratis-
bon, Apr., 1541, s. 218.
^^ Testamentum Melanchthonis, 1540, C. R., iii. 825. After he had here spoken of his
faith and his labors for the new Church, he saj-s Nee meum consilium fuit, ullam no-
:
vam opinionem serere, sed perspicue et proprie exponere doctrinam catholicam, quae
traditur in nostris Ecclesiis, quani quidem judico singulari Dei beneficio patefactam esse
his postremis temporibus per Dr. Martinum Lutherum, ut Ecclesia repurgaretur et in-
stauraretur, quae alioqui funditus periisset. —
Ago antem gratias Rev. D. Doctori M. Lu-
thero, primum quia ab ipso Evangelium didici, deinde pro singulari erga me benevolen-
tia, quam quidem plurimis beneficiis declaravit, eumque volo a meis non secus ac pa-
trem coli. Ego, quia vidi et comperi praeditum esse excellent! et heroica vi ingenii et
multis magnis virtutibus ac pietate, doctrina praecipua, semper eum magni feci, dilexi,
et colendum esse sensi.
^^ Luth. ad Mel., 18. Jun., 1540 (when Melancthon was staying in Weimar, on the
journey to Hagenau), in de Wette, v. 293: Mirum est, quam desideramus te videre.

Nos tecum, et tu nobiscum, et Christus hie et ibi nobiscum. Nos, qui te sincere ama- —
mus, diligenter et efficaciter orabimus. When Luther immediately afterward found
Melancthon sick unto death in Weimar, he exclaimed, when he first saw him, " God
help ! how the devil has reviled this organon to me !" and then he prayed mightily,
and spoke to Melancthon words of the teuderest love. See Ratzeberger, by Neudecker,
s. 102.
^"
Conf. Aug. a. 1540 a Mel. edita variata ilia, accurate reddita et illustrata a Mich.
Weber, Halis, 1830, 4. The most important change was in Article X. This originallj-
read De Coena Domini docent, quod corpus et sanguis Christi vere adsint et distribu-
:
antur vescentibus in Coena Domini, et improbant secus docentes. But in the Variata
De Coena Domini docent, quod cum pane et vino vere exhibeantur corpus et sanguis
Christi ves'centibus in Coena Domini. The first form was considered by the Catjiolics in
Augsburg, 1530, as in agreement with their doctrine and so the Philippists (Melanc-
;
thonians) justified the necessitj' of a change. The second formula undoubtedly had re-
spect to the Concordia with the Swiss, then existing and the Calvinists could afterward
;
find in it their own doctrine. Comp. Ueber das Verhiiltniss der veranderten Augsb.
Conf. zur unveranderten, Rudelbach's und Guericke's Zeitschr. f. d. Luther. Theol. uud
—
Kirche, 1851, iv. 640. The German Confession, subscribed bj' the princes in Augs-
burg, was changed by Melancthon in later editions only verballj-, and thus has had no
editio variata.
;
PART 11.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN DOCTRINES. § 3G. MELANCTHON. 433
fense at it.^^ On the other hand, the Cologne project of a Ref-

ormation, which aj3peared in 1543, but which was not known in
Wittenberg until 1544, aroused new divisions^* by its section on
the Lord's Supper, which was drawn up by Bucer, but approved
by Melancthon. The sharp censure of Amsdorf was more readily
welcomed by Luther, because he at that time was suffering in his
bodily health, and was in a bitter mood on account of the state of
affairs in "Wittenberg f^ and he had also been made very excitable
by the controversy with the Swiss,^^ then renewed, just upon this
was considered as a revision, which made the Confession more plain very much
^^ It
;
praised by Brenz (Brent, ad Vit. Theodor., 1541, C. R., iv. 737), and immediatelj' used
at the colloqu}- of Worms, Jauuar}-, 1541, without any heed being paid to Eck's excep-
tions on account of the alteration of the text (see Melancthon's Report, C. R., iv. 34) by
the Elector (wdio yet in his Instructions had speciallj' desired that the colloquists should
abide by the Augsburg Confession) or bj- Luther (Weber's Gesch. d. Augsb. Conf., ii.
312). On the contrary, Luther wrote to the Elector, May 10, 1541 (de Wette, v. 357), as
to the Ratisbon negotiations, which were a continuatioa of those at Worms " Zuletzt :
bitten wir, E. K. F. G. wollten M. Philippus u. den Unsern ja nicht zu hart schreiben,

damit er nicht abermal sich zu Tod grame. Denn sie haben ja die liebe Confession
ihnen furbehalten, und darin nocli rein and fest blieben, wenn gleich alles fej-let." As
long as Melancthon lived the Variata was universallj- used without objections, even by
the most decided oppo::3nts of Melancthon, as Westphal, and in the Weimar Confuta-
tion-Book (Strobel's Apologie Melanchthon's, s. 131 ff.), until it was first rejected by
Ilacius in the Weimar disputation with Striegel, 1560 (Disp., p. 127), and then bj- the
part}- of the Dulve of Saxony, at the Naumburg Diet of the Princes, 1561 (Salig's Gesch.
d. Augsb. Conf., iii. 669), and at the colloquy in Altenburg, 1560 (infra, § 38, Note 17), as
being favorable to the Sacramentarians and Calvinists. Peucer declared, in Praef. in
Ph. Mel. 0pp., p. i., 1562: Fuit autem posterior (editio emendatior Aug. Conf.) scripta
a Philippe, mandante, recognoscente et approbante Luthero, et necesse fuit, eam scribi
propter adversaries, quod multa cavillarentur illi, quae oportuit explicari, ut occasiones
et argumenta talium cavillationum —
eis adimerentur. On the other hand, the divines
of the Duke of Saxony maintained at Altenburg, 1569 (Acta, the Wittenberg edition, fol.
253, b) " Es wissen auch viel Christen, dass Lutherus selbst wider dieselbige Aenderung
:
oftmals geredt, Beschwerung daruber gehabt, und gesaget, dasselbe Buch ware auch
nicht Philippi, sondern der christl. Kirchen Bekenntniss, darum gebiihre es ihme als
einem Privaten nicht, nach seinem Gutdiinken und Wohlgefallen dasselbe zu vcrneuern
Oder zu verandern." But yet Peucer's allegation was repeated by men who were not at
all on the side of the Philippists. Nic. Selneccer, Catalogus Brevis Praecipuorum Con-
ciliorum, Francof. ad M. 1571. 8., p. 97 Recognita est Aug. Conf. posterior, relegente et
:
approbante Luthero, ut vivi adhuc testes affirmant. Dav. Cln-traus Hist. d. Augsb. Conf.,
2te Ausg., 1577, and Mart. Chemnitius, Judicium de Controversiis quibusdam circa quos-
dam Aug. Conf. Articulos (ed. P0I3-C. Leyser., Viteberg, 1594), p. 7, sa}', at least, that
it was brought forward at the conference at Worms with the approbation of Luther
comp. Strobel's Apologie Melanchthon's, s. 85. Weber's Gesch. der Augsb. Conf, ii. 291.
=* See Div. L,
§ 8, Note 18.
3= In many letters at this
period Luther bewails his feeble state of health. On his
controversy with the Wittenberg jurists, who declared private betrothals valid, see his
letters to the Elector, Jan. 22, 1544 (de Wette, v. 615) to the consistory in Wittenberg
;
(s. His aversion to luxurious habits, especially in female dress,

618). is expressed to
his housekeeper, Jul}-, 1545 (s. 752).
38 See Div. I.,
§ 8, Note 26 supra, § 35, Note 38.
;
VDL. IV. 28
matter of the Lord's Supper. The friendly relations between the

two men seemed to be endangered f but Melancthon had most
to undergo from the strict Lutherans. Luther regained his com-
posure, and the attack upon Melancthon^^, from which he shrunk,
was not made. Soon afterward the latter drew up the proposals
for union, which were to be handed in to the Emperor (the so-
called Wittenberg Reformation) f^ and Luther hesitated as little

as did the other Wittenberg theologians to subscribe them (Jan.
14, 1545), though they breathed throughout the pacific spirit of
Melancthon.
Mel. ad M. Bucerum, 28. Aug., 1544 (C. R., v. 474) (Lutherus) rursus tonare coe-
=' :
pit vehementissime Trspi oiiirvov KvpiuKov, et scripsit atrocem librum, qui nondum editus
est, in quo ego et tu sugillamur. Fuit his diebus hanc ipsam ob causam apud Amsdorfi-
um, quern unum ad hujus consilii societatem adhibet, habetque uiium laudatorem hujus
impetus. Laudgrave Philip besought Chancellor Briick to pacify Luther, and to pre-
vent an open rupture between him and Melancthon, Oct. 12, 1544 (p. 501). The Elector
also commissioned Briick to endeavor to keep Luther from writing against Melancthon,
April 26, 1645 (p. 746). To this period, and to the j'ears 1536-39, Melancthon refers in
his declaration —
ad Chph. a Carlowiz, 28. Apr., 1548 (C. R., vi. 880) Tuli antea servi- :
tutem paene deformem, cum saepe Lutherus magis suae natul'ae, in qua (piXovîKia erat
non cxigxia, quam vel personae suae vel utilitati communi serviret. When this decla-
ration became known, and excited great attention, he excused it in a letter to Th. a
Malzan, 13. Sept., 1549 (C. R., vii. 462) Et fortasse quid significet (piXovuKO's non con-
:
siderant. Non est crimen sed irdSo?, usitatum heroicis naturis, quod nominatim Pericli,
Lysandro, Agesilao tribuunt scriptores. Et omnino erant in Luthero heroici impetus.
Xcc mirum est, uos, quorum naturae sunt segniores, interdum mirari illam vehementiam.
^^ He alluded to him with the highest honor in his Praef. ad Tom. i.,
0pp. Lutheri,
5. Mart., 1545: Nunc extant methodici libri quam plurimi, inter quos loci communes
Philippi excellunt, quibus theologus et Episcopus pulchre et abunde formari potest, ut

sit potens in sermone doctrinae pietatis. —
Eodem anno (1518) jam M. Philippus Melan-
thon a Principe Friderico vocatus hue fuerat ad docendas literas graecas, hand dubie ut
haberem socium laboris in theologia. Nam quid operatus sit Dominus per hoc organum,
non in Uteris tantum, sed in theologia, satis testautur ejus opera, etiamsi irascatur Satan
et omnes squamae ejus.
^' Corp. Ref., v. 578. Here, p. 584, it is proposed to establish confirmation: "Ntim-
lich, so ein Kind zu seinen niiindigen Jahren komme, iiffentlich sein Bekenntniss zu ho-
ren, und zu fragen, ob es bei dieser einigen gottlichen Lehre u. Kirchen bleiben wollt,
und nach der Bekenntniss und Zusage mit Auflegung der Hande ein Gebet thuen."
To the Lord's Supper are to be admitted (s. 588) those Avho, " vorhin verhort und absol-
virt sind, und nicht in offentlichen Eastern vcrharren, welche auch rechten Verstand
haben sollen, was dieses Sacrament sej', namlich Niessung des wahren Leibes und Blutes
Christi, und wozu diese Niessung zu thuen, namlich dass der Glaub erwecket und ge-
starkt werde dieweil uns Christus durch diese seine Ordnung seinen Leib imd Blut
:
gebe, dass er ims gewisslich zu Gliedmassen mache, vergebe uns unser Silnd aus Gna-
den um von wegen dieses unsers Gehorsams, wolle uns gnii-
seines Todes willen, nicht
diglich erhoren und regirn, etc. Item, dass wir fur seinen Tod und Auferstchung u.
alle Gaben hie danken. Item, dass wir hiebei auch erkennen, dass wir Eines Heilands
Christi Gliedmass sind, und sollen gegen alien Gliedmassen Lieb u. Gutes erzeigen un-
serm Ilailand Christo zu gefallen," etc. S. 598, a proposal again to recognize bishops
and to obej- them: "Wenn sie anfahen, zu pflanzen reine Lehre des Evangelii und
cliristl. Keicliung der Sacramente."
! ^
PT. II.—CH. I.— LUTHERANISM-. § 37. PHILIPPISTS AND FLACIANISTS. 435
In the last months of Luther's life the friendly relations between

the two men were wholly restored.^" But Luther saw long be-
forehand that the existing dissension, no longer reined in by him,
would lead to an open rupture after his death.''
§ 87.
CONTKOVERSY OF THE PHILIPPISTS AND THE STRICT LUTHERANS, TO

THE DEATH OF MELANCTHON, 1560.
The unfortunate results of the Smalcald war were the occasion

of the outbreak of this controversy. The Augsburg Interim, and
the tyranny with which it was carried out in Southern Germany,
aroused the wrath of all the adherents of the Reformation ; and
thus the strict disciples of Luther, who tried to imitate this man
of genius in all respects with a slavish exactness,^ received great
applause for their violent opposition to the Interim. When Me-
lancthon, on the other hand, in his despondency,^ allowed himself
to be used by the Elector Maurice, who was generally considered
as an drawing up a second Interim,^ his friends com-
apostate, in
plained of him,"* and his enemies began at once a most bitter war-
fare against him and his followers in Electoral Saxony (the Phil-
*" Chancellor Bruck reported to the Elector, Jan.

9, 1546 (C. Ref., vi. 10), that Luther
advised not to send Mclancthon to Ratisbon, and then said: "That Philip was a true
man, neither sh}- of nor avoiding any bod}' but for this service he was weak and sick.
;
— If we were to lose the man from the university, half the university would go off with
him."
*' From the Weimar archives Seckendorf reports (Comm. de Lutheranismo, iii. 165)
that Luther, in his severe illness at Smalcald, 1537, had said to the Elector, fore, ut post
mortem suam discordia in Academia Witteubergensi oriretur, et doctrinae suae mutatio
fieret.
* Postilla Melanthoniana, i. 319 (Polypragmosj-ne) nonnunquam oritur ex /ca/coîj^'a
:
seu imitatione prava alieni exempli, ut multi nunc volunt similes esse Luthero: prae-
texunt zelum, qui est sine scientia, tumultuantur de rebus incognitis, non inquirunt
fontes negotiorum. De talibus inquit Polybius : Multi volentes videri similes magnis vi-
ris, cum Ipya Imitari non possint, imttantur Trap^pya et producunt in theatrum stultitiam
suam. — Calvini Secunda Defensio contra Westphalum, 1556 (Opp., viii. 679) O Lu- :
there, quam paucos tuae praestantiae imitatores, quam multas vero sanctae tuae jactan-
tiae simias reliquisti
^ His letter to Christoph v. Carlowitz, a councilor of the Elector Maurice, 28th Apr.,
1548 (C. R., vi. 879), which soon became known, made a particularly unfavorable im-
pression about him.
3 See Div. I., § 9, Notes 17, 18.
* Brentius ad Mel. ineunte anno 1549, C. R., vii. 289. Ant. Corvinus ad Mel., 25.
Sept., 1549, in Illgen's Zeitschr. f. d. Hist. Theol., ii. ii. 226. Calvin, ad Mel,, 1550
(Calv. Epistt., ed. Genev., p. 89).
:
ippists).^ When as yet there were only reports'' in circulation

about the new Interim, Matthias Flacius Illyricus,^ Professor of
the Hebrew language in Wittenberg, assailed it as designed to re-
store the Papacy Then from Magdeburg, to which city he had
.''
fled from Wittenberg in April, 1549, he began to fight against the

Leipsic Interim,^ which had in the mean time (December, 1548)
heen published, in conjunction with the strict Lutherans who
were living in Magdeburg, Nicholas von Amsdorf, Matthew Ju-
dex, Nicholas Gallus, to whom were added John Wigand, preach-
er at Mansfeld, and Caspar Aquila, Superintendent in Saalfeld.
It was particularly urged against it that the Church ought not to
allow what were really matters of indifference {cidiaphora, the
5 Planck, iv. 184. Schriftenverzeichniss in Salig's Hist. d. Augsb. Conf., i. G31.

« M. Flacii 111. Leben u. Tod, by E. A. H.
J. B. Ritter, Frankf. u. Leipzig, 1725.
Heimburgius de Matth. Flacio 111., Jenae, 1839. M. Flac. 111., a lecture bj- Dr. A.
Twesten, with appendices, and an essaj' on Melancthon's relation to the Interim, b}' H.
Eossel, Berlin, 1844. [Comp. W. Preger, M. Flacius Illj'ricus und Seine Zeit. Erste
Halfte. Erlang., 1859. W. Gess, Gesch. d. Prot. Dogmatik, i. 56 sq.]
' Thus he had also described it to the Hamburg preachers, Hamburgenses ad Me-
lanth., 16. Apr., 1549, C. E., vii. 367. And Agricola had written that the Saxon divines
had wholly agreed to the Augsburg Interim and Melancthon had written to a friend
;
Ego non recuso ferre servitutem in adiaphoris salva doctrina; and in the Jiiterbock Re-
cess (Div. I., § 9, Note 17) adopted the words " Und in Mitteldingen soil man alles
:
halten, wie es die alten heil. Viiter gehalten haben, und jenes Theil jetziger Zeit auch
noch hiilt." The consequence of this, said the Hamburgers, would be, ut sub adiapho-
rorum appellatione Ecclesiae oranes impios usus, profanationes et corruptelas rursus ob-
trudant, atque hac astutia nostrara doctrinaiA et religionem ex fundamento evertant, et
Papismi impietates omnes restituant utque hoc astute efficiant, adiaphororum com-
;
niento fascinant pios animos.

^ Flacii Narratio Actionum et Certaminum, drawn up bj' him for the Strasburg di-
vines, 1568 (in Conr. Schliisselburgii Catalogus Haereticorum, lib. siii., Francof., 1599,
p. 802), gives the chief corruptions thus: Fuit abjecta diserte formula sola fides, sicut ea
Philippus inde a comitiis Augustanis non libenter usus est, qui cam ibi teste Cochlaeo il-
lis cesserat, et contra accepta, principally. Fuit comprobata papistica doctrina liberi ar-
bitrii in Interim. —
Fuit renovatum Pseudoapostolorum dogma de operum necessitate ad
—
salutem, sen causa sine qua non, olim anno 1536, gravissime anathematizatum a Lu-
thero reliquisque theologis in publica disputatione, postquam per integrum annum ea
controversia illic agitata et examinata esset (comp. § 36, Notes 22-25. In the Interim
it stands onlj-, that good works are necessarj', but not that they are necessarj' for salva-
tion). Non abfuit etiam fides formata, ut ex Juterbacensi diplomate patet. Fuit con-
sensum, ut redderetur jurisdictio Episcopis ordinariis et etiam supremo (as in the Wit-
tenberg Plan of Reform, subscribed by Luther, § 36, Note 39). Fuit corrupta doctrina
de poenitentia, addita coufessione et satisfactione, exclusaque fide, quae etiam a sacra-
raentis separator. Fuit restituta confirmatio (as in the Wittenberg Reformation) et ex-
trema unctio. Usus quoque carnium tempore jejunii et duobus illis diebus vetitus.
Vulgares cautiones ecclesiasticae Lutheri et aliorum sublatae, et in earum locum Grego-
rianus boatus cum latina lingua restitutus. Missa tanquam quiddam diversum a com-
munione iustaurata (false), in qua etiam expresse Confiteor. Decretum fuit, ut credere-
tur ct doceretur quicquid Ecclesia statuisset, confirmandi videlicet concilii et potestatis
papalis gratia. Et alia huju3 generis innumera portenta.
PT. II.— CII. I.— LUTHERANISM. § 37. ADIAPHORISTIC CONTROVERSY. 437
Adiaphoristic Controversy^ to be forced upon it by a hostile
power. At the same time, in this controversy the milder form-
' Conr. Schliisselburgii Catal. Haereticorutn lib. xiii. de Adiaphoristis et Interimistis.
Planck, iv. 174. Melancthon's excuses, ad Francofurteuses, 29. Jan., 1549, C. R., vii.
321 Omnes sani intelliguut, naturae bominis convenire ordinis elegantiam in publicis
:
—
congressibus. Volo et deinceps semper eandem vocetn verae doctrinae servari, et nullos
recepi impios cultus. In caeteris autem rebus ostendamus modestiam et tolerautiam in
servitute. —
Praetcrea majus est scandalum deserere Ecclesias propter causas non maxi-
mas, aut praebere causam judiciis populi, qui diceret, nos propter parvas res pertinacia
nostra attrahere bella; quam praebere adversariis qualemcunque occasionem calumni-
andi nostram nioderationem. —
Nee propterea amittitur libertas Christiana, si recte doco-
bimus. Nam corda scient, tales ritus non esse cultus Dei, sed alia majora opera, veram
tidem, etc. Sine hac doctrina, et sine his virtutibus libertas externa in cibis, vestitu et
similibus adiaphoris non est libertas Christiana, sed nova politia, gratior fortasse populo,
—
quia pauciora vincula habet. In hac nostra infirmitate cum primum veteres ritus abo-
liti sunt, magna fuit et docentium, et opinionum et locorum dissimilitudo. Aliqui pri-
vatam absolutionem prorsus aboleverant, quod cum non sit recte factum, etiam ante hoc
tempus restitui earn optavi. — Nee restitutio aliorum rituum mediorum praevaricatio est,
cum doctrinae puritas retinetur. Comp. Paul Eber, bj- Chr. H. Sixt, Heidelberg, 1843,
s. and Eber's Narrative, s. 237. In replj-, Calvinus ad Mel., 1550 (Epist. ed. Ge-
183,
nev., p. 90) Tu si ad cedendum fuisti mollior, id tibi vitio a multis verti, non est quod
:
mireris. Adde, quod eorum, quae tu media facis, quaedam cum Dei verbo manifesto
pugnant. Nimis praecise fortassis quaedam alii urgent, atque ut in contentionibus fieri
solet, odiose quaedam exagitant, quibus non inest tantum mali. Verum si quid in re-
bus divinis intelligo, tam multa Papistis abs te concedi non oportuit, partim quia lax-
asti, quae verbo suo Dominus adstringit, partim quia proterve Evangelic insultandi
materiam dedisti. Cum circumcisio adhuc licita esset, annon vides, Paulum, quia ver-
suti ac malitiosi aucupes insidias piorum libertati tendebant, illis profectam a Deo cere-
moniam pertinaciter negare Itaquc ne ad momentum quidem se illis cessisse gloria-
.'
tur, quo Evangelii Veritas Integra maneret apud gentes. —

Alia, ut nosti, tua est, quam
multorum conditio. Plus enim ignominiae ducis vel antesignani trepidatio, quam gre-
—
gariorum milituni fuga sustinet. Itaque plures tu unus paululum cedendo querimonias
et gemitus excitasti, quam centum mediocres aperta defectione. Mel. ad Flacium, 5.
Sept., 1556, C. R., viii. 841 Cum doctrina retineretur Integra, malui nostros hanc servi-
:
tutem subire, quam deserere ministerium Evangelii et idem consilium me Francis de-
;
disse fateor. Hoc

doctrinam confessionis nunquam mutavi. Ego etiam de ritibus
feci ;
his mediis minus pugnavi, quia jam antea in plerisque Ecclesiis harum regionum re-
tenti erant. Postea vos contradicere coepistis. Cessi, nihil pugnavi. Ajax apud Ho-
merum proelians cum Hectore contentus est cum cedit Hector, et fatetur, ipsum victo-
rem esse. Vos finem nullum facitis criminandi. Quis hoc hostis facit, ut cedentes et
arma abjicientes feriat ? Vincite, cedo, nihil pugno de ritibus illis, et maxime opto, ut
dulcis sit Ecclesiarum concordia. Fateor etiam hac in re a me peccatum esse, et a Deo
veniam peto, quod non procul fugi The Formula Con-
insidiosas illas deliberationes.
cordiae gives the point of controversj' precisel}' and correcth' X. De Ceremoniis Eccle- :
siasticis Una pars sensit, quod persecutionis tempore (quando confessio fidei edenda
:
est), etiamsi adversarii Evangelii in doctrina nobiscum non consentiant, tamen sana et
salva conscientia liceat quasdam dudum abrogatas ceremonias (quae per se adiaphorae,
et a Deo neque praeceptae neque prohibitae sunt) postulantibus id et urgentibus adver-
sariis restituerc, et hoc modo cum iis in rebus illis per se adiaphoris conformem quan-
dam rationem instituere posse. Altera vero pars contendit, quod persecutionis tempore
(quando confessio fidei requiritur) adversariis, illaesa conscientia et sine jactura veritatis
coelestis, restitutione rerum adiaphorarum gratificari non possimus praesertim quando :
adversarii hoc agunt, ut aut vi manifesta aut occultis machinationibus sinceram doctri-
nam oppriraant, et paulatim falsa dogmata in Ecclesias nostras reducant.
: .
ulas of the Melanctlionian theology were declared to he corrup-

tions of pure doctrine, and then were made the occasion, one aft-
er another, of as many special controversies. Thus the Witten-

herg divine, George Major, was led by an attack of Nicholas von
Amsdorf to declare (1552) the necessity of good works to salva-
tion.^'' Thereupon the Majoristic controversy broke out with great
violence," in which Justus Menius, Superintendent of Gotha, was
also involved.^- The Wittenbergers conceded that that phrase
might easily be misunderstood, but not that it was absolutely
false,^^ and let Major stay in his post as teacher ; and they were
*" To Amsdorf s work, " Dass Dr. Pommer und Dr. Major Aergerniss und Verwirrung
angericht," Magdeburg, 1551. 4., appeared the reply: "Auf des ehrenwiirdigen Herrn
Niclas V. Amsdorf's Schrift Antwort G. Majors." Wittenberg, 1552. 4. Major there

writes, C. 1, verso: "Das bekenne ich aber, dass ich also vormals gelehret, und noch
lehre, und fOrder alle mein Lebtag also lehren will, dass gute Werk zur Seligkeit nothig
sind, und sage und mit klaren und deutlichen Worten, dass niemands durch
oifentlichea
bose Werk und dass auch niemands ohne gute Werk selig werde, und sage
selig werde,
mehr, dass wer anders lehret, aucb ein Engel vom Himmel, der sey verflucht;" [that
good works are necessarj- to salvation, that no one can be saved by bad works, nor with-
out good works, etc.] In further explanation [that good works can not effect forgive-
ness or justification that those gifts are received alone through Christ, and by faith],
;
C. 11, verso: "Dass, wiewol wir also lehren, dass die Werk zur Seelen Seligkeit von
nothen, dass dennoch solche gute Werk das nicht wirken oder verdienen konnen oder
mogen, dass uns die Siinde vergeben, die Gerechtigkeit zugerechnet, der h. Geist und
das ewige Leben gegeben werden : denn solche herrliche himmlische Giiter sind uns al-
lein durch den Tod unsers einigen Mittlers und Heilands Jesu Christi erworben, und
miissen allein durch den Glauben empfangen werden dennoch miissen auch gute Werk,
:
nicht als Verdienst, sender als schuldiger Gehorsam gegen Gott vorhanden seyn." In
his sermon, delivered soon after, on "Paul's Conversion," Leipz., 1553, 4, D. 3, he sa3-s,
— " that works are not to attain salvation, but to maintain salvation, and so far necessarj-
that the not doing them is a certain sign that faith is dead."
1-
C. Schliisselburgii Catal. Haeret., lib. vii. de Majoristis. Salig, i. 638. Planck,
iv. 469. G. Thomasius, das Bekenntniss der Evj^ngel. Luth. Kirche in der Consequenz
seines Princips, Nurnberg, 1848, s. 100.
IS
Planck, iv. 512.
13 Melanchthonis Sententia, 1553. C. E., viii. 194 Cum dicitur, nova obedientia est
:
necessaria ad salutera, Papistae intelligunt bona opera esse meritum salutis. Haec pro-
positio falsa est ; ideo ilium modum loquendi mitto. Et tamen dici usitatum est nova :
obedientia est necessaria, non ut meritum, sed necessitate causae formalis ; ut cum dico
paries albedine necessario est albus. —
Necessarium autem significat coactione extortum :
— (aut) ordinatum immutabili ordine : sic dicitur : in angelis, Maria bona opera sunt ne-
cessaria, videlicet ordinata immutabili ordine divino, quo creatura subjecta est creator!.
Melancthon's Memorial to the Senate of Nordhausen, Jan. 13, 1555, C. R., viii. 410 He
earnestly advised the preachers who were there contending about the proposition "Good — :
works are necessary to salvation," to let it drop, [on account of the different waj-s in
which it was understood and also that they should stop discussing Dr. Major and his
;
affairs in the pulpit. As to the ambiguity of the proposition, he further speaks of the
sense in which necessarium and debitum are used in the discussion, some understanding
them as equivalent to, extortum coactione, others as implying only the order and plan
of divine wisdom. Others, again, went so far as to say that good works were more inju-
rious than bad works. And Dr. Jiickel (Agricola) and Naogeorgius (Kirchmaier) main-
::
PT. II. -CH. I.-LUTIIEEANISM. § 37. CALVIXISTIC CONTROVERSY. 439
accordingly accused of holding the same error. Thereupon Joa-

chim Westphal, preacher in Hamburg, renewed the sacramental
controversy against Calvin and Peter Martyr,^* undoubtedly with
tained that a ma}- have justifying faith even while knowingly violating the divine
man
law. replied, that by sins against the conscience faith is expelled
To which Dr. Luther ;
and that good works are not mere outward works, but repentance, thankfulness, etc.]
"Weil doch alsbald diese Deutung angehanget wird, als sollten gute Werke Verdienst
seyn der Seligkeit zum Andcrn, dass sie auch Doctoris Majoris Person und Sach nicht
;
auf den Predigtstuhl bringen, sondern stellen dieses zu seiner selb Erkliirung. Und ist
diese Disputation aus vielen vorigen frevelen Reden von zwanzig Jahreu her verursacht.
Etliche wollen diese Rede nicht dulden gute Werke sind nothig oder also man muss
: ; :
gute Werke thun wollen diese zwei Wcirter necessitas und debitum nicht haben und
;
:
stund der Hofprediger (Agricola) derselbigen Zeit, und spielet mit dem Wort muss das '
:
Muss ist versalzen ;' verstund necessarium und debitum far erzwungen durch Furcht
der Strafe, extortum coactione, und redete hohe Wort, wie gute Werke ohne Gesetz ka-
men. So doch necessarium und debitum nicht erstlich heisset extortum coactimie, son-
dern die ewige und unwandelbare Ordnung gottlicher Weisheit, und der Herr Christus
und Paulus selbst diese Worte necessarium und debitum brauchen. Ein andrer sagt
dem Glauben Aviiren gute Werk schadlicher denn biise Werk. Darnach kamen Doctor
.Tackel (Agricola) und Naogeorgius (Thom. Kirchmaier, 1544, C. R., v. 290), die rissen
das Loch noch weiter auf, nnd verstunden die Proposition: sola fide justificamur also:
es behielte ein Mensch den Glauben und heil. Geist, wenn er gleich wider Gottes GesetZ
wissentlich thiite, als da David den Ehebruch und Todschlag thiit. Nahmen weg den
Uuterscheid der todtlichen Siinde und der bosen Neigung in Heiligen. Und ist des
— —
Naogeorgi Schrift davon durch den— Herzog Joh. Friedrich an Doctorem Martinum
gesandt worden, der darauf geantwortet und deutlich geschrieben vom Unterscheid der
Svinden, und dass durch Siind wider das Gewissen der heil. Geist und Glaube ausge-
stossen wiirden.— Wahrhaftiger Glaub ist nicht ohne Werk im Herzen, ob sie gleich
nicht Verdienst seyn, causae justificationis, sondern folgen dem Glauben. Und ist eine
grobe Rede, so man spricht von dem bekchrten Morder am Kreuz,

habe nach der Bc- er
kehrung nicht gute Werke gehabt. Denn Werke heissen nicht allein iiusserliche Tha-
ten, sondern auch im Herzen Reu, Anrufung, guter Vorsatz, Danksagimg, Geduld, wel-
che Tugenden sind Fruchte des heil. Geistes." Comp. the Responsum de Controversia
Schweinfurtiana, 13. Nov., 1559, on the same subject, C. R., ix. 969. Major, in his " Be-
kenntniss v. d. Artikel der Justification," Wittenberg, 1558. 4., vindicated his orthodoxj-,
and concluded with the proposal " not to make use of the phrase, good worRs are neces-
'
sary to salvation,' on account of their false interpretation," saying that he had "for
some years refrained from using it." Still his opponents were not satisfied, but demand-
ed recantation. Andreas Musculus, professor in Frankfort-on-the-Oder, a .follower of
" Those that teach
Agi-icola, and a violent foe of Melancthon, said, in an address, 1558,
that we must do good works belong to the devil, with all who follow them," and was
involved in a controversy- about it with his colleague, Abdias Praetorius (S. Th. Wald
Controversia de bonorum Operum Necessitate inter Musculum et Praetorium agitata,
Diss., Lips., 1786. 4.). Amsdorf wrote a work with the title,
" That the proposition, good
works are hurtful to salvation, was [is] a right true Christian proposition," 1559. 4. that ;
is, works by which it is hoped to deserve grace and salvation and thus the matter be-
;
came a frivolous oxymoron.

'* Consensus Tigurinus, 1549, sec § 35, Note 51, and against Petri
First against the
Martj-ris Vermilii Florentini deSacramento Eucharistiae in celeberrima Angliae Schola
Oxoniensi Tractatio, Tiguri, 1552. In the preface of Jo. Wolphius to the latter, after a
characterizing of the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper, it is added: hujus quidem
opinionis Martinum Lutherum auctorem et patronum fuisse ferunt eum errorcm Pe- :
—
trus Martj-r omnem diligentissime refutavit. Thus was the attack opened. Westphal
now wrote Farrago Confusanearum et inter so Dissidentium Opinionum de Cocna Do-
:
—
440 FOUETII PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1C48.
respect to the Philippists, who agreed with Calvin, though they

did not openly say so (the Calvinistic Controversy)}^ The Swiss
at first kept silence ; but when John a Lasko,^^ driven from En-
gland (1555) under Mary, with his French Reformed Church,
into Denmark and Northern Grermany with
was refused admission
bitter expressions of religious hatred,^' Calvin and Bullinger, in-
censed by this fanaticism, came forward in defense of their doc-

trine.^^ Calvin claimed to agree with the Augsburg Confession,
mini ex Sacramentariorum Libris congesta, Magdeb., 1552 ; also, Eecta Fides de Coena
Domini ex Verbis Apostoli Pauli et Evangelistarum demonstrata, Magdeb., 1553.
'^ Planck, V. ii. 1. Ebrard's Dogma v. hell. Abendraale u. s. Gesch., ii. 525.
" Excellent statements on the matter in controversj- in Jo. a Lasco Ep. ad Alb. Har-
denberg, Emdae, 154G (Gerdesii Scrinium Antiqiiarium, ii. G29) Ego enim tanti non
:
facio diSfeidium hoc de dementis Sacramentornm, posteaquam de mysteriis convenit, lit

propter elementa scindi velim societatem et caritatem christianam. Mysterium porro
omnium sujnmum in Coena esse puto communionem corporis et sanguinis Christi in :
hoc vero nullum usque dissidium video: omnes enim ingenue fatemur, nos in Coena
vero Christi corpori et sanguini vere etiam communicare, quicunque verbo illius credi-
mus. Quid jam attinet, quo modo id fiat anxie et curiose disquirere, atque hoc nomine
turbas in Ecclesia non necessarias excitare, quam alioqui satis affligi et perturbari ab
hostibus nostris videmus ? Excitent eas, qui volent, me illarum socium non habebunt.
Mihi ea corporis et sanguinis Christi manducatio satis est, quam Dominus ipse ore suo
nobis ad salutem nostram satis esse testatur, dum illi addit vitae aeternae promissionem,
—
non facta interim mentione uUius alterius manducationis. Quare banc ipsam et non ali-
am manducationem Coenae usu in animo meo renovo, fidemque illius in animo meo ex
Christi institutione obsigno, ne mihi excidat unquam. [Bartels, in Z. f. d. Theol., I860.]
" Joh. Utenhovii (one of their preachers) Simples et Fidelis Narratio de instituta ac
demum dissipata Belgarum aliorumque peregrinorum in Anglia Ecclesia, ac potissimum
de susceptis postea illius Nomine Itineribus, Basil., 1560, is the chief source, but not
without exaggerations; see Pontoppidan's Kirchenhist. v. Diinemark, iii. 317; Neue
Beitr. von alten und neuen Theol. Sachen, 1756, s. 596, 750 ; Gittermann, in Vater's
—
Kirchenhist. Archiv, 1825, ii. 150. Planck, v. ii. 36. [Bartels, in Zeitschr. f. deutsche
Theol., I860,]
'^ Jo. Calvini Defensio Sanae et Orthodoxae Doctrinae de Sacraraentis, quam minis-
tri Tigurinae Ecclesiae et Genevensis ante aliquot annos brevi Consensionis Formula
complexi fuerunt, Nov. 28, 1554 (in the 0pp. Calvini, ed. Amstel., T. viii. p. 648, under
the titles Consensio Mutua and Consensionis Capitum Expositio). —
Westphali Collecta-
—
nea Sententiarum D. Aur. Augustini de Coena Domini, Eatisp., 1555. Lasco Purgatio
Ecclesiae peregrinorum Francofurtensis, 1555. Calvini Secunda Defensio contra West-
phalum, Jan., 1556, dedicated to the Ministris et sinceris Dei cultoribus in Saxonicis
Ecclesiis et Germania inferiore (0pp., viii. 659). BuUingeri Apologetica Defensio, qua
ostenditur, Tigur. Eccl. ministros nullum sequi dogma haereticum in Coena Domini,
Febr., 1556. —Confessio Fidei de Eucharistiae Sacramento par ministros Ecclesiarum
Saxonicarum (Magdeburg, Eisleben, Bremen, Hildesheim, and Liibeck), Magdeb., 1557.
Further works bj' Brenz, Erhard Schnepf, Erasm. Alber, Paul v. Eitzen, Westjihal.
Calv. Ultima Admonitio ad Joach. Westphalum, cui nisi obtemperet, eo loco posthac
habendus erit, quo pertinaces haereticos haberi jubet Paulas, 1557 (0pp., viii. 685).
Westphali Justa Defensio adv. insignia Mendacia Jo. a Lasco, 1657, ejusd. Apologia con-
fessionis de Coena Domini contra corruptelas et calumnias Jo. Calvini scripta, Ursellis,
1558. —Th. Bezae De Coena Domini Plana et Perspicua Tractatio, in qua Jo. Westphali
Calumniae refelluntur, 1559 (Tract. Theol., i. 211 comp. Theod. Beza, hy Bauni, ii. 48).
;
Calvin's Leben, bj' Henry, iii. i. 308. BuUinger's Lebcn, by Iless, ii. 213.
1
PART II. -CHAP. I.-LUTHEEANISM. § 37. CRYPTO-CALVINISTS. 44
and appealed to the authority of Melancthon as its author.^^ His

opponents, on the other hand, with hardly-dissembled scorn, endeav-
ored to prove that, during the lifetime of Luther, Melancthon had
taught only the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper.^'' In spite
ofall these charges Melancthon kept silence.^^ Then the Philip-
pists, scattered through the north of Germany, began to be stig-
matized as Crypto-Calvinists.^^ John Timann, preacher in Bremen,
in a work against the Sacramentarians, 1555, first insisted upon
the ubiquity of Christ's body as a settled dogma,^^ and most of the
Bremen preachers subscribed to it. The cathedral preacher, Al-
bert Hardenberg,was attacked as a Crypto-Calvinist on account
of his decided opposition to them.^* In the violence of the strife
" Ciilvini Sec. Defensio, 1556 (0pp., viii. 675): repcto, —

in confessione, qualis Ratis-
bonae (at the colloquj' in Ratisbon, 1541, the Variata) edita fuit, verbum non extare
doctrinae nostrae contrarium. Si qua in sensu ambiguitas incidat, nullum magis ido-
neura esse interpretera, quam auctorem ipsum, cui etiam id honoris pro suo merito facile
piiomnes et eruditi deferent. Ejusd. Ultima Admonitio, 1557 (1. c, p. 687) Ego si to- :
mere comperiar Philippi nomine abusus, nullas ignominiae notas recuse. Solum quod —
dixi et quidem centies si opus sit, confirmo, nou magis a me Philippum quam a propriis
visceribus in hac causa posse divelli. Letters of Calvin to Melancthon, asking him to
break his silence, dd. 6. Cal. Sept., 1554 (Epist., ed. Gen., p. 133), 3. Non. Mart., 1555
(p. 157), 10. Cal. Sept.,1555 (p. 162), 3. Non. Aug., 1557 (p. 185).
=">
A new
edition of Phil. Mel. Seutentiae Vett. aliquot Scriptorura de Coena Domini
(§ 36, Note 15) cum praef. Nic. Galli, quae secundae hujus editionis causam ostendit et
alia continet lectu utilia, Ratisponae, 1554. In the preface it is said : Cumque reperi-
antur, qui etiam Philippi auctoritate errorem hunc moUiant et insinuent, etsi causa haec
uon nititur hominum operae pretium tamen me facturum arbitrabar (ac quod
suffragiis,
nee auctori recte improbari possit), si hanc olim editam ab ipso confessionem darein
re-
cudendam.— Quoquo modo suspicentur aut opinentur aliqui de sententia Philippi in re
sacramentaria, nos eam clare hie expressam demonstramus, et gratias ipsi agimus
pro
collectisveterum suffragiis. Westphal then wrote, Clarissimi viri. Ph. Melanchthonis
Sententia de Coena Domini, ex Scriptis ejus collecta, Hamburg., 1557.
=' Mel. ad. Calvinum, 14.
Oct., 1554, C. R., viii. 362: Quod— me hortaris, ut repri-
mam ineruditos clamores illorum, qui renovant certamen iripl aproXaTpda^, scito, quos-
dam praecipue odio mei eam disputationem movere, ut habeant plausibilem causam ad
me opprimendum. Ad U. Mordeisen, 15. Nov., 1557, C. R., ix. 374: Si mihi conceda-
tis, ut in alio loco vivam, respondebo illis indoctis sycophantis et vere et graviter, et di-
cam utilia Ecclesiae.
^~ Thus, in Sehwerin, the
jurist Justus Jonas; in Rostock, the magister Rudolph
JIunchhausen "VVIgger's Kirchengesch. Mecklenburgs, s. 144.
;
^''^ Farrago Sententiarum Consentientium in Vera et Catholica

Doctriua de Coena Do-
mini—contra Sacramentariorum dissidentes inter se Opiniones—collecta per
Jo. Timan-
num Amsterodamum, Francof., 1555. A sketch of this work in Dan. Gerdes Hist. Mo-
tuum Ecclesiasticorum in civitate Bremensi ab a. 1547-61 (in Scrinium Antiquar., v.
1,
also^printed separately), p. 91. A section of the work,
p. 225-299, was to prove,' quod
Christi corpus ubique sit, eo quod Verbum caro factum est,
et quod sedet ad dextram
Patris.
='* A
Hardenbergii Positiones adv. Ubiquitatem Corporis Christi in Farragine Jo.
Am-
sterodami, in Gerdes, p. 96 § 13. Quare juxta formas loquendi tarn
:
Scripturae sacrae
quam vcteiis Ecclesiae concludo adversus imaginariam et admodum nuper istam reper-
:;
442 FOUETH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
many zealots were brought to the outskirts of transubstantiation.^^

Melancthon contended unreservedly against these new excrescen-
ces, and never denied, in the public declarations he had occasion
to make, his essential agreement with Calvin on the Lord's Sup-

per but ho avoided saying any thing upon the peculiarities of
;
the Lutheran doctrine, in order to get rid of a disagreeable con-

troversy.^^
The Flacianists were the ruling party in Magdeburg, Ducal
Saxony, and tlie north of G-ermany ; the Philippists in Electoral
Saxony alone. On the other hand, the larger part of the Evan-
gelicalchurches of the country (particularly in Pomerania, Hesse,
and Southern Germany) looked upon the controversy with such a
degree of impartiality, that, with all their attachment to Luther's
doctrine, they still acknowledged the great services of Melanc-
thon, and blamed the violence of the Flacianists.^^ But as they
did not prevent the latter from speaking their high words, these
seemed to have more influence than they really possessed. They
even went so far as to summon Melancthon, January, 1557, to a
recantation, w^hich, however, he refused to make.^^
tarn pantitopian, quam ubiquitatem vocant Christum hominem ubique

: esse propter pcr-
sonae unitatem, non autem ejus carnem vel humanitatem.
25 Melanethon's Memorial to the Palatine Elector, 1. Nov., 1559, C. R., ix. 9G2
Acerrime pugnant Papistae, et eorum similes, ut dicatur corpus Christi extra sumtio-
nem inclusum esse speciebus panis, aut pani, et postulant adorationem, sicut Morlinus
Brunsvigae dixit: Thou must not say, "Mum, mum," but thou must say, "What is
this which the priest has in his hand ?" (a phrase imitated from one in a letter of Luther
to the council and congregation of Franlcfort-on-the-Maine, 1533 (Walch, xvii. 2435)
but there tlie concluding words are, "what bread and wine are in the sacrament?")
Sarcerius jubet delapsas particulas colligi, et erasa terra comburi. So, too, in Salig,
iii. 528.
2^ Ebrard's Dogma v. h. Abendmale, ii. 464.
Brentius ad Mel., 6. Nov., 1552, C. R., vii. 1129 Te latere nolui, utut alii de me
=' :
judicent, me inter hyperboreas illas rixas non solum veterem nostram amicitiam, sed
etiam veterem sententiam Trepl SiKaioavvn^, quam divina dementia a vobis praeceptori-
bus didici, retinere. Coepi te semel animo meo, ut (tksvo^ Christi, complecti, et doctri-
nam Ecclesiae a vobis traditam ut consentaneam sacrae Scripturae agnoscere. Mihi in —
hac rerum perturbatione non aliud relictum videtur, quam ut optem tibi animum excel-
sum, qui ista contemnat, ac non defatigetur sua ofEcia Ecclesiae probare.
28 On all these attempts at compromise, see Planck, vi. 25. In the C. R., ix. 23, arc
the acts in the negotiations at Wittenberg, Januarj-, 1557, with the divines of Lower
Saxony (particularly Murlin, Superintendent in Brunswick, V. Curtius, Superintendent
in Liibeck, Paul von Eitzen, Superintendent in Hamburg). On the conditions proposed
to Melancthon, p. 36 : 2. Rejiciantur omnes contrarii errores Papistarum, Interimista-
rum, Anabaptistarum, Sacramentariorum. 3. Ex articulo de justificatione tollantur
omnes corruptelae, pugnantes cum sincera doctrina apostolica, et Augustana confes-
sione, praecipue corruptelae de necessitate operum ad salutem. 5. Ne fiat conciliatio
cum Papistis de ceremoniis, nisi prius convenerit de doctrina, et ipsi desierint esse perse-
PT. II.— CH. I.— LUTHERANISM. § 37. SYNERGISTIC CONTROVERSY. 443
After Flacius had entered upon a theological professorship at

Jena. April, 1557, this Universitybecame the centre of the strict
Lutherans ;had been destined
as, too, it to be a firm citadel of
pure Lutheranism, against the degenerate Wittenberg, by the

princes of the duchy, the pious martyr, John Frederick, and his
son, John Frederick the Second. Theologians from Jena, depu-
ties of the Duke of Saxony, brought their disputes even into the
religious conference with the Catholics at Worms, September,
1557, and so put an end to the colloquy."^
The beginning of 1558, Amsdorf, as if for* the consecration of
the new Jena University, attacked the Propositiones de Libero
Arbitrio, 1555, of Dr. Pfeffinger f'^ and Flacius then turned the
controversy against the Melancthonian synergism,^^ defending, in
cutores doctrinae. 6. Tempore persecutionis edatur ingenua confessio, et non admitta-
tur servitus pugnans cum libertate Christiana. 7. Petimus quoque amanter a Rev. Do-
mino praeceptore, ut publico quodam scripto eontestari velit, suam sententiam de rebus
adiaphoris et necessitate operum ad salutem cum nostrarum Ecclesiarura confessiono
conjunctam esse.
=" Acts, C. R., ix. 221. Planck, vi. 129. This aroused so much attention that Pope
Paul IV. wrote at once to Ferdinand, 14. Nov., 1557 (Raj-naldus, 1557, No. 32) : Cum
maxima cura et sollicitudine afRceremur ex impiorum consiliis, quos Wormatiam con-
fluxisse audiebamus ; —
ipse misericordiarum pater et Deus totius consolationis animum
nostrum erexit, et hujusmodi inter eos, ut audivimus, dissidia excitavit, ut non acrius
cum catholicis quam inter se certare et dissidere, alii alia dogmata defendentes, coepe-
rint ;
qua quidem tarn idonea occasione allata, cum in manu tua, carissime fili, sit, im-
pia eorum consilia dissipare, nonne pro tua perpetua in Deum pietate et catholicae reli-
gionis studio eniteris, ut ea peste Germaniam liberes ? praesertim cum in eo non solum
Ecclesiae paci, sed regnis tuis et Romano imperio consulturus sis, noli per Deum immor-
talem tantae apud homines gloriae, noli tanti apud Deum meriti tempus amittere !
^^ Oeffentliche Bekeuntniss der reinen Lehre des Evangelii u. Coufutatio der jetzigen
Schwarmer durch Nic. v. Amsdorf, Jena, 1558. 4.

^^ M. Jo. Stolsii (court preacher to the Duke of Saxonj-), Eefutatio Propositionum
Pfeffingeri de Libero Arbitrio, cum praef. M. Jo. Aurifabri. M. Flacii lUyrici do eadem
Controversia, October, 1558. Flacius de Originali Peccato et Libero Arbitrio, two dis-
putations, 1558, and November, 1559, also appended to the Disp. Vinariensis, p. 243.
Now fii"st was attention directed to the changes which Melancthon had introduced into
his edition of the Loci Theol., 1548, in the section De humanis viribus, s. de libero arbi-
trio, and which was ever afterward regarded as the leading passage for sj-nergism Vidi :
multos non Epicuraeos, qui cum essent in aliquo moerore propter sues lapsus, disputa-
bant: quomodo sperem me recipi, cum non sentiam, in me transfundi novam lucem et
novas virtutes ? Praeterea si nihil agit liberum arbitrium interea, donee sensero, fieri
:
illam regenerationem de qua dicitis, indulgebo diffidentiae et aliis vitiosis affectibus.

Haec Manichaea imaginatio horribile mendacium est, et ab hoc errore mentes abdu-
—
cendae sunt et docendae, ar/ere aliquid liberum arbitrium. Nee admittendi sunt Mani-
chaeorum furores, qui fingunt, aliquem esse numerum hominum, quos vocant vXlkov^
Kui xoi/vous, qui converti non possint. Nee fit conversio in Davide, ut si lapis in ficum
verteretur. Sed agit aliquid liberum ai'bitrium in Davide, cum audivit objurgationem
etpromissionem, volens jam et libere fatetur delictum. Et agit aliquid ejus voluntas,
cum se sustentat hac voce : Dominus abstulit peccatum tuum. Cumque conatur se hac
voce sustentare, jam adjuvatur a Spiritu S. juxta illud Pauli Evangellum est potentia
:
— ;
opposition to it, unconditional predestination (the Synergistic Con-

troversy)?"^ In vain did the EvangeHcal princes, assembled at
Frankfort, try to put an end to all these controversies by a con-
siderate and candid declaration —the Frankfort Recess,^^ of March
Dei ad salutem non repugnanti, i. e., noii contemnenti promissionem, sed assentienti et
credenti. —
Si tantum exspectanda esset ilia infusio qualitatum sine ulla nostra actione,
sicut Entliusiastae et Manicliaei finxerunt: nihil opus esset ministerio evangelico, nulla
etiam liicta in animis esset. Sed instituit Deus ininisterium, ut vox accipiatur, \\t pro-
missionem mens cogitet et amplectatur, et, dum repugnamus diffidentiae, Spiritus S. si-
niul in nobis sit efficax. Sic igitur illis, qui cessationem suam excusant, qui putant, ni-
hil agere liberum arbitrium, respondeo immo, mandatum Dei aeternum et immotum
:
est, ut voci Evangelii obteAiperes, ut filium Dei audias, ut agnoscas mediatorem. Quam
tetra sunt haec peccata, nolle adspicere donatum generi humano mediatorem, Filium
Dei? Non possum, inquies. Immo aliquo modo potes. Et cum te voce Evangelii sus-
tentas, adjuvari te a Deo petito, et scito, Spiritum S. efficacem esse in ea consolatione.
Scito, velle Deum hoc ipso modo nos convertere, cum promissione excitati luctamur no-
Liscum, invocamus et repugnamus diffidentiae nostrae et aliis vitiosis affectibus. Ideo
veteres aliqui sic dixerunt, liberum arbitrium in homine facultatem esse applicandi se ad
ffratiam, i. e., audit promissionem, et assentiri conatur, et abjicit peccata contra consci-
entiam. Talia non fiunt in diabolis discrimen igitur inter diabolos et genus humanum
:
consideretur. Fiunt auteni haec illustriora, considerata promissione. Cum promissio

sit universalis, nee sint in Deo contrariae voluntates, necesse est, in nobis esse aliquam
discriminis causam, cur Saul abjiciatur, David recipiafur, i. e., necesse est, aliquam esse
actionem dissimilcm in his duobus. Haec dextre intellecta vera sunt; et usus in exer-
citiis Mei et in vera consolatione, cum acquiescunt animi in Filio Dei monstrato in pro-
missione, illustrabit hanc copulationem causarutn, verbi Dei, Spiritus S. et voluntatis.

Manj' of the friends of Melancthon took exceptions to this paragraph post mortem Lu- —
theri insertum —
especially to the definition, liberum arbitrium facultatem esse applican-
di se ad gratiam, and asked him about it, particularl3- at Worms, 1557. Melancthon
satisfied them by the declaration that he meant, voluntas renata comp. Balthasar's His-
;
toric des torgischen Buchs, st. 5, s. 13, 31.

^2 Conr. SchliJsselburgii Catal. Haer. lib. v. de Synergistis. Planck, iv. 567; the
controversial works enumerated bj- Ed. Schmid, in Niedner's Zeitschr. f. Hist. Theol.,
1849, i. 15.
^^ C. R., ix. 489. Historic des Sacramentsstreits, Leipzig, 1591, 4., s. 570. A work
by Melancthon is at the basis of it either the Formula Consensus (C. R., ix. 365) drawn
:
up at Worms, or the German draft of the same for the Elector August, C. R., ix. 403
see Melancthon's letter to the Council of Nuremberg, Ma}- 14, 1558, C. R., ix. 548. Be-
sides this an essaj' of Brenz was used, presented to Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg,
which, with exception of the Osiander question, agrees wholly with Melancthon's (Sat-
tler's Wiirtemb. Geschichte, iv. 125. Schnurrer's Erliiut. der Wiirtemb. Kirchen-Refor-
mations-u. Gelehrten-Gesch., s. 248). The princes, in their final declaration (Recess),
announce that thej' do not design to put forth any new Confession, but onl}- to speak of
the contested points in the sense of that of Augsburg. Thus 1. Man is justified through
:
faith alone, on account of the obedience of Christ, but not on account of the subsequent
new life, in which great infirmity and sin still remain (against Osiander). 2. "About
this proposition good works are necessary to salvation. It is doubtless divine and im-
—
mutable verit}' nova obedientia est necessaria new obedience is necessary in the jus-
;
tified and these words must be understood correctly. Necessaiî/ means, according to
;
divine appointment nova obedientia est necessaria, and nova obedientia est debitum
:
eo ipso, quia ordo immotus est, ut creatura rationalis Deo obediat. On the other hand, —
some make a gross interpretation necessary means, forced b}- fear or punishment. The
;
words good works are also grossly understood, as if they meant onl}- external works. But
this saying, nova obedientia, etc., must be thus understood the new light in the heart.
:
::
PT. II.-CH. I.-LUTHERANISM. § 37. PHILIPPISTS AND FLACIANISTS. 445

18, 1558. Duke John Frederick the Second decidedly refused to
accept it ; and pubUshed, the beginning of 1559, a confutation of
all the erroneous doctrines of the times,^' particularly those of the
kindled, through the Word of God, b}- the Son and the Holy Ghost, and also including
joy in God, petitions, good intentions, from which external good works proceed.— Al-
though now tlic proposition, nova obedientia est necessaria, is to be retained, yet we will
not append the clause ad saluiem, because this is understood of meritum or deserts and
;
so the doctrine of grace For this remains true, that man is justilied before
is obscured.
God, and is an heir of eternal blessedness, through grace, for the sake of the Lord Jesus,
and only through faith in liim." 3. Of the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of the Lord.
According to the Augsburg Confession, it is to be taught [that Christ is essentially pres-
ent with the bread and wine, and that we eat and di-ink his body and blood, and so
are
his members as Hilary (below) testifies and Paul, too, says that the bread we eat is
; ;
the communion ivith the body of Christ] "dass in dieser, des Herrn Christi, Ordnung
seines Abendmals er wahrhaftig, lebendig, wesentlich und gegenwartig
sej-, auch mit
Brod und Wein, also von ihm geordnet, uus Christen sein Leib und Blut zu essen und
zu trinken gegeben, imd bezeuget hiermit, dass wir seine Gliedmassen sej-en,
applicirt
uns sich selbst und seine gniidige Verheissung, und wirkt in uns. IlUarius also
says
Ilaec sumta et hausta faciunt, ut Christus sit in nobis et nos in ipso; i. e.,
so man dies
niesset u. trinkt, ist damit Christus in uns und wir in ihm. Diese Worte reden
klar von
der Niessung, wie auch ausdriicklich von der Niessung Paulus redet : das Brot
ist die
Gemeinschaft mit dem Leib Christi ; das kann nicht ausser der Niessung verstanden
werden." 4. [As to the Adiaphora, or things indifferent, they may be used or not, with-
out sin ;
j-et when the truth perverted, not only ceremonies in themselves indifferent,
is
but even others, may become hurtful. As Paul says, to the impure all is impure.]
"Von den Adiaphoris, oder mittelmassigen Ceremonien in der Kirche. Von mittel-
massigen Ceremonien soil also gelehrt werden, dass dieselben mogen ihrer selbst halb
ohne Sunde gebraucht oder unterlassen werden :— da aber die rechte christliclie Lehre
des heil. Evangelions verunreinigt oder verfolgt wurde, da sind nicht allein die mittel-
massigen, sondern auch andere Ceremonien schadlich und nachtheilig, wie Paulus sagt
den Unreinen ist alles unrein." Further on, the princes agree that when in future
there
are disputations on any of these articles, that they will confer again in
Christian love
and gentleness, and not allow that there' be other teaching in their lands.
AVhoever
conies to contrary conclusions is to seek advice of the experienced.
No work shall be
jHiblished on religious matters without being first inspected by the
appointed authori-
ties; and calumnious writings shall not be allowed.
Consistories and superintendents
are to receive instructions for such cases and no one who teaches
; differently shall be
allowed to be in the service of the Church. Moreover, by this agreement
they do not
intend to depreciate or exclude other estates of a kindred confession they are
to be in-;
vited to accede. This declaration (Recess) was subscribed by the

Electors of the Palati-
nate, of Saxonj-, and of Brandenburg, by Count Palatine Wolfgang,
Duke Christopher
of Wurtemberg, and Landgrave Philip of Hesse. J. F. le Bret,
De Eecessu Franco-
furtano anni 1558, dogmatico eridos pomo. Tubing., 179G. 4. Planck,
vi. 174.
^* Illustrissimi Principis ac Domini,
Dom. Jo. Friderici secundi, suo ac fratrum D.
Jo. Wilhelmi, et D. J. Friderici natu junioris nomine solida
et ex verbo Dei sumpta
coufutatio et condemnatio praecipuarum corruptelarum, sectarum
et errorum, hoc tem-
pore— ingruentium et grassantium,— ad suae Cels. et fratrum suorum subditos
cujus-
cunque ordinis scripta et edita. Jenae, 1559. 4. Contents : 1. Confutatio erroris
Serve-
ti; 2. Schuenclfeldii ; 3. Antinomorum ; 4. Anabaptisiarum ; 5. Zuinglii,
f. 20: Sumnia
scntentiae nostrae, sicut et in Augustana Confessione et Apologia, et
Schmalc. articulis
proponitur, haec est, videlicet quod in Coena Domini Christus re vera
:
corpus et san-
guinem suum sumentibus irapertiat, idque non imaginarie, sed vere et substantialiter;
non absentia in coelo, sed praesentia in terra ; nee tantum dignis, sed etiam indignis •
non fide tantum spiritualitcr, sed etiam ore corporaliter usurpanda; ac quod credenti-
Philippists, that thus he might forever estabUsh pure Lutheran-

ism in his land. But this work introduced dissension even among
bus simul donet et applicet remissionem peccatorum, atqiie alia beneficia in Evangelic
promissa. Against the first objection of the Zwinglians Christus supra coelos omnes
:
evectus est, et nunc considet ad dextram aeterni Patris definite et conscripto loco ergo :
impossibile est, in sacramento Coenae corpus et sanguinem Christi vere et substantiali-

ter exhiberi, wird behauptet, ascensionem Christi non esse localem quandam disjunc-
tionem aut secessionem ab Ecclesia, sed patefactionera illustrem et conspicuam divini-
tatis, quam habuit Christus ab aeterno una cum Patre, et quam forma servi assumpta
in natura nostra tantisper texit et occultavit, donee mj-sterium redemptionis nostrae

absolveret. Deinde dextra Dei non significat locum aliquem definitum et circumscrip-
tum, ut est dextra alicujus regis sed ut Deus nullo corporali loco concludi et appre-
:
hendi potest, ita dextcra ejus omnia implet, excedit et superat, et nusquam no;i praesto
adest. —Haec vero majestas Christi, ut modo nullo impedimento est praesentiae corporis
ipsius in Coena, ita multo magis eam comprobat et confirmat, et quia humanitas Christi
ad desteram Dei coUocata est, et cum divinitate perpetuo et indissolubili foedere copu-
lata unione hypostatica. 6. Confutatio corrvptelarum in articulo de libera arbitrio s. de
viribus hitmanis. First against the Pelagians, and then against the Synergists, f. 33
verso Secunda opinio longe concinnior et judicio rationis plausibilior haec est homi-
: :
nera lapsu Adae vitiatum, et de suo statu et integritate miserabiliter quidem dejectum
esse ita, ut natura ad peccatum propensus et proclivis sit, sed tamen vires humanas non
ita prorsus prostratas, extinctas et deletas esse, quin gratiae Dei excitanti et adjuvanti
libere in conversione hominis cooperari possit. Hinc acceptionem vel rejectionem gra-
tiae Dei in libero hominis arbitrio collocant et mentem ac voluntatem hominis crvvipyou
:
sou causam cum verbo et Spiritu Dei cooperantem statuunt nostrae ad Deum conversio-
nis seu rcgenerationis. In opposition the doctrine is set forth, naturam humanam lapsu
Adae non modo infirmatam, sed prorsus a Deo aversam eique inimicam et tj-rannidi
peccati ac Satanae subjectam esse, ita ut non tantum propensa ad peccandum inclinet
et feratur, sed peccato prorsus obnoxia et mancipata sit. Etsi enim lapsus Adae non
sustulit ipsam voluntatem, tamen ex libera servam, et ex bona malara fecit. Deinde
profitemur, utrumque homini non renato impossibile esse, intelligere aut apprehendere
voluntatem Dei in verbo patefactam, aut sua^ ipsius voluntate ad Deum se convertere,
boni aliquid velle aut perficere. F. 35 verso Panlus totum Deo vendicat, quod scili-
:
cet non tantum voluntatem nostram adjuvet, sed ipsum velle et pei-ficere efiiciat. F.
36 verso Quod autem post regenerationem homo, per Spiritum sanctum nova luce et
:
volimtate donatus, jam ut templum et organum Spiritus sancti Deo obtemperet, ut tunc
<Tvvtpyo<s Dei appelletur, non refragamur. 7. Confutatio errorum Osiandri et Stanckari
in articulo justijicationis. 8. Contra errorem Majoris, quod bona opera necessaria sint
ad salutem. 9. Confutatio Adiaplwrismi, f. 55 His et aliis gravissimis causis inducti
:
hactenus Adiaphorismo contradiximus, et nos ab ipsis auctoribus tantisper segregamus,

donee solemni aliqua et perspicua refutatione ab ipsis condemnetur, et ex Ecclesia
Christi explodatur ac profligetur. Conclusio, f. 50 Mandamus primum omnibus et sin-
:
gulis nostrae ditionis Praelatis, et inprimis Academiae Jenensis Professoribus, ut quae —

schola ab ill. Principe Electore amantissimo parente nostro, et a nobis dilectissimisque
fratribus nostris ad tuendum coeleste salutaris veritatis Evangelii depositum, oppugnan-
dosque errores ac sectas praecipue instituta fundataque est, item Superintendentibus,
Pastoribus, —
Ludirectoribus, — —
ut et puram Evangelii doctrinam hisce quoque confuta-
tionibus congruentem —doceant, nee ulla ratione corruptelis illis, quarum confutatio hie
suscepta est, aut ullis aliis patrocinium aut sophisticam defensionem accommodent.
From that doctrine, de libero arbitrio, unconditional predestination necessarily follows.
This was not, indeed, acknowledged in plain terms by Flacius (see Planck, iv. 704), but
it was by others of his party, e. g., Wigand, in his Solutiones ad Paralogismos Sj-ner-
gistarum (Schliisselburg, Catal. Haeret., v. 228) Alia sunt arcana Dei, quae ut non
:
possumus, ita nee debemus scrutari alia sunt patefacta, quae toto pectore amplectenda
;
PT. II.-CH. I.-LUTHEEANISM. § 37. PHILIPPISTS AND FLACIANISTS. 447
the divines of Jena, since Victorinus StrigeP^ defended synergism.

The Duke, misled by zealots, at first had him imprisoned (from
March till August, 1559) ; but even after his release the division
was not healed.^^
Other disturbances sprung up at the same time in Heidelberc^.^^
The Reformation had been introduced into the Palatinate under
the co-operation of Melancthon, and his doctrine about the Lord's
Supper adopted in the church order. The imperious Tilemann
Hesshusius, made General Superintendent in Heidelberg, 1558,
could of course easily discover Crypto-Calvinists, and attacked in
particular the deacon William Krebitz for being one. The Elect-
or Frederick III., who succeeded Otto Henry in 1559, at first tried
to reconcile the disputants but as they continued the controversy
;
in the pulpits he dismissed both of them, September, 1559.

Before his death Melancthon had occasion to speak decidedly
about the controverted topics. In his opinion about the "Weimar
Confutation, given to the Elector August, March 9, 1559, he de-
clared against the Flacian excrescences^^ in a concise
manner;
et mordicus retinenda sunt. Patefacta sunt, quod tantum credentes in
Christum Deus
velit salvos facere, item incredulitas sit ex nobis. Sed recondita Dei judicia sunt, quare
Paulum convertat, Caipham non convertat, Petrum labentem recipiat, Judam
relinquat
in desperatione. Til. Hesshusii Confutatio Sjniergistarum (1. c, p. 320) : Hoc respectu
Deus non vult, ut omnes salventur: non cnim omnes elegit. Nic. Ambsdoifii
Sententia
de Declaratione Victorini, 1562 (1. c, p. 547) Non est nisi unus modus
agendi Dei cum
:
omnibus creaturis.— Quare eodem modo cum homine volente et intelligente

agit Deus,
quemadmodum cum omnibus creaturis reliquis, lapide et trunco, per solum suum velle
et dicere.—Wlien God speaks, stone and wood are borne,
foshioned, and laid, as, when
and whither he will, quia non cadit passer in terram sine voluntate patris,
qui in coelis
est. Thus, when God speaks and wills, man is converted, per ministerium
verbi, be-
comes pious and holj-. When God wills and speaks, man believes the
Gospel, and is
saved quia Deus miseretur cujus vult, et spiritus spirat ubi et quando
:
vult.— s'icut la-
pides et trunci sunt In potestate Dei, ita et eodem modo voluntas
et intellectus hominis
sunt in voluntate Dei, ut homo nihil prorsus velle et eligere possit,
nisi id quod vult et
dicit Deus, sive ex gi-atia, sive ex ira. Comp. Phillpps, L. v. Hessen, condemnatorj-
Memorial on the Confutation, iu a letter to Duke Joh. Friedrich, 7th March, 1559 C. Pv.
' "'
ix. 752. '
"
Briefwechsel der beruhmtesten Gelehrten mit Herzog Albrecht
von Preussen, by
Joh. Voigt (Konigsberg, 1841), s. 575. J. C. Th. Otto de Vict.
Strigelio liberioris Mentis
in Eccl. Luther. Vindice, Jenae, 1843.
Schenkel, ii. 453.
=^ Planck, iv.
598.
" Henr. Altingii (professor of theology in Heidelberg and Groningcn,
f 1G44) Histo-
ria Ecclesiae Palatinae (ed. L. Chr. Mieg, in the Monumenta Pietatis et Literaria,
Fran-
cof. ad M., 1701. 4., p. 129). B. G. Struve (professor jur. in Jena) Pfaltzische
Kirchenhist
Frankf., 1721. 4., s. 6G. Salig, iii. 439. Planck, v. ii. 329. L. Hausser's Gesch. d. rhein!
Pfalz, ii. 7. D. Seisen's Gesch. d. Reform, in Heidelberg, Held., 1846, s. 76 Ebrard
ii. 585.
" Corp. Eef., ix. 763. [In substance they use the term Zwinglians
:
by way of re-
proach, and make a distinction between old and new Zwinglians, not defining the latter.
— ;
They would be esteemed the most cordial haters of Popery, j'et have not a word to say
about their most gross idolatry and besides this, thej- advocate such propositions as not
;
even papists have done, viz., that the bodj- of Christ is in all places, in stone and wood.
If this be so, what were the difference between this saci-ament and other things.] " 5.
Von Zwingliancrn haben sie einen verdachtigen Titel gemacht, alte und neue Zwinglia-
ner, und sagen doch nicht, was sie neue Zwinglianer nennen. Nun wollen sie gehalten,
seyn die allerfreudigsten Papstfresser, und durfen nicht ein Wort sagen von diescr al-
lergrobsten Abgotterei, namlich dass ausser deni eingesetzten Branch nicht Sacrament
seyn kann, sondern stilrken papistische Abgotterei, und setzen dennoch etliche proposi-
tiones, welche niemand in der Kirche von Aufang, aucb die Piipstischen nicht, gesetzt
haben, namlich dass der Leib Christi an alien Orten sey, in Stej-n und Holz. So nun
:
dieses also wiire, was wijrde Unterscheid sej-n zwischen diesem Sacrament und andern
—
Dingen ?" " 6. Vom freien Willen ist ofFentlich, dass sie mich, Philippum, furnehmlich
anfeehten. Davon thue ich diesen Bericht. Ich hab bei Leben Lutheri und hernach
diese Stoica und Manichaea deliria verworfen, dass Luther und andre geschrieben ha-
ben alle Werk, gut und boss, in alien Menschen, guten und bossen, miissten also ge-
:
schehen. Nun ist offentlich, dass diese Eede wider Gottes Wort ist, und ist schadlich
wider alle Zucht, und lasterlich wider Gott. Darum habe ich mit fleissiger Nachtrach-
tung Unterscheid gesetzet, wiefern der Mensch freien Willen hat, ausserliche Zucht zu
halten, auch vor der Wiedergeburt." [In substance he, Philip, had been particularly
:
attacked about free-will. But even in Luther's life he had rejected the Stoica and Ma-
nichaea deliria, written by Luther and others, that all deeds, good and bad, must occur
as the}' do, which is against God's word, and blasphemous he had tried to show how
;
far man, even before regeneration, had free-will to maintain external discipline.] (The
Pomeranian General Superintendent, Jac. Rungius, a pupil of Melancthon, related about
the Worms Conference, 1557; see Balthasar's Hist, des torgischen Buchs, St. 5, s. 32:
Cum damnarent Illyricum in doctrina de libero arbi-
Pontificii a nostris flagitarent, ut
trio, Osiandrum Calvinum in doctrina de Coena Domini,
in doctrina de justificatione, et
ct Brentius cum plerisque aliis a condemnando Illj-rico non alienus esset respondit D. ;
Philippus, non esse in eo obsequendum Papistis, qui sub nomine Illyrici Lutheri con-
demnationem vafre a nostris flagitarent. Sibi Lutheri mentem et sententiam in doctrina
liberi arbitrii esse notam, damnare igitur eam nee posse, nee velle.) Wie wir nun leh-. —
—
ren von der Bekehrung oder Wiedergeburt, referiren wir uns auf unsre Schriften.
Nun sagen wir, es soil der Mensch beide Predigt bctrachten, Gesetz und Evangelium
und so er sich trostet mit dem Evangelic und Trost in rechtem Schmerzen fiihlet, ist ge-
wiss, dass Gott den heil. Geist in das Herz gibt, der alsdann wirket. Und ist also der —
heil. Geist arrabo und das Pfand im Trost, und blcibet die Regel praecedente gratia :
comitante voluntate. Denn beides ist wahr Wenn der Mensch wilre Avie ein Block, so
:
ware kein Streit. Item, so sich der Wille vom Trost abwenden mag, so ist dagegen zu
verstehen, dass er etwas wirket, und folget dem heil. Geist, so er den Trost annimmt.
Et rcjiciens rejicit sua voluntate, nee Dens est causa, quod voluntas rejicit. Item, do-
—
nee voluntas omnino repugnat, nulla est conversio. Wir sprechen, der Gefiillene soil
in der Reue und Angst die Verheissung der Gnade betrachten dadurch wirket Gott,
;
gibt ein Fiinklein des Glaubens, dass Trost u. Streit anfahet. Hie schreiet Illyricus,
Stolz und sein Bruder Gallus von der Erwiihlung: Avas hilft diese Verheissung diesen,
die nicht erwiihlet sind ? —
So sind dergleichen Trostschriften, durcli Lutherum gestellt,
noch in seinen epistolis zu finden, und haben ich und Andere oft in Gegenwiirtigkeit
gehoret, dass er selbst Andere also getrostet hat sie sollten sich an die Promission hal-
:
ten, welche ist universalis, und soUen Avir uns selbst nicht ausschliessen." [In sub-
stance Man is to have respect to both laAV and Gospel
:
if he has comfort in the Gos-
;
pel, with real sorroAv for sin, God is working in his heart by the Spirit. The Holy Ghost
is the arrabo, and pledge of comfort ;
—
the rule is praecedente gratia, comitante volun-
tate. If man Avere a block, there Avere no controversy ; there is activity both in opposing
and 3-ielding to the Holy God works in and by the repentance of the fallen, and
Spirit.
giA'es a glimmer of grace for comfort. And such comfort Luther, too, preached and
talked about, exhorting to hold fast to the promise, Avhich is universal,] Joach. Came-
PART II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 37. MELANCTHON, 1559. 449
but more fully against all the old and new errors of the times^^ in
rarius was also asked by the Elector to give a memorial oa the matter, and handed one
in, Feb. 15, 1559, wholly agreeing with Melancthon; it is iu the Neue Beitriige von
alten und neuen Theol. Sachen, 1754, s. 721.
^' Mel. Testamentum, 18. Apr., 1560, C. R., ix. 1098 Confessionem fidei et gratiarum:
actionem ad Deum et dominum nostrum J. Chr. scripseram ante bis, sed chartae sunt
interceptae. Volo taraen confessionem meam esse responsiones de Bavaricis articulis
contra Pontificios, Anabaptistas, Flacianos et similes. The Responsiones appeared in
Viteb., 1559. 8. ; reprinted in 0pp. Mel., i. 3G0, and in Corp. Doctrinae Misnicum, p. 891.
De XXII. Art. An credant in Iiomine esse liberum arbitriuni? liesp. Etiam iu homine
non renato est aliqua libertas voluntatis, quod attinet ad externa opera facienda. — Ego,
ut intelligi possit, dici de externis gestibus, et ut disputationes quasdam obscuras prae-
teream, nomine earn libertatem regendae locomotivae. — Ilaec
quae rectio locomotivae,
est facere opera externa legi Dei congruentia, nominatur usitate externa disciplina,
quam severe praecipi a Deo manifestum est. —
Simul autem sciendum est, hanc liberta-
tem regendae locomotivae etiam hoiTibiliter impediri duabus rebus, praesertim in impiis,
videlicet humana infirmitate et impulsionibus diabolorum. — Palara etiam rejicio et de-
testor Stoicos et Manichaeos furores, qui affirmant, omnia necessario fieri, bonas et ma-
las actiones, de quibus omitto hie longiores disputationes. Tantum oro juniores, ut fu-
giant has monstrosas opiniones, quae sunt contumeliosae contra Deum, et perniciosae
moribus. — Recitata vera senteutia de hoc gradu libertatis in non renatis profiteri et hoc
necesse est contra Pelagianos et Monachos, hanc disciplinam nequaquam esse impletio-
nem quae concionatur do perfecta conformitate cum Deo, et interiore et exte-
legis Dei,
riore obedientia, nee esse inchoationem interioris obedientiae, nee esse justitiam coram
Deo, nee tollere peccata, nee mereri remissionem peccatorum. Non possunt tolli pecca- —
tum et mors llbero arbitrio hominum, nee potest voluntas humana inchoare interiorem
obedientiam sine Filio Dei, sine Evangelio, et sine Spiritu sancto. Talis non est libertas
huraanae voluntatis. Sed tamen in renatis qualis sit libertas, considerandum est, quia
non est minor libertas in Joseph, quam in Scipione. Simul etiam considerandum est,
quid intersit inter castitatem Joseph et castitatem Scipionis. Etiamsi foris haec opera —
videntur similia, tamen intus causae dissimiles sunt, Filius Dei accendens cogitationem
in mente per doctrinam, et Spiritus sanctus excitans motus in corde, qualis ipse est, et
—
voluntas obtemperat volens, non coacta. Persona justa est sola fide propter Mediato-
rem deinde placet obedientia, quae est justitia bonae conscientiae, quae regitur invoca-
:
tione Dei et Spiritu sancto, et est fructus Spiritus sancti, et cultus Dei, quia petitur, sen-
titur et praedicatur auxilium Dei, et ostenditur, quod Deo hie honos tribuatur, qui in
—
credente propter Filium placet. Manifestum est et varie oppugnari fidem in illis ipsis
quoque, qui ad Deum conversi, renati et sancti sunt, cum aut adspiciunt suam infirmi-
tatem, aut disputant de electione. opus est labore quaerente dicta, quae Deus
Ilis certe
consolationis causa proposuit. —
Sicut igitur etiam conversi postea consolatione erigendi
sunt, ita in ipsa conversione dicendum est lis, qui jam habent dolores, ne maneant ia
dubitatione, donee vi cogantur credere, sed audiant et cogitent Evangelium, quo Deus,
est efficax et trahit corda, et sciant se tunc esse illos auditores, ad quos dictum est ve~ :
nite ad me omnes, qui laboratis et onerati estis, et ego rejiciam vos. Sed dicunt illi dlspu- —
tatores, Evangelium tantum ad electos pertinere. Ad id rcspondeo etsi non omnes ac- :
cipiunt consolationem, —
tamen promissio est universalis, et ccrtum est pertinere earn ad
—
omnes, qui cam accipiunt. Donee enim omnino repugnat voluntas, nulla facta est con-
versio. Ideo inquit Chrysostomus cXkei fxeu 6 Stos, (3ov\6/j.evou ok HXkii. Alii non vo-
: —
lunt videri tollere doctrinam, et tamen removent consolationem, quae inchoatur verbo,
cum disputant promissionem particularem esse, et ponunt contradictorias voluntates in
Deo. His oppono dictum Jides ex auditu est. Et quae potest esse fides, si depellatur
:
mens a promissione his fulminibus fortassis nihil ad te pertinet promissio, exspecta

:
violentos raptus et coactioncm. —

Vidimus ipsum Lutherum iu suo quodam agone ego et
alii saepc repetentem hoc dictum conclusit omnes sub peccatum, ut omniimi misereatur.
:
—
Et tamen simul fateor, plurima Deum in omnibus Sanctis ita agere, ut voluntas tantum
VOL. IV. —29
:
450 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.— A.D. ISlT-ieiS.
his Responsiones ad impios Articulos Bavaricae Inquisitionis, Au-

gust, and in the memorial drawn up by request of the Elect-
1559 ;
or Palatine, Frederick III., November 1, 1559,*° he counseled that
sitsubjectum patiens. Interea tamen regula tenenda est: Jides ex auditu est; cogitati-
one promissionis nos siisteutemus, repugnemus diiBdentiae, et inter veros gemitus dica-
iinis : Domine, opem fer imheciUitati meae. Art. XXIII. An sola fide homo justifi-
credo,
retur. —Etsi verum
est, cum in conversi(tae fit vera cousolatio fide per Spiritum sanctum,
habitare Deum in cordibus, et inchoari novam obedientiam tamen semper statuendum

;
est, in hac vita personam justam esse coram Deo sola fide, i. e., habere remissionem
peccatorum et reconciliationem sen imputationem justitiae, placere seu acceptam esse

personam Deo ad vitam aetemam, et haeredem vitae aeternae sola fide, i. e., fiducia
Mediatoris ut, quanquam in Paulo renato habitat Deus, et sunt excellentes virtutes,
;
tamen quia adhuc in eo peccatum est in hac vita, persona habet remissionem peccato-
—
nim, et est justa, placens Deo, et accepta ad vitam aeternam sola fide, i. e., propter
solum Slediatorem. Art. XXIV. An credant bona opera facta in dilectione esse merita
vitae aeternae ? —
Utor docendi causa his tribus admonitionibus in hac re 1. Necesse: —
est in conversione statuere, quod J)ersona placeat Deo propter Filium gratis sola fide.
2. Agnoscamus, nos nequaquam legi satisfacere, sed haerere in nobis adhuc multa pec-
cata, et has sordes vero dolore deploremus, 3. Sciamus tamen inchoandam esse obedi-
entiam, et oportere in nobis esse bonum propositum non faciendi contra conscientiam.
Et banc inchoatam obedientiam, quanquam languidam, tamen etiam placere propter
Mediatorem in conversis, qui et repugnant infirmitati suae, et credunt, earn sibi remitti
propter Mediatorem. Haec esercitia fidei in quotidiana invocatione considerentur. Et
quanquam haec obedientia nequaquam meretur vitam aeternam, tamen juxta promissi-
ones de operibus date et dabitur vobis, et similes habet in hac vita praemia spiritualia
:
et corporalia, juxta consilium Dei, mitigationem multarum publicarum et privatarum

calamitatum. Refutatio Serveti on the two natures in Christ Caste et reverenter usi-
:
—
tatae formae loquendi in Ecclesia retinendae sunt. Nequaquam dicitur in abstracto
natura divina est humana sed in concrete dicitur Deus est homo, cum de Christo
; :
nato ex virgine loquimur. Item Deus est natus ex virgine, Deus est passus. Et no-
:
minatur haec forma loquendi communicatio idiomatum, quae est praedicatio, in qua
proprietas unius naturae dicitur de persona in concreto, et significatur, in Christo duas
esse naturas, non tantum ita, ut altera sit socia et separabilis, sicut in Elia et aliis Sanc-
tis adest Deus societate ut auxiliator et separabiliter, sed sic, quod Xoyos assumserit
humanam naturam miranda unione inseparabili et personali. — Haec breviter adjeci, ut
piicommonefiant de veteribus Ecclesiae certaminibus et judiciis, et cogitent de fontibus.
Supra recitavi dictum Petri, qui ait, Christum passum carne, et addidi alia quaedam
Vetera dicta, quae sint in conspectu, et opponantur Stenckfeldii (Schwenckfeld) et alio-
rum clamoribus, qui audacter similia spargunt Eutychianis, et delent doctrinam de com-
municatione idiomatum. In his quorundam tanta est petulantia, ut fingant duplicem
communicationem idiomatum, aliam dialecticam, aliam phj'sicam, quae est confusio
naturarum.
*" Eesponsio Ph. Mel. ad Quaestionem de Controversia Heidelbergensi, C. R., ix. 961
Non difficile, sed periculosum est respondere. Dicam tamen, quae nunc de controversia
illius loci monere possum et oro Filium Dei, ut et consilia, et eventus gubernet.
: Non
dubium est, de controversia Coenae ingentia certamina et bella in toto orbe terrarum
secutura esse, quia mundus dat poenas idololatriae et aliorum peccatorum. Ideo peta-
mus, ut Filius Dei nos doceat et gubernet. Cum autem ubique multi sint infirmi, et
nondum instituti in doctrina Ecclesiae, Imo confirmati in erroribus necesse est initio
;
habere rationem infirmomm. Probo igitur consilium Illustrissimi Electoris, quod rix-
antibus utrinque mandavit silentium, ne distractio fiat in tenera Ecclesia, et infirmi tur-
bentur in illo loco, et vicinia et optarim, rixatores in utraque parte abesse. Secundo,
:
remotis contentiosis prodest reliquos de una forma verborum convenire. Et in hac con-
troversia optimum osset retinere verba Pauli : panis, quern frangimus, Kowwvia ten i
—1
PART II.-CHAP. I.-LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 37. MELANCTHON, 1.559. 45
an end should "be put to the controversy ahout the Lord's Supper,
which most aroused popular feeling, by an earnest prohibition of
the discussion of all needless questions.
Frederick III. adopted this advice of Melancthon as the rule of
his procedure ; and, as he prescribed the formula —that the body
of Christ is received with the bread —
for the Church in the Pa-
latinate, and at the same time had no objection to ecclesiastical

fellowship with the Swiss, in the eyes of the strict Lutherans he
seemed have avowed himself wholly on Calvin's side. Thus
to
he was necessarily driven more and more toward the Swiss;

and he also changed the church ordinances after the Swiss pat-
t^-n, 1560." The Palatinate was reputed to be Calvinistic, al-
though had not adopted the most characteristic features of Cal-

it
vin's —
system his doctrine of predestination and form of church
government. The adjacent Wiirtemberg was so roused up by
these events, that John Brenz, the leader of its clergy, who had
hitherto been so circumspect in the midst of the controversies,^^
at a synod in Stuttgart, December 19, 1559, procured the adop-
Tov rrwfiuTos. Et copiose de fructu Coenae dicendum est, ut invitentur homines ad

amorem hujus pigaoris, ^t crebrum usum. Et vocabulum Koivtovia declarandum est.
Non dicit, mutari naturam panis, ut Papistae dicunt non dicit, ut Bremenses, panem
;
esse substantiale corpus Cbristi non dicit, ut Heshusius, panem esse verum corpus
;
Christi sed esse Koivoiviav, i. e., hoc, quo fit consociatio cum corpore Christi, quae fit
:
in usu, et quidem non sine cogitatione, ut cum mures panem rodunt. —

Adest Filius Dei
in ministerio Evangelii, et ibi certo est efficax in credentibus, ac adest non propter pa-
nem, sed propter hominem, sicut inquit: manete in me, et ego in vobis ; item: ego sum in
pa/re meo, et vos in me, et ego in vobis. Et in his veris consolationibus facit nos sibi
membra, Sic declarant veteres Coe-
et testatur, se corpora nostra vivificaturum esse.
nam Domini. Sed hanc veram et simplicem doctrinam de fructu nominant quidam co-
thumos, et postulant dici, an sit corpus in pane, aut speciebus panis ? Quasi vero Sa-
cramentum propter panem, et illam papisticam adorationem institutum sit. Postea fin-
gunt, quomodo includant pani alii conversionem, alii transsubstantiationem, alii ubi-
;
quitatem excogitarunt. Haec portentosa omnia ignorata sunt eruditae vetustati.

Quae si nova sunt in Ecclesia, cogitandum est, an recentioribus licuerit novum dogma
invehere in Ecclesiam. Nee ego ignoro, multa citari notha sub veterum titulis (comp.
§ 36, Notes 15, 19, § 37, Note 20), de quibus eruditi judicent. Nee vero jam institui
longam disputationem, nee cum contentiosis, qui idola et parricidia stabiliunt, disputare
volo, quorum saevitiam et ego experior. Sed tantum pro meo judicio significare volui,
quid in illo loco pro infirmitate tenerae Ecclesiae faciendum esse existimem. Ac maneo
in hac sententia, contentiones utrinque prohibendas esse, et forma verborum una et
simili utendum esse. Si quibus haec non placent, nee volunt ad communionem acce-
dere, his permittatur, ut suo judicio utantur, modo non fiant distractiones in populo.
*' Literatur, see Note 37. Heppe, Character der Deutsch-Reformirten Kirche, in the
theol. Studien u. Krit., 1850, iii. 684.
** See above, Note 27. Planck, v. ii. 390. Ebrard, ii. 646. [Comp. Brenz, Selbst-
apologie fiir seine Rechtglaubigkeit, by Dr. G. Veesenmeyer, in the Zeitschrift f. die
historische Theologie, I860.]
452 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I—A.D, 1517-1648.
tion, not only of the strict Lutheran doctrine about the Lord's
Supper, but also of the declaration of the absolute ubiquity of the
body of Christ.^^ Thereupon, too, he gave the first precise devel-
opment of this doctrinal point, and a wholly new shape to the
doctrine of the communicatio idiornattim.^'^ Melancthon uttered
*^ Confessio et Doctrina Theologorum et Ministrorum Verbi Dei in Ducatu Wirtem-
bergensi de vera Praesentia Corporis et Sanguinis J. Ciir. in Coena Dominica, German
and Latin in Pfaffii Acta Wirtembergicae (Tubing., 1720.
et Scripta publica Ecclesiae
4.), p. 334: Firmiter credimus et docemus, in Coena Domini cum pane et vino virtute
verbi seu institutione Christi veruni corpus et verum sanguinem Domini nostri J. Chr.
vere ac substantialiter exhiberi omnibus Coena Domini utentibus, ut, quemadmodum
ministri manu exhibentur, ita ore manducantis et bibentis accipiantur. Dum vero banc —
veri corporis et sanguinis Cbristi veram praesentiam statuimus, nullam corporis et san-
guinis ejus cum pane et vino commixtionem, nullam in pane localem inclusionem asse-
rimus, sed sacramentali unione talem praesentiam docemus, quae verbo Cliristi definita
est. Accipiens enim panem, dixit hoc est corpus meum ; accipiens calicem dixit hie
: :
est sanguis mens. —

Quia vero ab his, qui veram in Coena Domini corporis et sanguinis
Christi praesentiam negant, articulus fidei de ascensu Christi in coelum, et sessione ejus
ad dexteram Dei Patris opponitur, ut, quoniam in coelo est, in Coena praesens esse ne-
getur nos hunc fidei articulum non nostris, sed Apostoli verbis quam simplicissime ex-
:
plicamus, ubi scribit qui descendif, idem ille est, qui etiam ascendit supra omnes coelos,
:
ut impleret omnia (Eph. iv. 10). Non enim sic in editiorem aliquem locum aeris vel fir-
mament! ascendit, ut ibi haereret, sed etiam in eam majestatem et gloriam ingressus
est, quae teste Apostolo est (Eph. i. 21) super omnem principatum, et potestatem, et virtu-
iem, et dominationem, et omne nomen, quod nominatur, non solum in hoc saeculo, sed etiam
infuturo. Itaque nullam humanae naturae diffusionem aut membrorum Christi distrac-
tionem imaginamur, sed hominis Christi majestatem explicamus, qua ad dexteram Dei
collocatus, non solum divinitate sua, sed homo Christus quoque implet omnia modo coe-
lesti et humanae rationi imperscrutabili, qua niajestate praesentia ejus in Coena non tol-
litur sed confirmatur. In the passage, Eph. iv. 10, the apostle is speaking, not de va- —
ticiniorum impletione, sed de majestate Christi, qua nunc in gloria Patris omnibus rebus
praesens est, et res omnes ill? praesentes. Its connection with the fifth section of the
ducal Saxon Refutation is not to be mistaken (see above, § 34).
** Brenz wrote as early as the beginning of 1560 his work De Personali Unione dua-
rum Naturarum in Christo, which, however, was not published till 1561. 4. (see J. Brenz
bj- Hartmann and Jiiger, ii. 380), reprinted in Brentii 0pp., viii. 831. Cf. p. 834 Quam- :
quam divina substantia non mutetur in humanam, et unaquaeque suas habet proprieta-
tes, tamen hae duae substantiae ita sunt in unam personam in Christo conjunctae, ut
altera ab altera reipsa nunquam dividatur. P. 835 Ut ubicunque est Deltas, ibi etiam
:
sit huraanitas Christi. P. 83G : Quid obsecro prohibet, quo minus

id, quod convenit uni
substantiae per hoc conveniat alteri per accidens, ut Dialcctici loquuntur ? Vetus
se,
et verus sermo est do Christo, quod quicquid convenit Filio Dei per naturam, hoc conve-
niat filio hominis per gratiam. P. 837 Etsi humana substantia obnoxia est passioni et
:
morti, tamen haeci proprietas non inhaeret homini, ut ea mutata mutetur et hominis
sic
substantia. ^Homines in sua resurrectione retinent veram et perfectam humanam sub-
stantiam. Quod si haec proprietatum seu accidentium mutatio non mutat rei substan-
tiam, quomodo non posset etiam immutata nianere substantia corporis, etiamsi alicubi
non esset localiter in loco, cum in loco esse non sit corporis substantia, sed tantum pro-
prietas substantiae accidentaria P. 838 Etsi humanam naturam extra Christum, et
.' :
—
juxta ph}'sicas rationes in nno tantum loco esse oportet, et Christus suscepit tempore
ministerii et conversationis suae in hoc mundo humanas (propter peccatum) imbecilli-
tates, ac fuit corpore suo, pro conditione hujus mundi, in loco circumscriptive tamen :
interea hypostatica unio non fuit dissoluta, ut, ubicunque fuit deitas Christi, ibi non se-
;
PART II.— CH. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 37. CHRIST'S UBIQUITY. 453
in vain his warnings to the Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg,*^

and soon greeted with joy the summons which released him from
cum habuerit etiam humanitatem suara, idque non localiter, sed repletive. Nou tri- — —
buimus Clu-isto uuilta et varia corpora, nee tribuimus corpori ejus localem extensionem
aut diftusionem, sed evehimus ipsum ultra hunc corporalem mundum, extra omnem
creaturam et locum, et coUocamus juxta conditionem hypostaticae unionis in coelesti
majestate quam etsi tempore carnis suae in hoc saeculo dissimulavit, seu ea sese, ut
:
Paulus loquitur, exiuauivit, tamen nunquam ea caruit. Porro ex hac admiranda et in- —
effabili unione oritur Celebris ilia in ecclesiasticis scriptoribus communicatio idiomatum.
— Existimant multi, quod, cum dicitur, inter divinam et humanam naturam Christi esse
oommunicationem idiomatum, intelligendum sit, esse tantum communicationem propri-
etatum vocabulorum, et non proprietatum rerum. Ac veteres recte quidem docuerunt,
quantum ego hactenus judicare possum, de communicatione idiomatum. Scholastici
autem et recentiores nonnulli, cum dicunt personam Christi non habere ubique secum
unitam humanitatem, videntur affirmare, in Christo esse tantum communicationem ver-
balem, non realem. —
His fiet tandem Christus homo non verus Deus, sed tantum nuncu-
pativus et patietur pro peccatis nostris Deus Christus non vere, sed tantum sermone.
;
Nos autem intelligimus in hac materia per idiomata.non tantum vocabulorum, sed etiam<
rerum proprietates ut, cum per communicationem idiomatum de Christo dicimus, Deum
:
esse passum et mortuum, non sit sententia, quod Deus Verbum dicatur tantum sermone
vocabuli pati et mori, res autem ipsa nihil prorsus ad Deum pertineat, sed quod Deus,
etsi natura sua nee patitur, nee moritur, tamen passionem et mortem Christi ita sibi
commune"bi faciat, ut propter h3'postatieam unionem passioni et morti personaliter ad-
sit, et non aliter, ut sic dicam, afficiatur, quam si ipse pateretur et moreretur.— Sic etiam
—
idiomata tov \6yov praedieantur non verbis tantum inanibus, sed etiam vere et reipsa
de carne Christi. Sola Deitas est vivifica, et tamen etiam caro Christi est vivifica, ha-
betque vim vivificam, non quidem e sua carnis natura, sed ex natura deitatis, cui per-
sonaliter est unita. P. 847 : Si deitas et humanitas Christi una sunt et inseparabilis
persona, certe negari non potest, quin, cum Filius Dei assumpsit in utero matris filium
hominis in unitatem personae, continuo evexerit et collocaverit eum in ea majestate et
gloria, in qua ipse ab aeterno apud patrem suum fuit. —
Itaque et turn ascendit Filius
hominis in coelum, et est deinceps in coelo, etiamsi in terra omni contumeliarum genere
afficiatur. P. 848 Vere passus est humanos dolores, vere mortuus est interea tamen
: :
retinuit suam majestatem auctoritative, —

quam suo tempore patefecit executive. Acce-
dit et illud, quod etsi tempore humilitatis suae non ostentavit suramam suam, quam
habuit, majestatem, tamen non omnino earn sic dissimulavit, ut non aliquoties praesen-
tiam ejus manifestis argumentis testificaretur. Nam et XL diebus ac noctibus jejuna-
vit, et super aquas ambulavit, et invisibilem se reddidit, et tactu mortuos suscitavit, et
so coram discipulis suis coelesti gloria transformavit. P. 849 Dices autem si hypo- : :
statica unio duarum naturarum in Christo tantum valet, ut ubicunque est deitas, ibi
— —
etiam sit humanitas, non quidem locali diffusione, sed mirando et coelesti modo, quid
opus ut accipiam corpus et sanguinem Christi in Coena ab ipso instituta, cum ha-
erit,
beam domi panem et vinum, in quibus corpus et sanguis Christi praesentia sint, et liceat
mihi singulis diebus, imo et horis ea sumere? Sed audi vicissim. Etsi Christus sua
majestate una cum corpore et sanguine suo a tuo domestico pane et vino minime absit,
tamen ut sumas ea efRcaciter, verbum Christi sequendum est. Against the ubiquity,
H. BuUingeri Traetatio Verborum Domini, Jo. xiv. 2, Tiguri, 1561 it gave occasion ;
to the following controversial works Jo. Brentii Sententia de Libello BuUingeri, cui
:
Titulus est Traetatio, etc. Francof., 1561. 4. (0pp., viii. 868).— H. BuUingeri Respon-
:
sio, qua ostenditur, Sententiam de coelo et dextra Dei firmiteradhuc perstare, Tig., 1562.
—J. Brentius, De divina Majestate Christi. Francof., 1562. 4. (0pp., viii. 891). Peter
MartjT, too, and Beza, and, on the other side, Jac. Andreae, took part in this dispute
Planck, V. ii. 482 Baur's Dreieinigkeit, iii. 410.
:
*^ The Duke of Wiirtemberg, probably stimulated bj- Mel. Resp. ad Impios Art.
:
these entangling controversies,*^ which became more and more

threatening : he died April 19, 1560.
§ 38.
CONXmUATION OF THE CONTROVERSY TO THE FALL OF CRYPTO-CAL-

VINISM IN THE ELECTORATE OF SAXONY, 1574.
While the occurrences in the Palatinate and in Bremen were

giving new life to the controversy with the Calvinists, the doc-
trine of the ubiquity of Christ's body^ presenting the most im-
portant point in dispute, the synergistic disquietudes in Jena were
also on the increase. The theologians and clergy of that place,
invigorated by the accession of John Wigand and Matthew Judex,
1560, endeavored to uphold the principles of the Confutation (see
above) by an inquisitorial church discipline." At the colloquy be-
Bavar. Inquis., had made complaint, as early as November 3, 1559, to the Elector of
Saxony about the sacramentarian character of Melancthon's works (see the letter in
Sattler's Wiirtemb. Gesch., iv. 140), and asked for a sj-nod. Melancthon now sent to
him his Enarratio Epistolae ad Coloss. praelecta anno 1556, Viteb., 1559. 8. (0pp., iv.
324). Here it is said (0pp., iv. 358): Ascendit, scil. corporali et physica locatione,
in coelum ; i. e., in locum coelestem, ubicunque est, quia hie non sunt fingendae
allegoriae. Ascensio fuit visibilis et corporalis, et saepe ita scripsit tota antiquitas,
Christum corporali locatione in aliquo loco esse, ubicunque vult. Corpus localiter ali-
cubi est secundum veri corporis modum, ut Augustinus inquit. Mel. ad Hardenberg,
12. Jan., 1560, C. R., ix. 1029: Dux Wirtenbergensis me atrociter accusat, quod natu-
ras in Christo dirimam. Petivi non solum, ut me prius audiat quam condemnet, sed ut
simul veterem et puriorem Ecclesiam audiat ad G. Cracovium, 3. Febr., 1560, p. 1036
:
Legi decretum Abbatum Wirtebergensium, nee possum quale sit venustius significare,
quam si dicam esse Hechingense Latinum, cum oppidum Hechingen in vicinia illorum
Abbatum situm sit. — Illustr. Principi respondi breviter. — Si longior a me responsio
irspl iivai~t]pioov petitur, significabitis. Tempore enim opus
ad describenda Vetera
est
testimonia, et profecto invitus irEpl tov iravraxov dispute, quia multa /Jt/JjjXa turbant
mentes in vera cogitatione. Ad Hardenb., 9. Febr., 1560, p. 1046: Dux Wirtebergensis
misit formulam 'mpl pvarvploDv ad nostrum Principem, in qua retinet et pingit to ttuv-
Taxov. Petivit, ut exhiberetur his Academiis, sed non est exhibita.
*^ Causae cur minus abhorreas a morte, written bj- Melancthon (Corp. Ref., ix. 1098)
a few days before his death, on the left side of the leaf Discedes a peccatis. Liberabe-
:
ris ab aerumnis, et a rabie theologorum. On the right, Venies in lucem. Videbis Deum.
Intueberis Filium Dei. Disces ilia mira arcana, quae in hac vita intelligere non potu-
isti. Cur sic simus conditi. Qualis sit copulatio duarum naturarum in Christo. How —
the Catholics judged about these controversies maj- be seen in a verj- full account bj' the
Cardinal Bishop Von Culm, Stanislaus Hosius ad Henricum Brunsvicensem Ducem
dd. Tridenti, 24. Mart., 1562, in le Plat. Monum. ad Hist. Cone. Tridentini spectant.,
V. 124.
' See
§ 37, Note 44. Gesprach zwischen Wirtemberger und Pfalzer Theologen im
Kloster Maulbronn, 1564. Ebrard, ii. 666.
' Special excitement was caused by the refusal to allow the jurist, Matth. Wesenbe-
cius, to take the place of a godfather, in July, 1560 (the acts in J. J. Miiller's entdeck-
:
PAET II.— CH. I.-LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 38. SYNERGISTIC STRIFE. 455
tween Flacius and Striegel, in Weimar, August, 1560,^ the for-
mer, in his violence, make the assertion that original

was led to
sin is the very suhstance of human nature ;* many, and among

them the Duke John Frederick the Second, were made to waver
in their judgment about synergism. The latter, however, still
adhered so firmly to the Lutheran side, that, at the Diet of Naum-
burg, January, 1561, called by the Elector August to effect a re-
newal of the union of the princes upon the Augsburg Confession
in opposition to the Council of Trent, he and the Duke of Meck-
lenburg hesitated to subscribe unless the prevailing errors were
condemned.^ Soon afterward he found it necessary to change his
policy, that he might put an end to the disturbances in Jena.
He took away from the preachers the right of excommunication,

tes Staatscabinet, Erste Eroffnung, Jena, 1714, s. 38). The clergy demanded of him
(p. 43), ut categorice respondeam, utrum per omnia approbem, an non, librum (Confu-
tationis), —
et eorum conciones quotidiauas, quibus ejusmodi liber explicaretur, and re-
fused him the place of godfather because he hesitated to make this declaration ; Salig,
iii. 579. Planck, iv. 612.
3 Disputatio de Originali Peccato et Libero Arbitrio inter Matthiam Flacium Illj'r. et
Vict. Strigelium publico Vinariae anno 1560 habita (written out by Wigand) ed. Sim.
Musaeus, 1562, ed. 2, 1563. 4. (See Ed. Schmid, in Nieduer's Zeitschr. fiir hist. Theol.,
1849, i. 7). Here precede Flacii and Strigelii propositiones de libero arbitrio in the short :
Eelatio de Disputatione Vinariensi (fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen,

1740, s. 383) the positions of both parties were given de definitione Evangelii, de Ma-
;
jorismo, de Adiaphorismo, de academica epocha; in all which Striegel inclines to Me-

lancthon, and often makes use of just his positions. In Flacii Prop, de Libero Arbi-
trio 3. Homo spirituali hac lepra (ut Lutherus loqui solet) peniUis corruptus non tan-
:
—
tum amisit omnes bonas vires, scd et insuper contrarias et deterrimas acquisivit, seu —
est ad imaginem Satanae transformatus, ejusque charactere signatus, ac veneno penitus
infectus,*ita ut necessario sen inevitabiliter Deo ac verae pietati semper et vehementer
adversetur. 4. Solus Deus immensa misericordia per Verbum, Sacramenta et Spiritum
S. convertit hominem, trahit, illuminat, donat fidem, justificat, renovat, et ad bona
opera condit seu labefactata et mortificata ilia foeda Satanae imagine suam denuo in
:
nobis condit ac reformat, cor lapideum ac adamantinum excidit, ac novum, inscripta ei

sua lege aut imagine condit, non solum non cooperante ex se naturali aut Adamico
libero arbitrio, sed etiam contra furente ac fremente. Gratia Dei sum quicquid sum,
1 Cor., XV. In reply, Striegel 3. Vere igitur affirmo, hominem viribus naturalibus
:
sine Filio Dei, sanante nostra vulnera per Evangelium, et dante Spiritum Sanctum, ne
quidem inchoare posse veram et salutarem conversionem ad Deum. — —tamen non
4. ita
in nobis efficax est, ut invitum hominem subigat, sed ut subjectionis cupidum faciat
nee ut ignorantem trahat, sed ut intelligentem sequentemque praecedat. Donee enim
omnino repugnat voluntas, nulla potest Concurrunt igitur in conver-
fieri conversio. 5.
sione haec tria Spiritus sanctus, movens corda per vocem divinam et ipsa vox Dei co-
: ;
gitata, sive inter audiendum, sive in lectione, sive in pia meditatione, et voluntas homi-
nis, quae voci divinae inter trepidationem utcunque assentitur, simul petens auxilium
ab eo, qui ait : omncs qui lahoratis et onerati estis, et ego rejiciam vos. Salig,
venite ad vie
iii. 587. Planck, Ed. Schmid a. a. O. s. 26.
iv. 606.
* Disputatio, p. 26, 44. Ed. Schmid, in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1849, i. 60.
' Salig, iii. 652. Planck, vi. 213. Der Naumburgische Furstentag, oder wichtigc
Urkunden und Acten denselben betr., edited by J. H. Gelbke, Leipzig, 1793.
4oG FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
which Jena had been so much abused, and gave it instead, as

in
well as the censorship ofall published works, to a Consistory es-
tablished in Weimar.^ When the Flacianists now began to make

a noise about the subjection of the Church, and the suppression
of the pure doctrine, the Duke saw no other way for restoring the
endangered peace than by deposing the theological professors (the

latter part of 1561) and all preachers who agreed with them.''
The theological faculty was filled with Wittenberg divines.^
The controversies at Bremen produced no less disquietude.^
Hardenberg was banished in 1560 from the district of Lower
Saxony the strict Lutheran magistracy now called Simon Mu-
;
saus, who had just been driven from Jena, to be the Superintend-
ent of Bremen, to annihilate all traces of Calvinism. In a new
church order he tried to enforce the hierarchical pretensions
which had just Jena
cost and a new con-
him his place in ;
troversy threatened to spring Meanwhile the new burgo- up.^''
master, Daniel von Biiren, put an end to all this confusion, by

dismissing the Superintendent, and forbidding all polemics against
Hardenberg in the pulpit, 1562. The members of the Council
belonging to the opposite party fled from the city, and endeavor-
ed to raise a commotion against the sacramentarian Bremen but ;
the city steadfastly adhered to the principles which had given it

repose, and maintained them, too, in the agreement made in 1568
with those who had fled from them.^^
' Salig, iii. 652. Planck, iv. 621. Jo. Schmidt's Weimar. Gesetzsammlung. (Jena,
1801), ii. 310.
' Salig, iii. 843. Planclv, iv. 636. Striegel 'published a Declaration about his opin-
ions,and mediating Wiirtemberg divines a Superdeclaration but Striegel, by accept- ;
ing a professorship at Leipsic, gave up all prospect of reconciliation. Some forty

preachers were deposed because thej' adhered to the Confutation, and ignored these
Declarations. Salig, iii. 882. Planck, iv. 643. Schmid, in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1849,
i. 50.
^ In 1562, Joh. Stossel, who had studied at Wittenberg, and received the degree of
Master; in 1565, Selnecker, Frej'hub, and Salmuth. Salig, iii. 914.

' On them, see work of Gerdes, cited
§ 37, Note 23. Also Salig, iii. 716. Planck, v.
ii. 138 (Elard Wagner's Ref. preacher in Bremen), Dr. A. Hardenbergs im Dom zu
Bremen gefuhrtes Lehramt, Bremen, 1779, 4. Die Brem. Bi'irgermeister Dan. v. Biiren
d. alt., und Dan. v. Biiren d. jiingere bj' Dr. A. G. Deneken, Bremen, 1836.
'° Salig, iii. 783. Wagner, s. 361. J. II. Duntze's Gesch. d. freien Stadt Bremen.
Bd. 3. (Bremen, 1848), s. 294.
" March, 1568, in Liinig's Reichsarchiv, Part, special. Cent.,
Treatj' of Verden, 3d
iv. f. 255. The its adherence to the Augsburg Confession, the Apol-
cit}- here declared
ogj-, the Catechism of Luther, the Bremen Church Order, and the Frankfort Recess,
and allowed the refugees to come back, on their promise to give up all opposing claims.
Duntze, iii. 356.
PART II.— CH. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 38. CRYPTO-CALVINISTS. 457
As now, in consequence of these occurrences in the Palatinate

and inBremen, the controversy about the sacrament had become
the most important and living of all the doctrinal conflicts, and
as, at the same time, the a'greement of Melancthon and Calvin
upon the disputed doctrine had been made very evident the the- ;
ologians of the Saxon Electorate, who openly avowed themselves

the true disciples of Melancthon,^^ were stigmatized as Crypto-
Calvinists by the strict Lutherans. The Elector August, with
whom the son-in-law of Melancthon, Caspar Peucer, Professor of
Medicine and Physician in Ordinary to the Elector, had the great-
est influence even in theological matters, wished, as a true Lu-
theran, to keep far away from all Calvinism ; and yet he regard-
ed the Flacianists as exaggerated ultra Lutherans, hostile to his
house, and fomenters-only of disturbances. And so he was very
ready to believe, as to his theologians, that they adhered to the
Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper in all essential points,
and were opposed to the Flacianists only in rejecting some excres-
cences of this doctrine, particularly the ubiquity of Christ's body.
They, however, concealed from him that they found what was es-
sential in Calvin as well as in Luther;'^ and that, going beyond
'' The bookseller Vogeliii, in Leipzig, published there in 15G0, under the title Cor-
pus Doctrinae Christianae. in German and Latin, a collection comprising, besides the
three oecumenical Symbols, works of Melancthon alone; viz., the Augsburg Confession
and Apolog}-, the Saxon Confession (see Div. L, § 9, Note 27), the Loci Theologici, the
Examen Ordinandorum, and Responsiones ad impios art. Inquisit. Bavar. This Corpus
Doctrinae Misnicum or Philippicum was introduced into the churches bj- the Elector, on
the motion of the Leipsic Consistory (Loscher's Historia Motuum, iii. 197). Comp.
Balthasar's Historie des Torgischen Buchs, ii. 39 ; on the editions : Strobel's Literar-
gesch. V. Mel. Locis Theol., s. 267.
" The Reformed Simon Stenius, who studied at this time in Wittenberg, and was aft-
erward professor in Heidelberg, in his Oration, qua in Academia Heidelb. D. Casp. Peu-
ceri manibus parentatum est, Servestae, 1603. 4., p. 23, says, of the Wittenbergers and
their subsequent fall Nihil magis, ut ego puto, offendit Electorem magnanimum, quam
:
quod non diserte opinionem sacramentai'iam vulgo vocatam Peucerus vel probaret vel
improbaret, sed involucris quibusdam et ambiguis responsis dubium quaerentis animum
relinqueret, magis tuXdjSiiav soceri imitans, quam suae naturae morem gerens. Quae
prudens, ut turn existimabatur, temporique multorum opinione conveniens tergiversatio
etiam in aliis deprehendebatur. Memini ab Esromo (Riidinger, Professor of Natural
Science in Wittenberg) aliquando non leviter objurgari, quod nimis libere scntentiam
orthodoxam defenderem. Opus esse circumspectione politica, ne intempestiva irappr]-
aia rebus communibus noceat. Respondi ego simplici animo, me natura abhorrere a
simulandi studio, ac in veritatis divinae professione nihil loci esse ejusmodi artibus.
Addidi autem quasi vates aliquis et hoc vos dabitis aliquando poenas hujus politicae
:
cautionis vestrum erat, veritatem publice et aperte profiteri. Jam vultis a nobis in
;
scholis frangi glaciem, ut facilior exitus vobis pateat, et tamen indignamini, si quid aper-
tius a nobis proferatur. The jurist, Justus Jonas, the younger, in his letters to Duke
458 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1C48.
Melanctlion, they were becoming more and more impatient against

all the peculiarities of the Lutheran doctrine.^* They were, in
fact, complete Calvinists, though, in presence of their prince, they
tried to seem like genuine Lutherans".
The Elector August could only be confirmed in his satisfaction
with his divines, when he compared the peace that reigned in his
territories with the disturbances which the Flacianists had brought
into the land of Ernest. After John Frederick the Second, in his
rancor against the loss his house had sustained from William von
Grumbach, had become involved in enterprises disturbing the
peace, and so had fallen under the imperial ban, and had been
taken prisoner by the Elector August, April, 1567;'^ his brother
and successor, John William, in spite of his friendly relations with
the Elector, again revived the plan of making Jena the seat of
pure Lutheranism, dismissed the Wittenberg divines who had been
installed there, and called in their place the strict Lutherans, John
Wigand, John Frederick Coelestinus, Timothy Kirchner (1568),
and Tilem. Heshusius (1569).^^ A conference, set on foot by the
Elector and their Duke, between their divines, in Altenburg^"
(October, 1568 to March, 1569), was made the occasion, by the
Jena theologians, of uttering the most intemperate accusations
against the Philippists,^^ and of course widened the rupture. The
Albert of Prussia, 1561 sq., also bitterly blames the dissimulation of the Wittenbergers,
who j-et condemned Calvin
held to the truth in Calvin's sense, and Job. Voigt's Brief-
;
wechsel der beriihmtesten Gelehrten mit H. Albrecht, s. 403, 406.

'* Compare the conduct of Peucer and of the theologians in the matter of
Conrad
Schliisselburg, a student of Wittenberg, when he wished to take the degree of Master.
Since he would not grant that the divines taught pure doctrine, he was sent off in Janu-
arj-, 1568, and in March the anathema, too, was published against him Schliisselburg,
:
Catal. Haer., xiii. 609, 730 Mohnike's Kirchen- u. Literarhist. Stiidien u. Mittheilun-
;
gen, Bd. 1, Heft 2 (Stralsund, 1825), s. 239.

*^ K. A. Menzel's Neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, iv. 342. Joh. Voigt's Wilh. v. Grum-
bach d. s. Handel, in Raumer's Hist. Taschenbuch, 1847, s. 145.
*^ E. Schmid, in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1849, i. 58. The negotiations upon the call to
Heshusius, whose dismissal from the post of court preacher to the Duke Palatine of
Neuburg was refused, see in J. J. Muller's entdecktes Staats-Cabinet, funfte Eroffnung,
s. 43.
'' Collection of the Acts Colloquium zu Altenburg in Meissen, Jena, 1569. fol. Col-
: ;
loquium Altenburgense de Articulo Justificationis, Jenae, 1570. 4. In reply Ganze :
und unverfalschte Acta des Colloquli zu Altenburg, Wittenberg, 1570. fol. Acta Collo- ;
quii Aldeburgensis, Lips., 1570. fol. G. F. Loeberi ad Hist. Colloquii Alleburg. Ani-
;
madversiones ex Documentis genuinis partim nunc primum editis erutae, Alteburgi,

1776. 4. ; Planck, vi. 334.
'®
Enumeration of the Philippist corruptions of the doctrine of justification, see the
Wittenberg. Acten, F. 12 " 1. That we are justified before God bj' both impiitationc and
:
inchoatione at once. 2. We are chiejly justified by faith. 3. That good works are neces-
PART II.— CH. I.—LDTHEKAN CHURCH. § 38. CRYPTO-CALVINISTS. 459
Elector August was so indignant at this, that he demanded of his

sary to salvation. 4. That by good works we have salvation and justification. 5. That
—
we are not to contend about the word sola in the proposition we are justified through
faitli alone (sola). 6. a difference between justification and salvation. 7.
That there is
That the righteousness of the Christian, by which he is justified before God, is in this
life imperfect. 8. That eternal life is given for good works. 9. That salvation and
justification are received through faith and confession." Thej' afterward set aside the?
Corpus Doctrinae Misnicum as unsound. F. 276 [In substance 1. Because the copies
: :
of the first Augsburg Confession of 1530, but a

iqipression did not contain the original
copy never approved bj' the estates and in the second impression the two are mixed
;
up and that the author (Melancthon) had no right to make the changes of his own
;
will. —
And, besides, Philip had so altered it as to open a window for the Calvinists to
get in; and Papists, too, maj-^ take advantage of this.] "1. Dass die Exemplar und
Biicher des ersten Drucks die wahre alte Confession, so anno 30 zu Augspurg Kaiser
Karl ubergeben, nicht haben, sondern an derselben Statt eine solche Confession, die zu
Augspurg weder geschrieben noch ubergeben, oder von den Stiinden Augspurgischer
Confession approbirt und unterschrieben worden. Im andern Druck aber beruhrtes
Corporis doctrinae werden zwei Exemplar der wahren, rechten und unrechten Augspur-
gischen Confession in einander gemenget. Nu hat aber der Autor oder Schreiber des-
selben Buchs nicht Macht gehabt, dasselbe als sein eigen Buch, darum seines Gefallens,
—
zu corrigiren. Uber das so hat Philippus so oft gedachte Augspurgische Confession gQ-
andert, dass er auch endlich den Sacramentirern und Calvinisten ein Fenster aufgethan
in dieselbe einzuschleichen. Man mag
traun zusehen, dass nicht etwan mit der Zeit die
Papisten auch ein solch Schlupfloch finden, sich in dieselbige mit einzudrehen." Comp.
above, § 36, Note 33. After these con'uptions have been pointed out in the Corpus Doc-
go on to say about Melancthon that he should not be held to be equal to
trinae, the}'
Luther, and that he himself confessed that he wanted to bring Luther's doctrines into
his manual [and that he was worthj' of honor so far as he did this truly, but in error
when introducing philosophy and fleshly wisdom]. "Wo er nu solches recht, rein und
Ehren und Danks werth so oft er sich aber die Philo-
treulich thut, ist er warlich aller :
sophiam, menschliche Vernunft und fleischliche Weisheit, liisst anderswohin verleiten,

da ists ofFenbar, dass er nicht gerade zugehe, sondern irre und strauchle." They then
refer to Melancthon's indecision about Carlstadt's vagaries, and also in Augsburg. " Es
bezeuget auch gnugsam die einige Disputation, darinnen Lutherus die piipstische Pro-
position von Nothwendigkeit guter Werk zur Seligkeit aus der Kirchen verworfen und
verdammt, und die Aenderung und Unterdriickung derselben Dictaten Philippi durch
Lutherum erlangt, wie oft Philippus hab aus der Bahn springen wollen, und docb vom
Luthero zuriickgezogen und gehalten wortlen. (Comp. above, § 36, Note 25.) Wie auch
Philippus die Sacramentirer in ihrer Schwiipnerei .gestarkt, bezeuget nicht allein Cal-
vinus in tiffentlichen ausgegangenen Schriften, sondern auch der Brief an den Churfiir-
sten Pfalzgrafen, und etliche andere an Hardenbergium. —
Wie er sich auch zur Zeit
des Interims gehalten, und was
den Papisten nachgegeben und eingeraumet, beweiset
er
nicht allein sein Brief an Carolovicium geschrieben (see § 36, Note 37), welcher Kaiser-
licher Majestilt selbst zu lesen gegeben, und schier durch ganz Europam ausgesprenget
worden, sondern auch seine Schriften und Rathschlage den Actis synodicis einverleibet.
Letzlich so werfen uns die Papisten selbst, und nicht ohne Ursach fiir, dass Philippus
seine Biicher, sonderlich da Lutherus alt worden, und aus diesem Leben abgeschieden,
so oft geandert, gemindert und gemehret." [That Luther condemned, at Augsburg,
the papal proposition about the necessity of good works to salvation, and demanded
a change in Philip's dictata; and that Melancthon was kept straight only by Luther.
And then, too, Philip strengthened the sacramentarians (Calvinists), as is seen in sev-
eral of his writings. He also yielded to the papists in the matter of the Interim, as is
seen in his letter to Carolovicius, which went the rounds of Europe, etc. And the pa-
pists, too, reproach us with the fact that Philip altered his works too much, especially
after Luther had grown old.]

4 GO FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
clergy, besides their pledge to adopt the Corpus Doctrinae Philip-

picum, a formal abjuration of Flacianism.^^
The Ultra- Lutherans felt the blow severely, when some of them,
and even their very leader, Flacius, in their exaggerations, were
carried beyond the boundaries of orthodoxy. In spite of all the
warnings of his friends, Flacius did not give up his opinion that
original sin is the very substance of the human soul qn the con-
;
trary, in 1567 he set it forth at length as a most weighty doctrine,

not yet sufficiently recognized in its important bearings on the
purity of the doctrine of the Church.^" And thus he at last com-
*' Thej' were obliged to sign a declaratiou (given in Loscher's Hist. Motuum, iii.
21)
accepting the Corpus Doctrinae, and also to declare " Ich bin audi den Flacianischen
:
Illj'risclien und Schwar-

fahrlichen Irrthum, ziinkischen Geschmeiss, giftigen Gebeiss
merej', damit dieser Lande Schulen und Kirchen von dem erdichteten und angegebenen
Adiaphorismo, Synergismo, und Majorismo, und andern falschen Auflagen beschweret,
nicht anhangig, hab auch nicht Gefallen darob, und will auch hinfortan mit Gottes gna-
diger Hiilf mich desselben ganzlich enthalten, damniren, fliehea und meiden, und nach
Vermogen auch verhiiten" [renouncing Flacius and all his works, and adiaphorism,
and sj'nergism, and majorism, and promising henceforth to flee and condemn all these
things]. Of course no success attended the attempt of the estates of electoral Saxonj',
through the Weimar estates, to put an end to the calumnies of the clergy of ducal Sax-
onj' against the Church of electoral Saxony (Februarj- and March, 1570) see the doings
;
in the Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen, 1731, s. 164, 375.

«" In M. Flacii Clavis Scripturae (Francof. ad M., 15G7, 2 Partes, fol.) appeared, ii.
523, as Tract. VI. Aliquot Theologici Libelli, among them, p. 635, one De Peccati Ori-
ginalis aut veteris Adami Appellationibus et Essentia, p. 638: Ad declarationem hujus
sententiae uberiorera, quod praecipuum peccatum originale sit quiddam substantiale in
homine, forte non parum profuerit distinguere substantiam materialem et forraalem.
Potest enim considerari substantia alicujus testacei aut vitrei aut argentei vasis, turn
quatenus ex tali materia est, turn quatenus vas illud sic formatum est pulchre aut tur-
piter. —Sic igitur in haC disputatione de corruptione hominis non nego, illam viliorem
materiam, aut massam hominis initio conditam adhuc utcunque remansisse, tametsi
valde vitiatam, sicut si in vino aut aromatibus, expirante aerea et ignea substantia, re-
maneret tantum terrena et aquea sed formani substantialem, aut substantiam formalem
;
deperiisse, imo in contrariam esse mutataiji sentio. Loquor autem non de ista externa
et crassa forma, quam considerat in adolescente puella, aut etiam in toto homine philo-
sophia ;
—
sed loquor de ea nobilissima substantiali forma, ad quam praecipue ipsum cor,
aut potius anima rationalis formata erat, ita ut ipsa sua essentia esset Dei imago, eum-
que repraesentaret, utque suae substantiales potentiae, intellectus ac voluntas afFectus-
que, ad Dei proprietates essent conformatae, eumque turn repraesentarent, tum vere
agnoscerent, et promptissime amplecterentur. —
Hanc ergo formam substantialem dico
non tantum deperiisse homini, sed etiam prorsus in contrariam esse inversam ita ut, :
cum antea homo, praesertim quod attinet ad animam rationalem, esset viventis Dei viva
imago, nunc sit sua essentia in eadem summa ac nobilissima parte vera imago Satanae.
Hanc substantialem immutationem animae Scriptura (comp. Ps. li. 12 Ezech. xi. 19);
exprimit per cor lapideum aut adamantinum, aut contra per cor spirituale quod ideo :
pro anima rationali ponitur, quod ibi anima rationalis habitare censetur. Hanc igitur—
inversam substantiam formalem, aut formam substantialem summi gradus, quae jam —
—
eum, ut causa formalis, facit imaginem et filium Diaboli, statuo esse verum et quasi
unicum fontem omnis peccati, sive habitualis, sive actualis, et idipsum quod vocamus
originale peccatum quod non tantum ideo sic vocatur, quia nobiscum oritur, sed etiam
:
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 38. FLACIANISM. 461
pelled theJena divines (after 1570) to combat this new Maniche-

ism (the Flacian Controversy)?^ Flacius persuaded a part of
his adherents to adopt his error f^ but every body else was op-
posed to him.
quia oriuntur inde omnigena peccata quae ratio etymologiae aut appellationis hujus,
:
hactenus a multis neglecta, diligenter observanda est. Hoc igitur modo sentio et asse-
ro, primarium peccatum originale esse substantiam, quia anima rationalis, et praesertim
ejus nobilissimae substantialesque potentiae, nempe intellectus et voluntas, quae antea

erant ita praeclare formatae, ut essent vera imago Dei,— nunc sunt fraude Satanae adeo
prorsus inversae, ut sint vera ac viva imago Satanae. P. 654 Ita eadem res potest ha-
:
bere duos auctores ac causas, alium ratioue primae creationis, et alium ratione secunda-
riae metamorphoseos. Sic multa aliter sunt a natura ratione primae originis, aliter ab
arte ratione secundae transformationis, ut vitrum, lateres, testae, caseus, butyrum. P.
G55 Opponunt alioqui, oportere tamen distingui creaturam Dei a peccato, quod non est
:
a Deo. Respondeo separato tu mihi jam Diabolum a sua inhaerente malitia. Non
:
ergo aliter possumus ista distinguere, quam dicendo, hominem ratione primae creationis
et praesentis etiam conservationis esse a Deo, sicut et ipsum Diabolum sed ratione is-
;
tius horrendae metamorphoseos esse a Diabolo, qui nos vigore efficacis sententiae ac poe-
nae irati Dei moi-te morieris, non solum sibi in vilissima mancipia rapuit, sed etiam re-
:
fudit, recoxit, et commutavit, aut (ut ita dicam) metamorphizavit in virum alium (ut
Scriptura loquitur), sicut ipsemet inversus est. It is clear that Flacius did not deviate
from the common notion of original sin, but from the notions about substantia and acci-
dens ; and that he was here wavering, confounding the phrases substantia., forma suh-
and substantia formaUs. Cf. Schenkel, ii. 44. It is worthy of note, that the
stantialis,
Tubingen phj-sician, Leonhard Fuchs, whom Flacius knew as a student at Tubingen in
1540, and of whom he says (in Schlusselburg, xiii. 80G) Qui mihi usque ad mortem ob
:
commune puritatis Evangelii studium odiumque corruptelarum fuit longe amicissimus,

had taught, morbum esse substantiam (Ritter's Flacius, s. 15). Flacius cited several pas-
—
sages from Luther on his side, in which it is declared humanam naturam sen substan-
tiam peccato esse corruptam. His chief passage was Luth. in Gen. iii. Sed vide quid :
sequatur ex ilia sententia, si statuas jusiiiiam originalem non fuisse naturae, sed donum
quoddam superjluum, superadditum. Annon sicut ponis, jusiitiam non fuisse de essentia
hominis, ita etiam sequetur, peccatum quod successit non esse de essentia hominis : but Lu-
ther is here speaking onl}' against the scholastic doctrine of a. justitia superaddita, the
removal of which, according to Scotus, was the onh' basis of original sin. On the para-
doxes of Flacius and bis love of strife, see Joach. Morlin's Erkliirung in Braunschweig,
1567, in Rehtmeyer's Braunschw. Kirchenhist., Beilagen d. 3. Th. s. 114.
-' Jo. Wigand, De Manichaeismo renovato. Lips, et Jen., 1587. 4. Conr. Schlussel-
burgii Catal. Ilaereticorum, lib. ii. (Franccf., 1597), de Secta recentium Manichaeorum
et Substantialistarum. Planck, v. ii. 293. Ed. Schmid des Flacius Erbsiindestreit, his-
torisch-literarisch dargestellt, in Niedner's Zeitschr.
f. hist. Theol., 1849, i. 3, ii. 218. The
principal work against Flacius was Til. Ileshusii Antidoton contra impium et blasphe-
:
mum Dogma M. Fl. 111., quo adserit, quod Peccatum Originis sit Substantia: Jenae,
1572 ed. 2, 1576; ed. 3, 1579. 4. The chief point made against him was (Antidoton,
;
fol. 38) Si substantia animae est peccatum originis, altcrum e duobus necesse est poni,
:
videlicet aut Satanam esse conditorem substantiarum, aut Deum esse peccati creatorem
et sustentatorem.Flacius died 11th March, 1575, in Frankfort-on-the-Main.
Particularly Cj-riacus Spangenberg, dean in Mansfeld, at the head of several Mans-
"2
feld preachers (Ed. Schmid, i. 71 ; ii. 118, 242), and Christopher 7rewae!<s, court preach-
er inWeimar, with several Thuringian preachers (ii. 233). Both continued the contro-
versy after the death of Flacius, although Irenaeus was dismissed for it in 1572, and
Spangenberg in 1574 (ii. 271). Irenaeus, and other Flacianists expelled from Saxonj',
were installed in the Austrian possessions, and transferred the dispute thither; see B.
4G2 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
Ultra-Lutheranism, inflamed by the controversy on the Lord's

Supper, also led the Flacianist, John Saliger, of Uostock, to a
statement essentially kindred with the doctrine of transubstantia-
tion, 1568.^^ But this controversy was confined to Mecklenburg.
On the other hand, the doctrine of ubiquity was generally accept-
ed by the strict Lutherans, although in Lower Saxony that mod-
ification of it (deviating from the absolute ubiquity of the Wiir-
temberg divines) advocated by the Brunswick theologians, Martin
Chemnitz^* and Nicholas Selnecker, had many advocates.^^
Raupach's Erliiutertes Evangel. Oesterreich., 2te Fortsetz., s. 43, and in several other
passages.
-= Der Saligersche Abendmalsstreit, dargestellt von Dr. J. Wiggers, in Niedner's Zeit-
schr. f. hist. Theol., 1848, iv. 613. Saliger (Beatus) and Fredeland, when preachers in
Liibeck, already taught that bj' virtue of the consecration, and ante usum, the bread and
wine of the Lord's Supper were the true bodj' and blood of Christ, and accused those
who denied this of being Sacramentarians. Further, they declared that the peccatum
originis was —
ipsa substantia corporis et animae hominis, and taught that Christ as-
sumed— carnem alterius speciei. They were deposed in Liibeck, 1568. Saliger was im-
mediately installed as pastor in Rostock, and here renewed the controversy (comp. Chy-
traei Epist. ad Beatum, Apr., 1569, in Chytraei Epistt., p. 666). The two Dukes at
length, in October, 1569, issued a decision, drawn up hy David Chj-traeus, that the body
and blood of Christ [are truly given us by Christ himself through his ministers, and re-
ceived by the mouth merely blessing the elements, or repeating the words of the insti-
:
—
tution, does not make a proper sacrament this must include all the actions as Christ —
said, "Do this;"] "uns von Christus selbst durch die Hand des Dieners gegeben, und
nicht allein mit dem Glauben geistlich, sondern ailch mit dem Munde leiblich von uns
—
genossen wird. Der Segen, wie ihn etliche nennen, oder die Erzahlung der Worte der
Einsetzung Christi, wo nicht die ganze Action des Abendmals, wie die von Christo ge-
ordnet, gehalten wird, —
macht allein nicht ein Sacrament sondern es muss der Befehl
;
Christi :das thut,' welcher die ganze Action dieses Sacraments, dass man in einef
'
christi. Zusammenkunft Bred und Wein nehme, segne, austheile, empfahe, esse, trinke
und des Herrn Tod dabei verklindige, zusammenfasset, unzertrennt imd unverruckt ge-
halten werden." was deposed because he would not submit to this decision of
Saliger ;
his Flacian errors, which were then not openlj' opposed, no word was spoken. Some
Wismar preachers afterward defended his opinion about the Lord's Supper and in Ros- ;
tock several citizens (Beatians) remained true to it, so that there were dealings with
them about it as late as 1596.
=* Mart. Chemnitii De Duabus Naturis in Christo, de Hypostatica eorum Unione, de
Communicatione Idiomatum et aliis quaestionibus iude dependentibus, Jenae, 1570. 8.,

often reprinted, and also at the end of Chemm. Locis Theol. Cap. 4 Humana natura,
:
quia ex se, et ex naturali sui constitutione non est sufficiens et idonea ad omnia officia
regni, sacerdotii et dominii Christi, ad quae assumpta est, ex ilia unione cum \6yw ac-
cepit non tantum incomprehensibilia et ineffabilia dona et ornamenta creata et finita,
formaliter ipsi inhaerentia sed quia tota plenitudo Deitatis, Filii Dei, personaliter in
;
assumpta natura habitat, plenitudo ilia lucet in ea tota, ita ut caro ilia, hoc quasi lumi-
ne accensa, ipsa etiam luceat, atque ita ditata sit divinis virtutibus et operationibus, non
per phj'sicam effusionem et essentialem inhaesionem, sed per oeconomiam unionis, ut
Xo'yos omnipotentiae suae opera in ilia, cum ilia et per illam assumptam naturam pro
beneplacito suo exerat et perficiat, sicut anima corpori, et ignis ferro ignito potentias et
operationes suas communicant. Quam majestatem in ipso primo momento unionis,
quando humana natura
tota plenitudo Deitatis in Christo habitare coepit corporaliter,
—
PART II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 38. FLACIANISTS. 463
accepit ac habuit ; non semper

sed ratione exinanitionis, tempore humiliationis, illam
exeruit et usurpavit. Deposita autem in resurrectione et ascensione servi forma in ple-
nariam ac manifestam ejus possessionem et usurpationem per sessionem ad dextram
majestatis et virtutis Dei collocata et exaltata est. Cap. 30 Quia unio facta est salva
:
differentia et naturarum et proprietatum essentialium, certum ac verum est, assumtam

humanam naturam per lij'postaticam unionem non amisisse essentiales suas proprietates,
—
nee factani essentialiter infiuitam aut immensam —
sed in ipsa unione est ac manet
;
ratione essentiae finita. —

Sicut eo modo in terris conversatus fuit, Paulo in castris adsti-
tit, et jam in coelis juxta veri glorificati corporis modum ita adest, ac Stephano ita se
osteudit, et tali etiam forma in nubibus ad judicium veniet. Quia vero praeterea habe-
mus certum verbum et peculiarem ac specialem in testamentaria institutione Filii Dei
promissionem et asseverationem de praesentia corporis et sanguinis sui in coena, sicut —
et mox de promissione praesentiae totius Ciiristi in Ecclesia dicemus certe propter :
phj'sicas proprietates non est ex humana ratione decretum faciendum, Christum cum
assumta sua uatura non posse, praeter et ultra quam essentiales seu physicae assumtae
naturae proprietates ferant et efficiant, alio, Deo possibili ac noto, nobis vero incompre-
hensibili modo, per et juxta hj'postaticae unionis oeconomiam praesentem adesse, ubi-
cunque verbo suo tradidit, promisit ac asseveravit, se corpore suo adesse velle. Toti —
plenitudini Deitatis Filii personaliter unita est assumta natura, ut Xoyos intra arcanum,
—
arctissimum complexum non alicubi particulae alicujus, sed totius plenitudinis divinae
suae naturae, quae supra et extra omnem locum est, secum, intra se, apud se, et penes
se, personaliter unitam atque praesentissimam semper habeat, et in ilia plenitudine Dei-
tatis assumpta natura suam —

inseparabilem et indistantem, seu locorum intervallo in-
—
disjunctam habeat immanentiam. Praesentia haec assumtae naturae in Christo, de qua
nunc agimus, non est vel naturalis, vel essentialis, sed voluntaria et Uberrima, depen-
dens a voluntate et potentia Filii Dei, h. e. ubi se humana sua natura adesse velle certo
—
verbo tradidit, promisit et asseveravit. Doctrina haec de hj-postatica unione ostendit,
Filio Dei non possibile tantum, sed facile esse, praesentiam illam corporis sui, verbo
—
promissam, ratione ac virtute hypostaticae cum Divinitate unionis, praestare et efficere
velle ac posse. Retineamus illud quod verissimum est, Christum suo corpore esse posse,
ubicunque, quandocunque, et quomodocunque vult : de voluntate vero ejus ex patefacto certo
verbo judicemus. Atque illud consilium, ut omnium simplicissimum et tutissimum Lu-
iherus ipse simplicioribus subjicit.Cum enim multis argumentis de generali ubiquitate
disputasset, postea cum
animadverteret, in quos labj-rinthos disputationum controversia
Sacramentaria ita abriperetur, et a verbis institutionis, quibus praesentia corporis et
sanguinis Christi in Coena traditur et promittitur, abduceretur, tandem in majori sua de
Coena Domini confessione inquit (T. ii., Wittenb., p. 178 see above, 35, Note 19) li-
§ ; :
cet argumenta ilia de ubiquitate refutari non possint, se tamen cum nemine velle con-
tendere, an per modum ubiquitatis corpus Christi in coena adsit, cum divina sapientia
et potentia possit alio nobis ignoto et ineffabili
modo illud, quod certo verbo et expressa
promissione tradidit, efficere. Ac rationem addit, quod adversarii inde arripiant occa-
sionem digrediendi in alias inexplicabiles disputationes, ut interim ferias habeant, ne
ad verum controversiae statum, qui in verbis institutionis propositus est, respondere
cogantur.—Et Tomo Jenensi 8, fol. 375, inter Lutheri sententias extat una, quae dicit,
simplicioribus sufficere hoc axioma, Filium Dei cum assumto suo corpore, quando vult,
posse esse ubicumque vult, salva corporis veritate. And thus it is said (at the end of I.)
in the " Wohlgegrundetes Bericht," which takes the last place in
the Corpus Doctrinae
Juhum, and in which Chemnitz undoubtedly had the largest share, that we may attribute
to the human nature of Christ only the
prerogatives "about which we have express and
clear testimony in the Scriptures :" and "
as to the disputation about ubiquitj- according —
to Luther's counsel, we set it aside; for most weighty
and critical reasons, until hereafter,
m eternity, we shall see Christ as he is, face to face in his glory as this is fully de-
;
clared in the repeated common Confession of the Saxon Churches on this article, to
which we refer the pastors." Baur's Dreieinigkeit, iii. 428.
=* Selnecker's writings on the Lord's Supper, in Fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen
theol. Sachen, 1744, s. 356. Cf. Kurze, wahre u. einfaltige Bekanntnus Dr. Nic. Sel-
;
In all these controversies the divines of Ducal Saxony and of

Lower Saxony were opposed to those of Electoral Saxony; the
Wiirtemberg theologians were in conflict with the latter only on
the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. The churches of other parts
of the country took little part in these disputes of them,

; in many
particularly in Pomerania and Hesse, the Corpus doctrinae Phihp-
picum had high authority .^^
WhenJacobus Andreae, Chancellor of the University of Tiibin-
gen, supported by his prince, Duke Christopher, who had always
desired union,^'' and by Duke Julius of Brunswick, undertook, in
necceri v. d. Majestiit, AufFahrt, Sitzen zur Rechten Gottes unci vom Abendmale unsers
Herrn J. Chr. Ileinricbstadt, 1571. 4. [3. The ascension of Christ, and sitting at the
right hand of God, means his coming to new honor and power. 4. The heavens received
him : this does not mean that he is restricted to a certain locality-, nor that his bodj' is
no longer on earth, but that he is Lord of heaven as of earth. 9. Christ does not sit on
anj' particular throne —
the whole heaven is his throne, etc. 10. Christ is every where,
—
and in his human as well as divine nature as he promised though this is above and —
beyond all the natural properties of the human body.] '• 3. Christus ist aufgehaben,
gen Himmel gefahren, oder in Himmel aufgenommen, u. durch die Rechte Gottes er-
hohet. Dieses Auffahren heisst nicht uber sich hinaufsteigen, als wann einer an einer
Leiter oder Treppen auf ein Seller uber sich steiget sondern zu den hochsten Ehren
; —
kommen, und neue unmessliche Gewalt bekommen. 4. Er hat den Himmel eingenom- —
men, der Himmel aber, als ein gewisser erschaffener Ort, hat ihn nicht eingenommen,
oder an einen gewissen Ort beschlossen, dass er derwegen mit seinera Leib, wo, wenn,
und wie er will, auf Erden nicht mehr sej'n konne ;
—
sondern er ist ein Herr des Him-
mels, ja uber alle Creaturn im Himmel u. Erden. Ich fahre auf, spricht er, zu meinem
Vater das ist mir ist alle Gewalt geben im Himmel und Erden. 9. Christus sitzet
: —
nicht auf einera sonderlichen Stuhl seiner Menschheit nach, an einem gewissen um-
schriinkten Ort, und nach dem Cirkel abgemessen Revier, —
sondern der ganze Himmel
ist nu sein Stuhl, und seine Majestat und Gewalt ist unendlich, und er ist allmachtig,
wahrer Gott und Mensch.— 10. Christus, Gottes und Marien Sohn, ist an alien Orten,
und bei uns allzeit gegenwartig laut seiner Verheissung: ich bin bei euch bis zu Ende
der Welt, nicht allein nach seiner gottlichen Natur, sondern auch, da er laut seines
Worts seyn will, und dahin er sich mit seinem Wort auch nach seiner menschlichen
Natur selhs verbunden und versprochen hat, als im Abendmal, obgleich solchs geschicht
wider und uber alle naturliche Eigenschaft eines menschlichen Leibs."— On the other
hand, in the Articuli de Coena Domini, written by Andreas Musculus (cf. § 37, Note 13),
laid before his ministers for subscription by the Elector John George of Brandenburg,
1572, in c. 2, Art. 6: Non dari locum, in quo sit Filius Dei secundum divinam naturam,
ut ibi non sit Filius hominis secundum humanam naturam, et ante et post ascensionem
and Art. 6, that Christ, from the moment of conception—nullis necessitatibus localitatis
physicae subjectus, nee locorum terminis inclusus, aut locorum angustiis necessa-
ullis
rio circumscriptus ; see these, with criticisms, in Lamb. Danaei Opusc. Theol., Genevae,
1583, fol., p. 1588.
="«
Duke Julius of Brunswick wrote to Chemnitz, who had raised objections to its in-
troduction in the duchy, November 14, 1570 (Fortgfes. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen
theol. Sachen, 1737, s. 395) [recognizing itas the first and true body of doctrine, and,
as such, received in these principalities] :
" Inmassen denn dasselbige erste und rechte
Corpus doctrinae auch in Pommern, Hessen,und andern Chur-und Fiirstenthiimern mehr
aus ehristl. guten Rath in die Kirchen verordnet worden."
"''
Joh, Brenz, bj' Hartmann and Jager, ii. 403.
PART 11.— CH. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 38. PHHÎPPISTS IN 1570. 4Go
1569, to labor for the restoration of ecclesiastical harmony ,^^ he

was Very much in favor of the Wittenbergers, hoping to effect a
union^''between them and the churches which until now had
taken no part in the strife, and thus to force the Jena divines and
their party to yield. Consequently the latter at once declared de-
cisively against him
f° the "Wittenbergers excepted only to the
doctrine of ubiquity as stated in his articles, and demanded that
their Corpus Doctrinae be taken as the pure norma of doctrine.^^
Accused (1570) by Duke Julius to the Elector of rejecting ubiq-
uity, they easily vindicated themselves before him ;^^ but yet much
excitement was aroused when they now proceeded to expound
their doctrine of the Lord's Supper, decidedly rejecting ubiquity.^'
Leonh. Ilutteri Concordia Concors, Vitemb., 1614, fol. Fama Andreana reflores-
="8
cens— curante Jo. Val. Andreae, 1630. 12. J. N. Anton's Gesch. d. Concordienformel
(2 Th., Leipzig, 1779), i. 108 Planck, vi. 371.
;
'' His articles in Hutter, f. 29 more full in the Unschuldige Nachrichten, 1718,
;
s. 188.
Der Theologen zu Jena Bedenlien und Erinnerung auf einen Vorschlag einer Con-
="
ciliation inden streitigen Religion ssachen, Jena, 1569. 4. Der Theologen zu Jena Be-
kiinntniss von filnf streitigen Religions-Artikeln, Jena, 1570. 4.
31 Planck, V. ii. 544.
^- The complaint referred to the Propositiones de praecipuis horum temporum Contro-
versiis,Vitemb., 1570, published at the public promotion of 12 Doctores theol. (see Lo-
scher's Hist. INIot., iii. 23, 142). The Declaration of the Wittenbergers to the Elector, 31st
Jul}-, 1570, inHutter, f. 37
Catechesis continens Explicationem simplicem et brevem Decalogi, S3'mb. Apost.,
^^
orat. dominicae, doctrinae de poenitentia et Sacramentis, contexta ex corpore doctrinae

christianae, quod araplectuntur ac tucntur Ecclesiae regionum Saxonicarum et Misnica-
runi, quae sunt subjectae ditioni Ducis Electoris Saxoniae, edita in Academia Witeber-
geusi, et accommodata ad usum scholarum puerilium, 1571. The particularly objection-
able passages were, p. 77, on the ascension: Actorum primo dcscribitur historia ascen-
sionis videntibus illis elevatus est, et nuhes suscepit emn ah oculis eorum ; et Actorum 3
: :
Oportet Christum coelo capi usque ad tempora restitutionis omnium. Intelligatur autem
ascensio, ut sonat litera, et de corpore et de corporali locatione. Ascensio fuit visibilis
et corporalis, et semper ita scripsit tota antiquitas, Christum corporali locatione in ali-
quo loco esse, ubicunque vult, et ascensio corporalis facta est sursum. P. 123 Quid :
est Coena Domini ? Est communicatio corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu Christ!,
sicut in verbis Evangelii instituta est in qua sumtione Filius Dei vere et substantiali-
:
ter adest: et testatur se applicare credentibus sua beneficia. Testatur etiam, se idco
assumsisse humauam naturam, ut nos sibi fide insertos membra sua faciat. Deniquo
testatur, so velle in credentibus esse, et eos docere, vivificare ac regere. Violent warn-
ings against this Calvinistic Catechism were at once published by the divines of Bruns-
wick, Lvineburg, Mansfeld, Jena, and Halle, as also by Chemnitz, Merlin, etc., col-
lected and printed in the Historj': " Einbellige Bekenntnis vieler hochgelarten The-
ologen und fiirnemer Kirchen von dem 1. Newen Catechismo der newen Wittenberger,
und von ihrer Grundfeste, auch von ihrem darauf beschlossenen 3. Newen
2. Newen
Bekenntnis, Jena, 1572. 4." Planck, v. ii. 571. The alleged falsification of Scripture
was particularly urged, viz., that Beza translated Acts, iii. 21, quern oportet coelo capi,
instead of quern oportet coelos excipiere, who must receive the heavens.
VOL. IV. —30
;
4G6 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-16i8.
To the upon them they repHed by a no less violent

violent attacks
defense,^* and even succeeded in quieting the discontented Elect-
or by the Consensus Dresdensis,^^ in October, 1571. When, after
^* "Von der Person und Menschwerdung unsers Herrn Jesu Chvisti, der -wahren
•
christl. Kirchen Grundfest, wider die uewen Marcioniten, Samosatener, Sabellianer,

Arianer, Nestorianer, Eut3-chianer und Monotheleten nnter dem Flacianisclien Haufen.
—
Durcli die Theologen zu Wittenberg gestellet. Neben wahrhafter Verantwortung auf
die giftigen und bosliaftigen Verliiumdungen, so von den Propositionibus und Cate-
(.hisnio zu Wittenberg ausgangen von vielen dieser Zeit ausgesprenget werden, Witten-
berg, 1571. 4.," tlie so-called Wittenberg basis. Also: " Endlicher Bericht u. Erkla-
rung der Tlieologen beider Universitiiten Leipzig und Wittenberg, auch der Superin-
tendenten der Kirchen in des Churf. zu Sachson Landen, belangend die Lehre, so ge-
inelte Universitaten und Kirchen —gefiihret haben. Mit— christlicher Erinnerung von —
—
den streitigen Artikeln, so Elacius Ilh'ricus mit seinem Anhang muthwillig erregt, —
—
und dadurch die Kirchen Gottes in Deutschland zerriittet hat. Wittenberg, 1571. 4."
5^ " Kurze christl. u. einfaltige Wiederholung der Bekenntniss der Kirchen Gottes in
des Churf. zu Sachsen Landen v. d. heil. NacTitmal des Herrn Christi sammt den zu die-
ser Zeit in Streit gezogenen Artikeln v. d. Person u. Menschwerdung Christi, seiner
Majestiit, Himmelfahrt und Sitzen zur Eechten Gottes, in der christl. Yersammlung zu
Dresden gestellet d. 10. Oct.. mit einhelligem Consens der Univ. Leipzig u. Wittenberg,
der dreien geistl. Consistorien, u. aller Superattendenten der Kirchen dieser Lande,
Dresden, 1571. 4. (published also in Wittenberg in Latin and Low German). [The sub-
stance of this Consensus The human nature of Christ was, indeed, purified and trans-
:
figured after the resurrection and ascension, and endowed with high properties but it ;
remained a real human nature, with its essential properties, and was not deified, or en-
—
dowed with infinitude, eternity, etc., but is still flesh of our flesh. The ascension of
Clirist is to be understood literally, and was not a mere spectacle and in heaven Christ
;
retains the form and shape of his true body, and will thence come to judgment. —
Sitting
at the riglit hand of God implies a difference between Christ and all others it means ;
the raising of both natures, in their integritj-, to the roj'al and priestly office. Christ
—
alone is so in heaven as to know perfectl}' the Father's will. In the Lord's Supper the
I
Lord Jesus Christ is trulj- present, and gives to us his bodj' and blood, offered for us, and
so testifies that he accepts us as members of his bodj^, and gives forgiveness, and truh-
and powerfullj- dwells in us. —We also avoid the strange strife, whicli Lutlier, too, tried
to guard against, as when he often says that we must not dispute about " every where."
These new questions disturb the peace, and would alter the doctrine of the land, as the
invention about the lohysica communicaiio, etc. and all the old, long since condemned
;
lieresies are hatched out anew.] " Wiewol aber die menschl. Natur nach der Auferste-
hung u. Himmelfahrt verkliiret, und alle Schwachheiten, denen sie zuvor unterworfen
gewesen, abgelegct, und mit hohern Gaben als alle Eugel u. Menschen gezieret worden
so ist sie dennoch warhaffte menschl. Natur geblieben, und hat die wesentlichen Eigen-
schaften derselben an sich behalten, und ist vor sich weder vergottert, noch der gottl.
Xatur an Ewigkeit, oder Unendlichkeit des Wesens, oder andern gottlichen Eigenschaf-
ten gleich worden ; sondern ist gewisslich und wahrhaftig noch ein Fleisch von unsenn
Fleisch, imd ein Bein von unserm Bein. —
Und verstehen wir die Beschreibung und His-
torien der Auffart Christi gen Himmel nach dem Buchstaben, —
halten demnach, dass
iliu Auffart nicht ein blosser Schein, imd nur ein sichtbar Spectakel gewesen sey, son-
dern dass unser Herr J. Chr. mit seinem wahrhaftcn Leibe von der Erde sich in die
llohe crhaben, und die siclitbaren Himmel durchdrungen, und die himmlische Woli-
nung eingenommen habc, do er in der Glori und Herrlichkeit das Wesen, Eigenschaft,
Form und Gestalt seines wahren Leibes behiilt, und von dannen am jiingsten Tage zum
—
Gericht in grosser Herrlichkeit sichtbarlich wird wieder kommen. Dass aber die Schrift
saget, Christus sitze —zur
Rechteh Gottes verstehen wir, dass hiermit geweisct werde
ein L^nterschicd zwischen Christo der gen Himmel gefaliren ist, und zwischcn Ella und
PART II.— CH. I.— LUTHEEAN CHURCH. § 38. PHILIPPISTS IN 1573. 467
the death of Duke John William, the Elector, as guardian and re-
gent of the Thuringian principalities (1573), banished Hesshusius
andern Ileiligen und ausenvahleten Eugeln, die auch im Himmel seind, erklaren es
audi furnelinilich von der Erhohung iiach beiden Naturen zum koniglicheu und priest-
crlichen Amt, welches doch den Unterschied beider Naturen nicht aufhebet. Dann al-
leiu Christus also im Himmel ist, dass er fiir und fiir in des Vaters allergeheimsten
Rath und Schooss, und also wahrhaftig in das Allerheiligste ein- und ausgehet, siehet
und erkenuet den Willen des Vaters, samralet ihm eine Kirchen aus menschlichem
—
Geschlocht, u. s. v.-. Wir glauben und halten, dass der Herr Christus in dieser Ordnung
seines heil. Abendmals wahrhaftig, lebendig u. gewiss gegenwartig ist, also dass er
seinen wahren Leib fiir uus am Stamm des Kreuzes aufgeopfert, und sein wahres Blut
vor uns vergossen mit Brot und Wein in diesem Sacrament uns giebt, und hiemit bezeu-
get, dass er uns annehme, zu Gliedmassen seines Leibes mache, und uns mit seinem
Blut reinige, und Vergebung der Silnden schenke, und wahrhaftig in uns wohnen und
kruftig in uns seyn wolle. — AVir vermeiden auch die fremde und zur Einsetzung dieses
Nachtmals nicht gehorende Streite, vrelche Herr Lutherus selber mit Vleis vorhiiten
und abschneiden wollen. Als do er vielmals sagt, dass vom AUenthalben oder an al-
—
ien Orten sej-n nicht soil disputirt werden. Dass aber dieser Zeit unruhige Leut sich
dawider erst anfangen aufzulegen, wie wir seit dem deutschen Kriege her auch in an-
dern Artikeln mit Schmerzen haben erfahren mussen, dass alles was zuvor recht und
unangefochtcn blieben ist, nu erst von ihnen aus Muthwillen ubel gedeutet und ver-
ffilscht worden ist ; in deme haben dieser Lande Kirchen ii. Schulen, so stets bei einerlei
Form der Lehre geblieben, solche unruhige Leut fur jedermiinniglich billig zu beschul-
digen, als die weder die Wahrheit noch den Frieden suchen, und nicht weniger in die-
sem Artikel von der wahren Gegenwart des Leibes u. Blutes Christi im Abendmal, als
in andern Artikeln ganz gefiihrliche und argerliche Disputationes erregen, und die ein-
fiiltige gewisse Lehre mit ungegriindeten imd fremden Getichten aufs scheusslichste
verderben. Denn dass durch die ertichte realem oder phj-sicam communicationem, dar-
aus sich etliche bemi'ihen fundamenta und GrCmde der Lehr vom Abendmal zu suchen,
der hohe Artikel von beiden Naturen in Christo verfiilschet, und hiergegen alle alte ver-
dammte Ketzerei der Marcioniten, Valentinianer, Manichiier, Samosatener, Sabellianer
Arianer, Nestorianer, Eutj-chianer u. Monotheleten auf die Bahn gebracht werden, das
ist anderswo allbereit dargethan und erwiesen." Among the reasons urged against the
ubiquitj' are [2. It is wholly unseemlj- that Christ, in the Supper, should not be present
in a different waj- from that in which he is everj^ where present, in stone and wood (as
in the divine omnipresence) the sacramental union of the body of Christ with the
;
bread must be something special (as Luther taught in the Formula Concordiae). 4.
This doctrine began in the opposition to Schwenckfeld's extravagances. 6. It is an im-
plicatio contradictionis that Christ gives
lis his true bod}' in the Supper, and j-et that he!
has no real human bod}- after his resurrection, which must be the case if ubiquit}- be I
poured out upon the humanity of Christ] " Zum andern ist es der Ordnung und Stif-
: I
tung des heil. Abendmals ganz ungemass, dass in wahrem Branch desselben eine Gegen-
wart seyn soil per modum ubiquitatis, d. i. dass Christus im Abendmal anders nicht
seyn soil, als sonsten an alien Orten, in Steinen und Holz, gleich als wie man sonsten
von der praesentia universali, oder allgemeinen Gegenwart redet, darmit Gott in alien
Creaturen gegenwartig ist, so doch die sacramentliche Vereinigung des Leibs Christi
mit dem Brot (wie es Herr Lutherus in Formula Concordiae, mit den oberlilndischen
Theologen anno 36 gestalt, sell)st nennet) eigentlich gehoret in die besondere Gegenwart
des Hcrrn Christi, darmit und dardurch er im heil. Ministerio in der glaubigen Menschen
Herzen kriiftig se5'n will." — " Zum Vierten, dass vor wenig Jahren Caspar Schwenk-
feld die ertichte Allcnthalbenheit des Leibs Christi gleicher Gestalt gestritten, und dar-
mit seine irrige Meinung von einer newen, fremden, und zuvor unerhorten Gegenwart
des Leibs und Bluts Christi im Abendmal, wider die Lehre dieser Kirchen von diesem
—
hohen und grossen Geheimniss, darthuen wollen." "Zum sechsten, dass es ein offen-
and Wigand from Jena, and likewise drove off all the clergy of
that district who were not ready to declare their doctrinal agree-
ment with the church of Electoral Saxony ,^^ the strict Lutheran
party seemed to be entirely conquered, and the Philippists to have
the upper hand. The Wittenberg Philippists, at least, were deceived
by appearances, and thought that they might come out more openly
with their Calvinism, which they did (1574) in the Exegesis per-
spicua Controversiae de Coena Domini.^^ But thereupon all the
Protestant princes assailed the Elector with the demand that he
should no longer spare the avowed Calvinists ; and August was
terribly enraged against those who had been deceiving him so
many years.^^ The were arrested, and kept
leaders of the party
a long time in strict imprisonment f^ the theologians and suspect-
ed clergy were obliged to subscribe articles in Torgau j^" the four
barliche implicatio coiitradictionis ist, welche niit der gottlichen, ewigen Wahrheit
streitet, dass Christus im heil. Abendmal uns seinen wahrhaftigen Leib
giebt, und dass
er doch keinen wahren menschlichen Leib nacU seiner Verkliirung haben soil, welches
ohne Mittel folget, wo die Allenthalbenheit samt der wesentlichen Ausgiessung der gott-
lichen Eigenschaften in die Menschheit Christi eingefiihret werden soil."
^* Loscher's Historia Motuum, iii. 154.
^' According to Loscher, iii. 162, Pezel and Peucer had a leading part in it, but it was
drawn up by Esrom Riidinger, professor of the natural sciences. Here were rejected
the doctrines of the manducatio oralis, and the actual reception of the bodj' by the un-
believing, about which the Wittenbergers had before kept silence.
'* Hutteri Concordia Concors, f. 50. Loscher, iii. 160. Anton's Gesch. d. Concor-
dienformel, s. 120. Planck, v. ii. 616.
5^ Priv3--councilor Dr. Georg Cracau (his life in the Sammlung vermischter Nach-
richten zur sachs. Geschichte, Bd. 8, Chemnitz, 1) and the Church-councilor
1773, s.
Joh. Stossel died in prison but the physician Casp. Peucer was liberated in 1586 (Casp.
;
Peuceri Historia Carcerum et Liberationis divinae, opera et studio Christ. Pezelii edita,
Tiguri, 1605) the court preacher Christian Schutz was set free in 1589, at the beginning
;
of the second Saxon Crjpto-Calvinistic dispute.

*" Kurz Bekenntnis u. Artikel vom heil. Abendmal des Leibs und Bluts Christi,
"
daraus klar zu sehen, was hievon in beiden Univ. Leipzig u. Wittenberg, und sonst in
alien Kirclien und Schulen des Churfiirsten zu Sachsen bisher olfentlich gelehret, ge-
glaubt und bekannt worden. Auch was man fur sacramentirische Irrthum und Schwar-
merei gestraft hat, und noch strafet. Uebergeben und gehandelt im jiingsten Landtag
zu Torgau. Wittenberg, Sept., 1574. 4." Also at the same time, in Latin, Confessio
paucis Articulis complectens Summam Doctrinae de vera Praesentia Corporis et San-
guinis Christi in Coena doniinica, etc., Viteberg., 1574. 8. In this Confession thej- as-
sume the ground (Preface) that the correct doctrine had ever been taught in the church
of Electoral Saxony, and that now onlj' a few Crypto-Calvinists have been detected;
further, that Melancthon entirely agreed with Luther in doctrine and that thej' there- ;
fore adhered to the Philippist Confessions, the Corpus Doctrinae, and the Consensus
Dresdcnsis. The Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper was, indeed, set forth with all
its specialties so in particular Art. affirm. VII. indignis quoque corpus et sanguinem
;
Domini exhiberi, et ab his in instituta distributione vere accipi, and Art. VIII. the oris
manducatio: so, too, Calvin, Beza,"Bullinger, Peter Martyr, and the Theologi Heidel-
bergenses (Art. negat. VII., and frequently) were specially denounced. On the other
PART II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 39. OSIANDER. 469
Wittenberg divines, who hesitated, were banished.*^ And thus

was Philippism conquered in its strong-hold by strict Lutheran-
ism.^^
§ 39.
OSIANDEIC CONTROVERSY.
Jo. Wigandus de Osiandrismo,158G. 4. Conr. Schliisselburgii Catal. Haereticonim, lib.

vi. Chr. Hartknoch's Preuss. Kirchenhistoria, Frankf. a. M. u. Leipzig, 1686. 4., s.
309. Salig's Hist. d. Augsb. Confession, ii. 915. Planck, iv. 249. [Die Rechtferti-
gungslehre des Osiander, von A. Ritschl, in the Jahrb. f. deutsche Theologie, 1857.
Baur, Brevis Disqiiis. in Andr. Osiand. de Justif. Doctrinam, 1831. Lehnerdt, De
And. Osiand. Vita et Doctrina, Berol, 1835. Wilken, Osiand. Leben, i. 1844. He-
berle, in Stud. u. Krit., 1844. Gess, Gesch. d. Prot. Dogmatik, 1854, !., s. 61 sq. C.
F. G. Held, De Opere Jesu Christi salutari, quid M. Lutherus senserit demonstratur,

Getting., 1860. F. H. R. Frank, Ad eccles. de Satisf. Christi doctrinam, quid redun-
daverit ex lite Osiandrica, Erlang., 1858. R. F. Grau, De Andr. Osiandri Doctrina
Commentatio, I860.]
Andreas Osiander, the highly endowed reformer of Nuremberg,^

in opposition to the externalview of justification by faith alone,
as undoubtedly held by many of the reformers, and as objected to
the Lutheran Church by the Anabaptists, adopted the position
hand, it is said, Art. affirm. IV. : Firmiter retinemus utrumque fidei articulum : ascen-
dit ad coelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris. Ac ne carnis quidem ubiquitateni, aut quic-
quam quod vel veritatem corporis Christi tollat, vel ulli fidei articulo repugnet, propter
praesentiam in Coena fingimus aut probaraus. Denique de modo et possibilitate prae-
sentiae corporis et sanguinis Domini plane nihil disputamus. Nam omnia haec imper-
scrutabilia —statuimus.
*i Friedr. Widebram and Christoph Petzel went to Nassau, Heinr. Moller to Ham-
burg, Caspar Cruciger to Hessen.
" The Torgau Confession did not, indeed, satisf}' the strict Lutherans ; see the Bish-
01^ of Pomesania, Joh. Wigand's, Erinnerung von der Bekenntniss der Theologen in
Meissen, Konigsberg, 1575. 4. and his ; other work, Ob die neuen Wittenberger stets bis
daher einig mit den alten gelehret, u. ob Lutheri u. Philippi Schriften durchaus ganz
einig und einhellig, Konigsberg, 1575. 4. Meanwhile the Pliilippists had to accommodate
themselves to the strict Lutheranism now ruling at the court. Dr. Andr. Fre3-hub, Pro-
fessor of Theologj' at Leipsic, was accused of holding that Christ was exalted in his two
natures ; was imparted to his human nature and that the bodj-
that no divine propert}- ;
of Christ is in heaven, in a definite place and although he with justice appealed to the
;
Dresden Consensus, which was expresslj- sanctioned by the Torgau Confession, he was
still deposed see Hutter's Concordia Concors, p. 82.
; The Elector now attached him-
self to the theologians who had before this tried to restore peace to the Church (Andreae,
Chemnitz, Selnecker, etc.) that he was still ven^ much opposed to the old Jena di-
:
vines, as Flacianists, is clear from his correspondence with the dowager Duchess Doro-
thea Susanna, 1575 (Sammlung v. alten und neuen theol. Sachen, 1734, s. 534), who
long tried in vain to procure the restoration of her court preacher, Gernhardus, deposed
in 1573.
1 See Div. I., § 1, Note 118.
that faith was the medium of the indwelling of Christ in the hu-
man soul. This form of statement often occurs in Luther's

works,^ and Osiander used it to describe living faith as appropri-
ating Christ, and developed the view in a mode akin to that
of the Grerman mystics of the 14th century.^ This representa-
^ See
§ 34, Note 4. Comp. Etlicbe schiine Spruche von der Eechtfertigung des Glau-
—
bens des Ehrw. Hochgelehrten Dr. M. Luther, welclie verdolmetscht hat A. Osiander,
Konigsberg, 1551. 4. Excerpta quaedam dilucide et perspicue dictorum de Justifications
Mei in Conim. super Epist. Pauli ad Galatas Eev. Patris Dom. M. Lutheri (ed. Osian-
der), Eegiom., 1551. 4.
Êin gut Unterricht und getreuer Eathschlag aus heil. gottlicber Schrift. vvess man
sich in diesen Zwietrachten, unsern heil. Glauben und christl. Lehr betreftend, halten
soil (by Osiander), 1524, reprinted at Konigsberg, 1553, in 4to of. the reprint, f. 2, v.
;
[God knows himself; his knowledge is a word and the word is God himself, preached
;
to us in the Gospel. Therein is the nature of God, his righteousness, truth, grace, made
known to us all is shown in Christ. And whoever rightly receives the Word, receives
;
God himself. Through faith the Word of God, Christ liimself, dwells in us we say ;
with Paul, " I live, j'et not I," etc. and thus through the AVord dwelling in us we are
;
justified. We no longer live in fleshly sense, but the spirit of Christ dwells in us ; for
Christ can not but be righteous, and work righteousness in us. And so Christ must be
our righteousness, not by being in heaven, but by being in us, etc.] " Gott erkennet :
sich selbs, sein Erkantnus ist ein Wort, und das W'ort ist Gott selbs, dasselbig Wort
lasst er uns eroffnen u. predigen im heil. Evangelio. Dann daselbst wiird uns die Na-
tur Gottes erofFnet, nemlich sein Gerechtigkeit, Wahrheit, Weisheit, Gnad und Barm-
herzigkeit, etc., wie er dann sich selbs erkannt, und das alles in Christo erzeigt hat.
Und wer das Wort recht vernimmt, behalt und glilubt, der empfahet Gott selbs, dann
Gott ist das Wort. So nun durch den Glauben das Wort Gottes, Christus unser Herr,
in uns wohnet, und wir mit ihm eins seyn worden, mogen wir mit Panlo wol sprechen :
'
Ich lebe, lebe aber nicht ich, sonder Christus lebet in mir ;' und da seyn wir denn
durch den Glauben gerechtfertigt. Dann es leben nicht wir, d. i. wir leben nicht nach
dem fleischlichen Sinn, sondern der Sinn und' Geist Christi ist und lebt in uns der :
kann je nicht anderst dann gerecht sej'n, und Gerechtigkeit in uns wiirken. Darura
spricht er Joh. xv. :Ohn mich konnt ihr niclits thun ;' und Esaias am xxvi.
'
HeiT, du :
'
wirst uns Fried geben, dann alle unsere AVerk hastu in uns gewiirkt.' Und also muss
Christus unser Gerechtigkeit seyn, nicht dass er im Ilimmel zu der Gerechten des Va-
ters gerecht sej-, und wir hernieden in alien Siinden und Unflat wollten leben, und dann
sprechen, Christus wiir unser Gerechtigkeit er muss in uns, und wir in ihm sejni, und
:
so das geschicht, haben wir auch den heil. Geist, durch den die Lieb in unser Herz gegos-
sen wird, wie Paulus zu den Eom. am 5. sagt. Also sicht und verstehet man, dass wir
durch Gottes Wort Gott erkennen, und also im Glauben, d. i. in Gottes Wort leben.
Dann der Glaub empfahet und fasset Gottes Wort, das Gott selbs ist das bringt denn :
auch den heil. Geist mit ihm, der die Lieb in das Herz geusst, und wird durch den Glau-
ben der Tod, durch die Lieb aber die Sund vertrieben. Und das ist das neu Verbiind-
nus, das uns Gott durch Jeremiam am 31. Cap. zusagt und spricht: 'Ich will mein
—
Gesetz in ihr Inwendigsts geben, und ihrer Ungerechtigkeit nimmer mehr gedenken.'
Das alles aber ist nicht vollkommen, diewcll wir in diesem Leben seyn, sonder nur an-
gefangen, und wacust von Tag zu Tag." Handlung Eines Ehrsamen weisen Paths zu
Niirnberg mit ihren Pradicanten, 1525 reprinted, Konigsberg, 1553, in 4to. Osiander to
;
Art. 3 [Only one simple righteousness avails with God, that is God himself; the Word
is Christ, whom we receive by faith and thus is Christ, as God himself in us, our ri^t-
;
eousness. Works are not righteousness, but its fruits. It is, indeed, true that faith is
not without works flowing from love, but these should never be called righteousness ;
the faith which does not work is no faith] " Es ist nit mehr denn nur cine einige ein-
:
—1
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHEPvAN CHURCH. § 39. OSIANDER. 47
tion harmonized very well, in the chief points, with the Lutheran
doctrine of justification. And though Osiander laid an unwar-
rantable stress upon the peculiar shape he had given to the doc-
trine,* and though, too, he was not wanting in readiness to engage
in controversy,'' yet he was unassailed so long as Luther's mag-
nanimous spirit was able to restrain in the new church all con-
faltige Gerechtigkeit die vor Gott gilt, die ist Gott selbst das Wort ist aber Christus,
:
das fasseu wir ini Glauben, und ist also Christus als Gott selbst in uns unser Gerechtig-
keit, die gilt allein vor Gott. —
Werk aber sej- nicht Gerechtigkeit, sondern Frucht der
Gerechtigkeit. wol wahr, der Glaub ist nit ohu Work die aus der Liebe fliessen,
Es ist
sollen aber nimmer mehr Gerechtigkeit genennet werden es ist auch der Glaub, der
:
nicht wirkt, kcin Glaub, souder nur erdicht und todt, wie ein gemacht Bild nit eiii
Mensch ist." To Art. 4 [The Gospel has two parts the first, that Christ has satisfied the
;
justice of God the second, that he purifies and justifies us from sin by dwelling in us]
; :
—
"Das Evangeliuni hat aber zv.'ei Stuck, das erste, dass Christus der Gerechtigkeit Gots
—
Gnug hat gethan, das andere, dass er uns von Siinden hat gcreinigt und rechtfertigt
uns, so er in uns wohnet." Heberle, A. Osiander's Lehre in ihrer fruhesten Gestalt, in
the Theol. Studien u. Krit., 18-44, ii. 371. C. II. Wilken, A. Osiander's Leben, Lehrc und
Schriften, Erste Abth. v. 1498-1530 (Stralsund, 1844. 4.), s. 13.
* Schliisselburg, Cat. Haeret., vi. 243, and Melch. Adam, in the Vita Osiandri, relate
that Osiander, in Marburg, 1529 (Div. I., § 4, Note 37), preached after Luther, in his
high-flying way, and that Luther expressed disapproval and anxiety about it. But this
is contradicted in Melanchthon ad Camerar., 5th Oct., 1529 (C. R., i. 1098) Osiander :
mirifice delectavit Lutherum et nos omnes. There is manifestlj' a confounding of this

with a later occurrence at Smalcald; see Wilken, s. 32, G2. Osiander himself relates
that he had maintained, in Augsburg, 1530, in opposition to Melancthon, that Christ,
who dwells in us bj' faith, is, in his divine nature, our righteousness and that he could ;
not get this high truth introduced into the Augsburg Confession see " Beweisung dass ;
ich nun fiber die 30 Jahr allwcg einerlci Lehr v. d. Gerechtigkeit des Glaubens gehalten
hab, Konigsberg, 1552," 4. C. 1, v. ; and " Widerlegung der ungegriindeten, undienst-
lichen Antwort Ph. Melanchthon's, Konigsberg, 1552," 4. 0. 1, P. 3. In fine, Osiander
says, in his " Bericht u. Trostschriftan alle die, so durch das falsch, heimlich Schreien
— mciner Feinde, als sollt ich von der Rechtfertigung des Glaubens nicht recht halten,
— geargert odcr betrubet worden sind, Konigsberg, 1551," 4., that he preached in Smal-
cald in 1537, from 1 John, iv. 2, 3, on justification, and that his sermon was very much
lauded by Luther and the other theologians present. On the other hand, M. Flacius, in his
" Verlegung des Bekenntniss Osiandri v. d. Rechtfertigung, Magdeburg, 1552," 4. A. 4.
v., appealing to Nicholas von Amsdorf, who was still living, alleges that Luther, and
many other theologians, were much pleased with Osiander's new interpretation of 1
John, iv. So, too, Justus Menius, in his work, "v. d. Gerechtigkeit, die vor Gott gilt,
wider die neue alcumistische Theologie A. Osiandri, 1552," 4. he adds that Amsdorf ;
then prophesied "that if this spirit should at any time get time and space, the phan-
tasies of all other enthusiasts would be esteemed as only child's play in comparison with
him."
* This showed itself particularly in
the controversy about the general formula for con-
fession, which all the
preaphers in Nuremberg read after the sermon, but which Osian-
der rejected, 1533. This matter he brought in a rude and presumptuous manner into his
sermons; so that Laz. Spengler, otherwise his friend, wrote to Veit Dietrich, August,
1533 (Leben Spengler's, by Hansdorf, s. 312) " It was indeed high time for Dr. Luther,
:
the patron of all of us, to ride Osiander with a tight rein, in a special letter, for this
horse is too bold and unchecked to be ridden even with sharp spurs that you know as :
well as myself." Peace was restored by Luther; but Osiander revived the dispute in
153G and 1539; see G. Th. Strobel's Leben Yeit Dietrich?, Altorf u. Numb., 1772, s. 26.
:
troversies which did not seem to him to be indispensable for pre-
serving the purity of truths essential to salvation.^

Osiander was driven from Nuremberg by the Interim, but was
immediately appointed preacher and professor in Konigsberg by
his old protector, Duke Albert of Prussia. But here, too, there
were excitable divines, who were at once irritated by his imperi-
ous nature, and who took offense at his peculiar doctrine about
justification, as promulgated in his very first disputation, April 5,
1549.^ The controversy,^ stirred up chiefly by Friedr. Staphy-
lus,^ came into the University chairs and the pulpits. A second
disputation of Osiander, October 24, 1550,^° and his confession,
1551,^^ ia which he more fully developed his doctrine,^^ only in-
* How correctly Luther judged the man is seen in the letters he MTote about the first
dispute on the formula for confession, October 8, 1533. In that to Osiander (de Wette,
iv. 48 sq.) he exhorts him most earnestlj' to peace ; in the other to Wenc. Linck (s. 485),
he saj'sabout Osiander Nunc te per Christum oro, ut una
: cum tuis sodalibus velis ocu-
los istos misericordia vestrae hunc hominem suis opinionibus captum,
non claudere, et
velut aegrotum agnoscere, et hoc cogitare, non quomodo publice coufundatur et damne-
tur, ne ex scintilla ista fiat incendium, sed potius, quanta fieri potest adhuc modestia et
—
prudentia et simul patientia vestra, liberetur et sanetur. Non credidissem ego (hoc ne-
(jue jactabis, neque disseminabis in publicum), istum hominem tot cogitationibus occu-
patum, et ut ex suo scripto intelligo, tam procul a sinceritate nostrae doctrinae posi-
tum sed, ut dixi, si magis irritaretur, effunderentur majora scandala, per quae, etiamsi
:
non vinceret, tamen turbas moveret, et negotia faceret, quae melius esset praecaveri.
Si igitur vobis nostrum consilium placuerit, speramus, cum tempore rem istam in se
quieturam esse, et ilium interim propius ad nos accessurum esse. [Comp. J. C. Lehn-
erdt, Anecdota ad hist. Andr. Osiandri pertinentia. 3 Part. Regiomont., 1841-44.]
' A, Osiandri, theologiae in schola Regiom. Professoris primarii, Disputationes duae
una de Lege et Evangelio habita Non. Aprilis, 1543, altera de Justificatione habita ix.
Kal., November, 1550, Regiom., 1550. 4.
^ A narrative
favorable to Osiander's is Joh. Funcken's wahrhaftiger u. griindl. Be-
:
richt, wie die iirgerliche Spaltung von der Gerechtigkeit des Glaubens sich anfiinglich
im Lande Preussen erhaben, Konigsberg, 1553. On the other side Joach. Morlin's ;
Historia, welchergestalt sich die Osiandrische Schwarmerei im Lande zu Preussen er-

haben, und wie dieselbe verhandelt ist, mit alien Actis beschrieben, s. 1, et a. 4 and by ;
Staphylus Historia Acti Negotii inter Frid. Staphylum et A. Osiandrum in Prussia

:
contra Calumnias Jo. Funccii in Strobel's Miscellaneen literar. Inhalts, i. 219 ii. 224. ;
In addition " Herzog's Alberti I. Ausschreiben— darin griindlich und ordentlich, wie
: ,
sich die argerliche Swiespalt fiber dem Articul von unser armen Sunder Rechtfertigung
— erhaben, und was wir uns mit grossen Sorgen, Einigkeit zu machen, bemiihet, darge-
than, und was wir ferner durch freundl. Befordcrung— Herrn Christofs, Herzogen zu
—
Wirtenberg, durch S. L. Theologos vorgeschlagenen Mitteln erlernet, u. zu Fortstel- —
lung der Einigkeit unserer Kirchen gehalten wollen haben, Konigsberg, 1553," 4., with
manj' documents. The effect of the dispute upon the Universitj' of Konigsberg is de-
scribed in Dr. M. Toppen's Grimdung der Univ. zu Konigsberg Konigsb., 1844, s. 188.
;
' He
again became (1552) Catholic in Breslau, was a counselor of the Emperor Ferdi-
nand, was made superintendent of the Universitj' of Ingolstadt in 15G1, and died in 1564.
Ixiben u. Schriften Friedr. Staphyli, in Strobel's Miscellaneen, i. 1. Dr. M. Toppen's
G'Tmdung der Univ. zu Konigsberg, s. 178. *° See note 7.
" Von dem einigen Mittler J. Chr. u. Rechtfertigung Bekenntnuss A. Osiander K6- ;
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 39. OSIANDER. 473
flamed the strife, because he here treated his opponents with ar-
rogance and harshness. Joachim MorHn, who became a pastor in

Konigsberg, September, 1550, tried in vain to adjust the contro-
versy, and then took the lead among Osiander's opponents. The
Duke adhered to Osiander, and besought all the German estates
of the Augsburg Confession to have their theologians pass judg-
riigsberg, September, 1551. 4. De unico Mediatore J. Chr. et justificatione fidei Confes-

sio A. Osiandri, Regiom., October, 1551. 4. On the contents, see Salig, ii. 951.
'^ Disp. de Justificatione hab. ix. Kal., November, 1550, thes. 3 Justificare propria :
et primaria institutione significat ex impio justum faccre, h. e. mortuum ad vitam revo-

care. Quod proprium est omnipotentiae divinae non minus, quam creare. 10. Fides
4.
autem, qua homo justificatur, est motus spiritualis, quem Deus per verbum praedicatum
et Spiritum S. in cordibus nostris excitat. 13. Ea se relative habet ad verbum Evange-
lii. 14. Objectum enim Evangelii est J. Chr. per verbum Evangelii fide apprehensus.
17. Sicut David vocat calicem inebriantem, cum non calix, sed vinum contentum ine-
briet; ita fides est justificans, cum tamen non fides, sed Christus fide comprehensus jus-
tificet. 21. Justitia ilia, quam fiide apprehendimus, est justitia Dei, non tautum quia
Deo est accepta, sed quia revera justitia Dei, nempe Domini nostri J. Chr., qui Deus est
benedictus in saecula. 28. Eadem est justitia Patris, Filii et Spiritus S., et haec justitia
Dei est justitia fidei. 29. Haec
non confertur cuiquam, nisi prius ei remissa fu-
justitia
erint peccata per sanguinem Christi. 80. Unde justificationis duae sunt partes, remissio
peccatorum et reconciliatio cum Deo. 31. Reconciliari autem Deo est Christo uniri, ex
eo renasci, ilium in nobis et nos in illo esse, per ilium vivere, ejusdemque in nobis in-
habitantis justitia justos censeri. 32 et 33. Christus enim est sponsus noster, cum quo
sumus caro una, membra scil. corporis ejus, care de carne ejus, et os ex ossibus ejus.
36. Hinc divinae naturae consortes efficimur: qui enim Deo adhaeret, fit unus Spiritus
cum eo. 38 ss. Habitat igitur Christus per fidcm in nobis, et per consequens etiam Pa-
ter et Spiritus S. qui in Christo sunt, Jo. xvii. 11, 12 ; Jo. vi. 56, caet. 53. Hinc justitia
ejus essentiali justi sumus, juxta illud, Jerem. xxiii.: Dominus justitia
Hinc nostra. 56.
vita ejus essentiali vivimus et vivemus juxta Johannis illud, c. 6, v. 57 sicut misit vie :
vivens Pater, etc. 57. Ac illud Johannis 6, v. 53 nisi manducaverimus carnem, etc. 58.
:
Manducare carnem hie est credere, ipsum peccata nostra pertulisse in corpore suo, et
sanguinem suum effudisse in reniissionem peccatorum, ita ut hac fide cum illo una caro
fiamus. 64 ss. Hinc gloria ejus essentiali glorificati sumus, quia nobis earn clariiatem,
quam habuit apud Patrem, dedit nobis, Jo. xvii. 5 cf. Rom. viii. 30 2 Cor. iii. ult.
; ; ;
2 Jo. iii. 2. Hinc etiam essentiali caritate ejus inflammamur caritas enim Dei diffusa :
est in cordibus nostris, Rom. v. 5. Deus enim caritas est, et qui in caritate manet, in Deo
manet, et Deus in illo, 1 Jo. iv. 12, 13. 68. Omnis spiritus, qui non confitetur, Christum
ad hunc modum venisse in carnem nostram, ex Deo non est. Et hie est Spiritus Anti-
christi. 70 ss. Zwinglianus est in corde qui hoc non credit impossibile enim est, ut :
credat verum corpus Christi in pane et verum sanguinem in calice, qui non credit, Chris-
tum revera haljitare in cliristiano homine. 73. Glacie frigidiora docent, nos tantum prop-
ter remissionem peccatorum reputari justos, et non etiam propter justitiam Christi per
fidem in nobis inhabitantis. 74. Non enim tam iniquus est Deus, ut eum pro justo ha-
beat, in quo verae justitiae prorsus nil sit. 76. Justitia quidem Christi nobis imputatur,
sed non nisi cum in nobis est. 78. Turn opera bona fiunt a justificatis, vivificatis, glori-
ficatis non vero justifieant, neque vivificant, neque glorificant. 79. Et quanquam qui
;
justificatus est, justificari debeat adliuc, hoc tamen non fit operibus nostris, sed cogni-
tione Filii Dei per fidem, per quam ei de die in diem magis unimur. Cf. De unico Medi-
atore Confcssio Osiandri A. 4 Manifestum est, quod quidquid Christus, ut fidelis media-
:
tor nostri causa impletione legis ac passione mortcque sua cum Deo, patre suo coelesti,
egit, factum id esse ante mille quingentos et eo amplius annos, cum nos nondum esse-
;
ment on the points in dispute, October 5, 1551.^^ Osiander, by

his attacks upon the ordinary doctrine of justification,^'* laid him-
mus nati. Qiiare si proprie loqui volumus, non potuit illud nostra justificatio neque
esse neque ncminari, sed tantum nostra redemptio ct satisfactio pro nobis ac peccatis
nostris. —
So, too, it is tlie altera pars officii Domini nostri, ut sese jam ad nos conver- —
tat, ac miseris noliiscuni peccatoribus tanquam cum parte rea itidem agat, ut tantam
gratiam agnoscamus et per fidem cum gratiarum actione recipiamus, ut nos per fidcm a
morte peccali vivos et justos restituat, et peccatum jam condonatum, adliuc tamen in
—
carne nostra habitans, et tenaciter inhaerens in nobis prorsus mortificetur et extingua-
tur. Et lioc demum est negotium nostrae justilicationis, quod Domiuus et servator nos-
ter J. Clir. perficit. Tlie divine righteousness is that \vhicli God himself has, j-ca, that
which God is. This united itself with tlie humanity of Christ, and made it righteous.
Thus human I'ighteousness has its ground in the divine, and the latter too is the ground
of our justification. M. 3 Diserte et clare respondeo, quod secundum divinam suam
:
naturam (J. Chr.) sit nostra justitia et non secundum humanam naturam, quamvis hanc
divinam justitiam extra ejus humanam naturam non possumus invenire, consequi aut
apprehcndere : verum cum ipse per fidem in nobis habitat, turn aft'ert suam justitiam,
quae est ejus divina natura, secum in nos, quae deinde nobis etiam imputatur, ac si es-
set nostra propria, immo et donatur nobis manatque ex ipsius humana natura, tanquam
ex capite, etiam in nos, tanquam ipsius membra. To this was added the view, that
Christ in his human nature is the image of God, after which man was created; comp.
Osiander's Avork An filius Dei fuerit incarnandus, si peccatum non introivisset in mun-
:
dum ? Item de imagine Dei quid sit ? ex certis et evidentibus S. S. testimoniis de- —
promta explicatio, Monteregio Prussiae, 1550. 4. C. 3 Non debet imago Dei intelligi :
nisi de Verbo incarnato. E. 3 Dicit Deus, se hominem facturum ad similitudinera

:
—
suam, ut scilicet homo talis fieret, qualis Christus secundum humanam naturam in
mcnte Dei praedestinatus esset. Among the leading positions of this work, the follow-
in"- are also noteworthy 6. Si Filius Dei non fuisset incarnandus, nisi peccatum introi-
:
isset in mundum, nos atque totum regnum Dei carere cogeremur rege nostro, idque in
omnem aeternitatem. 9. Nisi Deus voluisset Filium suum incarnari, nunquam de mun-
do condendo quicquam cogitasset. Sed Deus ante alia omnia Filium suum incarnan-
dum decrevit, ac propter ipsum reliquas creaturas universas fecit, nullam prorsus con-
diturus, nisi Filius ejus esset incarnandus. Ilerebj' he boasts, li. 2, sese rem tantam
hactenus a nemine post Apostolos recte explicatam in lucem produxisse, und se'tzt hin-
zu, Lutherum quidem vidisse aliciuid, sed non serio intendisse animum, ut uberius ex-
plicaret. However, he declared that he did not want to dispute about this opinion.
Planck, iv. 267. D. F. Chr. Baur Epist. gratul. ad D. Th. J. Planck, disquisitio in A.
Osiandri de justificatione doctrinam, ex recentiore potissimum theologia illustrandam
Tubing., 1831. 4. Baur's christl. Lehre v. d. Versohnung in ihrer geschichtl. Entwick-
elung; Tubing., 1838, s. 316. Dorner's Lehre v. d. Person Christi, s. 200. G. Thoma-
sius, das Bekenntniss der evang. Lutherischen Kirche in der Consequenz seines Prin-
cips ; Nilrnberg, 1848, s. 71. Schenkel, ii. 355.
1= The writing is in the declaration of the Duke (E. 1, v.), 1553, cited in Note 8 ;
and
also (after the copy sent to the Landgrave of Hesse) in Neudecker's Neue Beitr. zur
Gesch. der Reform., i. 1.

'* Comp. thes. 73, 74 above. Note 12. Osiandri Confessio, F. 2 Horribiliter errant, :
qui verbum justificare tantum intelligunt pro justum reputare et pronunciare, et non
pro eo, quod est in veritate ct rcipsa, justum efficere.— Ubi de justificatione fidei agitur,
ibi verbum justificare non humane, forensi et sophistico more est intelligendum,
sed di-
vino modo. Deus enim non pronuntiat nos solum justos, sed efficit etiam re ipsa. Ita-
que est philosophicus, carnalis et impraemeditatus sermo, justificare esse verbum fo-
rense, ac significare, reum judicio absolutum pronunciare. Osiander maintained that
he agreed with Luther see above, Note 2. On the other hand, he said that Melanc-
;
thon" had perverted the doctrinal system in the Augsburg Confession (see above, Note
;
PART 11.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 39. OSIANDER. 475
self open to the charge, made in most of these official declarations,
that his views were a falsification of this fundamental doctrine of

the new church.^^ Only the Wiirteraberg judgment, December 5,
1551, drawn up by Brenz,^*^ tried to vindicate the essential agree-
4), (§ 31, Note 32) minds were ensnared

and that by the Wittenberg doctorate's oath
Planck, In reply, Mel. Orat. de Caluninia Osiandri, 1553, C. R., xii. 6.
iv. 301, 336.
'^ The mildest of these was Melancthon's Antwort auf das Buch Herrn A. Osiander's^
V. d. Rechtfertigung des Menschen, Wittenberg, 1552. 4. full and thorough was the;
Responsio Ministrorum Ecclesiae Christi, quae est Hamburgi et Lunebergi ad confessio-

ncni A. Osiandri de mediatore J. Chr. Magdeb., 1553. 4. About these and the other
;
opinions, see Salig, ii. 982 Planck, iv. 333.

; Melancthon gives a pertinent opinion about
the doctrine of Osiander, in a letter to the Osianderist Culmann, in Niirnberg, 11. Dec,
1552, C. R., vii. 1151: Multa sunt in illis paradoxis vel aenigmata, vel sophistica, quae
populo nihil prosunt, ctiamsi leniantur interpretatione. Quale hoc est, quod contendit
iliaGorgo, non recte dici: Deiis vivijicat renascentes, sed vult dici: Deus est ipsa rena-
scentium vita. An non vult distingui inter creatorem et vitam creatara ? aut vult Deum
tantum esse Stoicam hSiXtxîav ? Pac, hoc leniri posse commoda interpretatione (nam
et ego ista pharmaca novi) sed quid prodest populo turbare res recte traditas ? Sunt
;
auteni alia, quae ne possuut quidem leniri, quale hoc est ante annos mille quingentos
:
factam esse reniissionem, sed nunc illabi justitiam. An Nero habet remissionem, sed
perit, quia non illapsa est justitia ? —
Scis in nostris Ecclesiis fidelitcr inculcatam esse
doctrinam, in vera coiiversione, cum corda fide per verbum eriguntur, habitare Deum in
conversis. — Sed alia
quaestio est unde mens statuere debeat, placero se Deo, ut crasse
:
quomodo fiat inhabitatio. Hie dicimus, placere hominem fide propter media-
loquar, et
torem Deum et hominem, et niti fidem non his novis actionibus, sed ipso mediatore. Ac
in infinitum anteferenda est obedientia mediatoris his actionibus, quae fiunt in nobis.
Inde abducit homines Osiander, obruens remissionem, ita ut dicat factam esse ante an-
nos MD. et places, inquit, quia imputatur divinitas, non meritum mediatoris. Haec
:
sunt enthusiastica, quae obscurant beneficia Pilii Dei, et delent veram consolationem.
Cf. Responsio Ministr. Eccl. Hamb. et Lunburg. J. 2 Scriptura loquitur de praesentia,
:
de eflicacia, operatione et gubernatione Dei, quando in hoc sennone versatur, quod Deus
habitat in credentibus. Pi-equenter in Scripturis usurpatur haec metaphora, quae ab ho-
minibus sermonem, ut fit in multis aliis, transfert ad Deum. Homines habent suam so-
cietatem, et coetus habent civitates et domos, in quibus cum civibus et faniilia sua con-
versantur: hinc Scriptura sumit habitandi verbum et ad Deum transfert, et significat
Dei praesentiam, familiaritatcm et conversationem cum hominibus, eflTicaciam et opera-
tionem in Sanctis. —
Deum habitare cum hominibus est, eum se hominibus associare,
praesentem esse, ac quasi patremfaniilias agere, providere, curare, respicere, juvare, re-
gere et defendere. Deus ubique praesens est sua essentia, potentia et sapientia gratia :
autem sua, favore, benevolentia et defensione peculiariter praesens est sui^ electis. Ibi
Deus dicitur habitare, ubi adest sua gratia et benevolentia, ubi dat verbum gratiae suae,
et promissiones suas de misericordia sua et remissione peccatorum patefecit, ubi agit suo
spiritu, —
ubi colitur, invocatur et exaudit. Asseruit Osiander in disputatLone sua, Deum
ita habitare in credentibus, ut in Christo habitat omnis plenitudo divinitatis corporali-
ter. Hoc si verum sit, nihil posset addi ad illam plenitudinem, nee peterent credentes
rcplcri Spiritu sancto. — Inhabitatio Dei in nobis gratiae est, non naturae donationis, ;
non proprietatis ; communicationis ac participationis, non personalis unionis; ut est in

Christo.
" Brenz had previously had a similar view to that of Osiander (see Mel. Ep. ad Brent,
above, § 34, note 1), but was here, as on all other points, averse to controversy com- ;
pare the letters to Melancthon, 6th November, 1552, C. R., vii., 1129, and 29th Septem-
ber, 1555, in Riedcrer's Abhandlungen, iv. 432. (Non videtur mihi controversia potis-
simum dc dogmate, sed magis de persona esse, utrumne Osiander hoc an aliud seuserit.
G —
ment of Osiander with the Lutheran doctrine, and recommended

the contestants to come to an understanding with each other." The
Duke, accordingly, kept back the other opinions, that he might
effect an adjustment through the Wiirtemberg divines. Their six
theses,^^ propounded for this purpose, were in fact declared by both
—Veritas igitur dogmatis ita illustretur, ut nullum de eo dubium inter nos-

et rectitudo
tros relinquatur.Maiieat autem hoc, si quidem ita videbitur, in dubio, utrumne Osian-
der hoc an diversum senserit) to Camerarius, 13th December, 1552, in Strobel's Bei-
;
trage zur Literatur, ii. 123.

^' See the Wiirtemberg opinion, the first that was sent in, in Duke Albert's proclama-
tion, 1553 (see above, Note 8), F. 3; extracts in Salig, ii. 974 comp. Joh. Brenz, bj' J. ;
Hartmann and K. Jiiger, ii. 335.

'8 The Duke also calledûpon Bugenhagen to be a mediator (21st March, 1552, in J.
Voigt's Briefwechsel der beriihmtesten Gelehrten niit Herzog Albrecht, Konigsb., 1841,
s. 105), but received from him a decisive refusal ibid. The Tiibingen declaration (which
;
theDuke had asked for), June 1, 1552, is in Herzog's Alberti Ausschreiben, ch. ii., and in
Wigandus de Osiandrismo, p. 142. The points of union [in substance : 1. That Christ's
obedience comes originally from his divine nature, and is a fruit of the divine righteous-
ness that is That this obedience is a satisfaction for our sins, and a propi-
in Christ; 2.
tiation of God's wrath, and that its merit is that of the eternal divine justice 3. That ;
we are to receive bj' faith this obedience of Christ, and trust in it with the assurance
that our sins are forgiven, etc.
As to the divine righteousness, both parties are agreed -.
1. That God in his divine es-
sence alone is the true, eternal justice, Luke xviii. ; 2. That through faith in Christ,
God the Father, Son, and Holj- Spirit trulj' dwells in us, with all his blessings
3. That ;
through this faith in Christ, God, dwelling in us, forgives the sin which still clings to
us but he does not let us remain in sin wholly unrenewed, but begins to expel it in this
;
life, and to make us righteous, imtil in the future life we become wholl}- free from sin.
The dissensions of the two parties is a bellum grammaticale on the interpretation of the —
justitia Dei (see below) in some passages of Paul —
whether it is to be considered as the
essential righteousness of God, and the verbum justificare to be taken as merel}' pro ab- —
solvere injustuni, or as being —
re ipsa justum facere and whether the obedience of Christ
;
can be called a righteousness.] " Soviel den Gehorsam Christi belanget, halten unsers
Verhoffens beide Parteien 1. Dass der Gehorsam Christi, den er hie auf Erden Gott seim
:
himlischen Vater im Thun und Leiden bewiesen hat, komme urspriinglieh von seiner
gottlichen Natur, und sey eine Frucht der gottlichen Gerechtigkeit in Christo 2. Dass ;
dieser Gehorsam Christi —

sej' eine Busse unserer Siinden, und eine Versohnung Gottes
—
Zorns, eine Bezahlung fur unser Erlosung von Siinden, Tod und Holle, und ein Ver-
dienst der ewigen gottlichen Gerechtigkeit und Seligkeit 3. Dass wir diesen Gehorsam ;
Christi, uns durch das Evangelium verkundiget, mit Glauben sollen annehmen, unsdes-
selbigen in alien Anfechtungen der Siinden und des Todes vertrosten, und gewislich
vertrauen, dass Gott der Vater uns von wegen des Gehorsams seines Sohns verzeihe
alle Siinde, nehme uns auf an Kindes Statt, und erhalt uns zum ewigen Leben im Tod.
"So viel aber die gottliche Gerechtigkeit belanget, sind beide Parteien unsers Ver-
trauens einerlei Meinung in folgenden Artikeln 1. Dass Gott in seinem gottlichen We-
:
sen allein die rechte ewige Gerechtigkeit sey, Luc. xviii. Nemo bonus nisi solus Deus;
2. Dass durch den Glauben in Jesum Christum Gott der Vater, Sohn und heil. Geist
sammt alien ihren Gutern in uns wahrhaftig wohnen, Jo. xiv. Veniemus ad eum, et
mansionem apud eum faciemus 3. Dass durch den Glauben in Christum Gott, in uns
;
wohnend, vergebe uns wohl die Stinde, so noch in uns hie auf Erden stecken, und rechne
sie uns nicht zu aus Verdienst seines lieben Sohns, unsers Ilerrn Jesu Christi aber er ;
lasse uns nicht fiirund fiir unverneuert in der Siinde bleiben, sondern fahe an hie in die-
sem Leben die Siinde auszufegen, und uns mit der That fromm und gerecirt zu machen,
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH, § 39. OSIANDER. 477
parties to be orthodox, but were rejected by Osiander's opponents

because they might be misinterpreted in his favor. After the
death of Osiander, October 17, 1552, his son-in-law, the court
preacher, Joh. Funck, who had the highest confidence of the old
Duke, came to be the leader of this small party but with all his ;
adroitness and concessions, he could not set aside the general ha-
tred which weighed upon his party. In vain did the old Duke
endeavor, by a proclamation,^^ to effect a union upon the six "VViir-
temberg articles, banishing meanwhile, in 1553, the reckless op-
ponent, Morlin. Equally in vain was a Confession^'' of his own,
offered as a means of coming to agreement (1554), Although
these formulas tried to reduce Osiandrism to the terms of Luther-
an orthodoxy, yet a latent poison was scented in them. Recanta-
tion was demanded of the Osiandrists, and the most absurd er-
rors were imposed upon them as the logical consequences of their
opinions,^^ The deposition of the refractory preachers, in 1555,
only increased the general exasperation.
In Pomesania,^^ too, and in Nuremberg,^^ there were a few fol-
bis wir im kiinftigen Leben der SuikIgii ganz ledig, und mit vollkomener Fromigkeit
und Gereclitigkeit, als rechte Glieder Christi und Kinder Gottes, gezieret werden.
" Dieweilen wir denn ganzlicher Zuversicht siiid, die Parteien werden keinem der er-
zahlten Hauptartikeln widersprechen, sender dieselbigen mit der ganzen christlichen
Kirchen gleicher Meinung halten so konnten wir uns aus ihrer beiden Schreiben niclit
;
anders berichten, denn dass ihr Zwiespalt sey nur ein bellum grammaticale, niimlich ob
hi etlichen Spriichen Pauli als Rom. iii. Nunc vero absque lege justitia Dei manifestata
est, dum comprobatur testimonio legis et Prophetarum. Justitia vero Dei per fidem J.
(Christi. Item justificamur gratis per illius gratiam. Item arbitramur fide justificari
liominem, etc. Diese Wort Dei flir die wesentliche Gereclitigkeit Gottes, und
justitia
das verbum justificare nicht pro absolvere injustum, sed re ipsa justum facere verstan-
den werden soUen, ob auch der Gehorsam Christi moge eine Gerechtigkeit genannt
werden."
' See above. Note 8.
-" In manuscript in Wolfenbiittel, see Salig, ii. 1027; extracts in Wigandus

de Osian-
drismo, p. 356. It was laid before a synod in Konigsberg in 1554, which declared it to
be unsatisfactory.
" Matth. Vogel's Dialogus eines armen Sunders mit Moj-se u. Christo v, d. Rechtfer-
tigung des Glaubens, sammt s. Bedenken von der zugetragenen Zwiespalt fiber solchen
Artikel, und einer Antwort auf Dr. J. Blorlein ungestiimcn Sendbrief, Konigsb., 1557. 4.
Vogel, who had also fled from Nuremberg on account of the Interim, was bj^ no means
agreed with Osiander on all points, but Avas declared to be one of his followers b}- his
violent opponents on account of his calm impartialitj-. According to his memorial in
the case, Osiander was accused of teaching that forgiveness of sins is also had bj' those
who do not believe; thatwe are justified, not b}' faith alone, but also bj' works that ;
believers become gods, and like Christ in all things, etc. Salig, ii. 1056.
;
-^ In Stettin Petrus Artopous was deposed for being an Osiandrist, 1550; Salig, ii.
1045.
" Here Lconh. Culmann, preacher at St. Sebald's, was the chief among Osiander's
lowers of Osiander ; but when they were removed from office the
controversy was soon brought to an end.

To attain peace, Funck and the other Osiandrists at last aban-
doned all their peculiar doctrinal formulas,'^* and joined the Wit-
tenbergers, who had been contemned by Osiander him-
so bitterly
self. They persuaded the Duke to set forth (1558) a new church
order with Philippist doctrines.^^ Funck handed in a Confession
of Faith to the divines of Leipsic and Wittenberg, and was de-
clared by them to be orthodox (1561) f^ in 1563 he openly con-
fessed, in four sermons, that he had previously given occasion for
misunderstandings and mistrust.^^ And yet the reproach of Osi-
andrism still remained upon the small and closely hedged in com-
pany of strangers, since they would not directly condemn it. Be-
sides this they were now accused of Philippism and, opposed by ;
all, they were held up onjy by the Duke. When the latter fell
out with his estates, he being accused by them of oppressive taxa-
tion and interference with their privileges, as also of arbitrary en-
croachments upon the constitution of the Church, the chief blame
was ascribed to the Osiandrists, since Funck, being the Duke's
friends, wbom
Melancthon, Dec. 11, 1552 (Corp. Ref., vii. 1150), and Jan. 25, 1553 (ibid.,
viii. 26),exhorted to peace. Culmann too, together with Joh. Fabricius, preacher at St.
Laiirentius, was upbraided for ftivoring Osiander bj- tlie council of Nuremberg, Sept. 14,
155-1 see the protocol in Strobel's Neue Beitrilge, i. 91. Yet still the coutroversj' broke
;
out later, and Melancthon, with several other theologians, was invited to Nuremberg,
Sept., 1555, to adjust it. He published at that time an Oratio, exhorting to peace, and
an examination, in German, of the doctrine of justification, which was to be subscribed
bj- all the Nuremberg clergj- (both in Corp. Ref., viii. 546). Culmann and Vetter did
not subscribe, but took their departure. G. G. Zeltneri Paralipomenon Osiandrinum
s. Leonh. Culmanni Vita et Fata, Altorf., 1710. 4. It was afterward made a question
whether Culmann should be admitted to communion see Melancthon 's Opinion, Corp.
;
Ref., viii. 613.

^* Duke John Albert Duke Albert, tried to settle the
of Mecklenburg, son-in-law of
dispute at a synod at Riesenburg, February, 1556. Funck made a declaration, which
was considered as a recantation, but which he afterward said meant, that bj' his mode
of teaching he had given occasion for errors, but not that he held them himself. How-
ever, he was obliged to give assent to the Augsburg Confession, and to Melancthon's
Loci Communes see the narrative of the Duke in a letter to Flacius, in Wigandus de
;
Osiandrismo, p. 291 ; Salig, ii. 1055.

" Matth. Vogel had, in 1556, drawn up for this object an outline of Christian doctrine,
after Melancthon's Loci, and personally given it to Brenz to be examined (Voigt's Brief-
wechsej ber. Gelehrten mit Herzog Albr., s. 57) it was also sent to Melancthon for this
;
purpose (Voigt's Mittheilungen aus der Correspondonz des Herz. Albr. mit Luther, Me-
lanchthon und Sabinus, s. 52). Several persons had part in drawing up the church or-
der among them Aurifaber, at whose instance exorcism was omitted in the baptismal
;
service, which gave so much offense see Hartknoch, ; 6. 895.

^^ "Wigandus de Osiandrismo, p. 301.
" Wigandus, p. 306. Hartknoch, s. 408.
PART II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 39. OSIANDER.' 479
confessor and counselor, had the chief influence upon him. And
so they had to share in the general exasperation evoked by the
arbitrary measures of the adventurer Skalich, who, since 1561,
ruled the country instead of the weak Duke,^^ and to which Funck
at last fell a sacrifice on the scaffold, in 1566,'-^ in accordance with
-8 See M. Toppen zur Gesch. d. standischen Verhaltnisse in Preussen, in Raumcr's

hist. Tasclienbuclie, 1847, s. 459.
=' Historie von Funck, Schnell, Horst, und Steinbacli ex actis puM. msctis ; in the
xVcta Borussica, Bd. 3 (Konigsberg u. Leipzig, 1732), s. 217, 311, 471. Comp. the bill of
complaint lodged against them, Sept. 7, 1566, p. 347. They were accused of being [per-
nicious disturbers of the peace, of trj-ing to do away with the long-established order in
church matters, approved b}- the whole country and Mr. John Funck, too, long ago
;
held to and defended Osiander's heretical opinions, and brought it to pass that many
honest ministers and teachers were deposed and banished. Besides, he has aided in in-
troducing a church order, without the knowledge of the country, imposing a scandalous
baptismal service, and persecuting and banishing those who resisted. Likewise, it is
notorious that Mr, Funck, without the assent of the land, helped to bring in a Samland
President (Aurifaber, 1554), who pushed on these innovations and that Matthew Horst,
;
too, not long ago, without the advice of the old counselors, set up such a President
(in the person of Matth. Roseler), who had passed so glibl}' from one studio to an-
other, that he was first a medicus, and then a jurist, and lastly (desperatio facit mona-
chum) became a theologus, and was put np here for a bishop or president. Again, it is
notorious that Mr. Funck, Matth. Horst, Hans Schnell, and Steinbach joined with Paulo
Scalichio in inverting and disturbing the common church order of the land, etc.] " tan-
quam novatores et publicae pacis perturbatores perniciosissimi vorlangst vor diesem
unterstanden haben, und noch unterstehen und Vorhabens seyn, alle christliche wohl-
hergebrachte lobliche, und mit gemeiner Landschaft Rath und Bewilligung vor Alters
gestellte und aufgerichtete gute Kirchen- und Regiments-Ordnungen in diesem Lande
—
zu turbiren, aufzuheben, und ihres Gefallens zu reformiren. Und das es wahr sej-, so
ist ofifenbar u. notorium, dass M. Joh. Funck sicli vor etlichen Jahren dem Hauptketzer
Osiander anhiingig gemachet, seine ketzerische Lehre mit Gewalt helfen treiben und
verfechten, dariiber auch mit Rath u. That dahin gearbeitct, auch dasselbige helfen ins
Werk richten, dass viel rechtschaftene fromme unschuldige Kirchendiener und Lehrer
ihres Kirchenamts entsetzet und des Landes verwiesen seyn. Zudem hat er helfen ra-
then und thaten, dass die alte Kirchcnordnung, die mit aller Stande gemeiner Land-
schaft Rath, AV'issen und Belieben augenommen, zerrissen, [und eine andere] ohne der
Landschaft Vorwissen aufgerichtet, darein eine neuc hochiirgerliche Ordnung des heil.
Sacraments der Taufe gemeiner Landschaft und den Kirchendienern aufgedrungen, und
die es nicht annehmen wollen, dariiber verfolgt, mit Gefangniss gestraft, und auch des
Landes verwiesen worden. Zudem ist notorium und oftenbar, dass M. Funck dahin ra-
then und thaten helfen, dass hinter Wissen und Willen einer gemeinen Landschaft ein
Samliindischer Prasident ist eingesetzt (Johannes Aurifaber, 1554 see Hartknoch, s.
:
378), der die eingorissenen Neuerungen in der Kirchen hat helfen starken, und dass
auch kurz verwichener Zeit durch Matthiam Horst ein solcher Prasident ohne alle Vor-
wissen und Willen der Landschaft, oder anderer alten Rathe gefordert (Matthaus Rose-
ler, 1565, Prasident des Pomeranischen Bisthums; s. Hartknoch, s. 413), der so leicht-
fertig von einem studio auf das andere gesprungen, dass er erstlich ein Medicus gewest,
darnach ein Jurist worden ist, und hat zu Rostock procuriret, letzlich aber, wie man
sagt, quod desperatio facit Monachum, ein theologus worden, und allhier vor einen Bi-
schof oder Prasidenten sich aufgeworfen. Zum andern ist notorium u. ofFenbar, dass
gedachter M. Funck, Matth. Horst, Hans Schnell, und Steinbach sich dem Paulo Scali-
chio haben anhiingig gemacht, mit und neben demselbcn helfen rathen und thaten, da-
rait die gemeine Regimentsordnung dieses Landes gar invertiret u. zerstorct wurde,"etc.
480 FOURTH PEEIOD.— DIY. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
a decision of a Polish commission, which the estates had request-

ed to institute proceedings. Osiandrism, which had long before
vanished away, was now
condemned by Mbrlin, again
formally
recalled and made Bishop of Samland, in the Repetitio Corporis
Doctrinae Christianae, published in 1567.^''
By opposition to Osiander's doctrine, that Christ is our right-

eousness only in his divine nature, the violent Italian, Francis
Stancarus,^' who was professor of theology (1551) for some time
in Konigsberg, was led to take the opposite ground, that Christ is
our righteousness only in his human nature.^^ This error was

overlooked in Konigsberg by the opponents of Osiander ; but when
Stancarus endeavored to enforce it as a weighty and fundamental
truth in the Evangelical churches of Poland, Hungary, and Tran-
sylvania, he found decided opposition and this was strengthened ;
by the memorials of Melancthon, Calvin, and the Ziirich divines ;^^

— In the government's note, 1542, it was established that there should be at all times
—
two bishops in Prussia with full spiritual jurisdiction those of Samland and of Pome-
sania and yet the Duke had filled the vacant sees with presidents, who drew smaller
;
incomes and were more dependent on him. Thus there was opportunity for more arbi-
trar}- procedures in favor of Osiandrism. On this account the estates, as early as 155G,
had pressed for the reinstatement of bishops see Tcippen, in Raumer's hist. Taschenb.,
;
1847, s. 416, 434, 481.

=" German, Konigsb., 1567. Fol. Latin, ibid., 1570. 8. Hartknoch, s. 424. Planck, iv.
439. As Corpus Doctrinae this Repetitio presupposed the Augsburg Confession, the Apol-
og}' for the same, and the Smalcald Articles but later the formula itself was called
;
Corpus Doctrinae Prutenicum Hartknoch, s. 427.;
^' Jo. AVigandus de Stancarismo, Lips., 1585. 4. SchliJsselburg Catal. Haereticorum,

lib. ix. Planck, iv. 449. Comp. above, § 31, Note 19.
^^ Among his reasons, the most important are (Schliisselburg, ix. 233) Nemo potest :
esse mediator sui ipsius : Jam si Christus esset mediator etiara secundum naturam di-
vinam, esset mediator sui ipsius, quia est unus Deus cum Patre et Spiritu sancto Ergo :
Christus non est mediator secundum naturam divinam (p. 249) Pacificati sumus per ;
sanguinem crucis ejus per euudem reconciliavit nos corpore carnis suae per mortem,
;
Coloss., i. Sanguis crucis et mors sunt humanae naturae, non divinae Ergo per natu-
: :
ram humanam Christi tantum sumus reconciliati, et non per divinam. But he thereby
declares (p. 45) Excludo naturam divinam ab officio sacerdotii et mediationis Christi,
:
sed non a persona ejus. He appealed especially to (p. 226) 1 Tim., ii. 5 Unus Deus, :
unus et mediator Dei et hominum, homo J. Chr. Rom., v. 15. 1 Cor., xv. 21 also to the ;
Concilium Ephesinum (p. 298), the church fathers, particularlj' Augustine (p. 305), the
scholastics Peter Lombard, Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventura, Richard St. Victor, Biel (p.
162, 310). Peter Lombard was especiallj- held to be the source of his opinion, who un-
doubtedlv says, in so many words (Sentent., lib. iii. dist. 19) Christus mediator dicitur
:
secundum humanitatem, non secundum divinitatem and this has remained the doc- ;
trine of the Catholic Church see Baur's Lehre v. d. Versohnung, s. 347.

;
^^Mel. Responsio de Controversia Stancari scripta. Lips., 1553 (also in Schlussel-

burg, ix. 163). Calvini Responsum ad Fratres Polonos, quomodo Christus sit Mediator,
ad refutandum Stancari Errorem. Genev., 1561 (also in his Tractatus Theol., p. 587).
Epistolae duae ad Ecclesias Polonicas, Evangelium J. Chr. amplexas scriptae a Tiguri-
nae Ecclesiae rainistris de negotio Stancariano, Tiguri, 1561 (Schlusselburg, ix. 184).
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERANISM. § 40. FORMULA CONCORDIAE. 481
But his doctrine still produced much disquietude. His death, in
1574, was also the death of his doctrine.
§ 40.
REDACTION OF THE FORMULA CONCORDIAE.

Rud. Hospiniani Concordia Discors, de Origine et Progressu Formulae Concordiae Ber-
gensis, Tiguri, 1607, foL Leonh. Hutteri Concordia Concors, de Origine et Progressu
Formulae Concordiae Ecclesiarum Coufessionis Augustanae, Witeberg., 1G14, fol. J.
N. Anton's Gesch. dcr Concordienformel der Evang. Luth. Kirche, 2 Tii. Leipzig, 1779.
Plancli, vi. 403. [K. F. Goschel, Die Concordienformel, Gesch., Lehre, etc., Leipz.,
1858. F. H. R. Franlv, Die Theologie der Concordienformel hist.-dogm. entwickelt, i.
1858. H. Heppe, Confessionelle Entwickelung, 1854 Geschicbte d. Concordienformel,
;
i. 1857 ;Gescli. des Deutschen Protestantismus, 1551-81, 4 Bde., 1853-59 Dogmatili

;
des Deutschen Protestantismus, 3 Bde., 1859.]
After the Crypto-Calvinists of Saxony had been set aside, and

the pugnacious theologians of the opposite party had withdrawn,^
the greatest hinderances to the peace of the Church seemed to
have been removed. Andreae, who up to this time had been at
work without success for the Concordia, now addressed himself
to the matter with new zeal, especially as the Elector August join-
ed the princes who favored it, and in fact became the most zealous
among them.
There were really only two points of doctrine about which they
had not come to a full decision in the orthodox Lutheran Church.
The doctrine of the Lord's Supper was indeed every where accept-
Chief work of Stancarus De Trinitate et Mediatore Domino nostro J. Chr. adv. H. Bul-
:
lingerum, P. Martyrem et J. Calvinum et reliquos Tigurinae et Genevensis Ecclesiae

niinistros, Ecclesiae Dei perturbatores, ad magnificos —Dominos Polonos nobiles ac eo-
rum ministros, Cracoviae, 1562.
^ Proposition of the Electorate of Saxony to the convention in Lichtenberg, Feb. 18,
1576, in Hutterus, f.[They are moved to this because some of the disputatious
77 :
divines are dead others have used themselves up in the strife

; and so many God-
;
fearing divines desire peace.] " Zu diesem christl. Werk und Fiirhaben hat uns und
andere desto mehr bewogen, dieweil wir und Ihre Liebden wissen, dass etzliche zankische
Tlieologen, Illj-ricus u. Andere, so diesen Streit erreget, zum Theil mit Tode abgangen,
die Uebrigen aber eines Theils mit Disputiren und Zanken dermassen abgemattet, dass
sie verhofFentlich nunmehr in sich selbst gehen, und sich vielleicht besser weisen und
bescheiden lassen werden. Zu dem sind gleichwol auch viel GottfQrchtige und Fiied-
liebende Theologen jetziger Zeit am Leben, so zu solcher Einigkeit begierig und geneigt
sej-n, dieselbige von Ilerzcn wiinschen, und zu Gott dem Allmiichtigen darunib seufzen
und beten." Wigand and Hesshusius were still the most dangerous persons but the ;
former was far away as Bishop of Pomesania, and the latter as Bishop of Samland.
The Landgrave, William of Ilesse, in a letter to the Elector, expressed the hope that
Chemnitz and Ch3-traeus would earnestl}- admonish them to peace and quiet and that ;
they would probably be able to accomplish it (Planck, vi. 447, from Sclnccker's papers).
[Comp. C. A. Wilkens, Tileman Hesshusius, Loipz., 18G0.]
VOL. IV. —31
ed in its strict Lutheran form; but yet the communicatio idio-

matum with it, was not every where
realis, taught in connection
accepted in the same form, and by many it was wholly rejected.
. So, too, the Melancthonian synergism, violently as it was opposed,
had many friends among those who did not see how else they'
could escape the fearful doctrine of an unconditional predestina-
tion.
What Mâs now needed was to unite prominent theologians of

different countries in the work of pacification — men who loved
peace, and were above suspicion as to their orthodoxy. Andreae
first sent a declaration about the controverted points, approved by
the Wiirtemberg divines (the Suabian Confession, Liber Tubin-
two most distinguished theologians in Lower
gensis, 1574),^ to the
—
Saxony Martin Chemnitz, Superintendent of the city of Bruns-
wick, and David Chytraeus, professor in Rostock, both of them
pupils, but not blind adherents, of Melancthon. These consulta-
tions^ resulted in full investigations, especially as to the doctrines
of the Lord's Supper and free-will, which were inserted into the
above Suabian Confession, and published as the Suabian-Saxon
Concordia in 1575 ;'^ but these additions made the document un-
symmetrical. Andreae, therefore, reduced its contents to a shorter
and more proportionate form, and this new revision was sanction-
ed by a council of Wiirtemberg and Baden theologians in the
cloister of —
Maulbronn the Maulbronn Formula, January, 1576.^
To obtain a common document of union from these two formulas,
the Elector August convened an Assembly of divines at Torgau,
after several of his clergy had declared in favor of the work of
* Andreae had dedicated to Duke Julius " Sechs christl. Predigten von den Spaltun-
gen, so sioh zwischen den Theologen Augsb. Confession von Anno 1548 bis auf das J.
1573 nach und nach erhaben, Tubingen, 1573." 4., and sent these sermons to Chemnitz
and Chj-traeus with the proposal that they should be generally subscribed and used for
effecting a union. But sermons were not found to be verj- appropriate, and Andreae
was led to draw up from them the doctrinal theses in a concise form ; see Eehtmej'er's
Stadt Braunschweigische Kirchenhistorie, iii. 439 ; 0. F. Schiitzi De Vita Dav. Chytraei
Commentariorum, libb. iv. (Hamburg, 1720-28), ii. 389 Planck, vi. 403. Thus Andreae
;
drew from these sermons the above declaration, which was not printed. The writings
with which he sent it to Duke Julius and Chemnitz, March, 1574, are in J. G. Bertram's
Reformations- u. Kirchenhist. d. Stadt Liineburg (Braunschweig, 1719. 4.), Beil., s. 172.
^ See the correspondence in Bertram, Beil., s. 181 fF.
* In Pfaini Acta et Scripta Publica Ecclesiae Wirtembergicae (Tubing., 1720.
4.), p.
381, they arc given incorrectlj' many corrections are found in Balthasar's Hist. d. Tor-
:
gischen Buchs. The sections on the Lord's Supper and free-will are by Chytraeus ; see
Planck, vi. 417.
' Unpublished, sec Planck, vi. 429.
—
PART 11.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 40. THE CONCORDIA. 483
pacification in Lichtenberg (February, 1576), and avowed their

willingness to sacrifice the Corpus Doctrinae Philippicum.^ This
convention, under the lead of Andreae, Chemnitz, and Chytraeus,
soon finished their work — in the Torgau Book, May, 1576.^ The
Suabian-Saxon Concordia was laid at the basis but the honora- ;
ble mention it made of Melancthon had to be obliterated,^ while

many extracts from Luther were inserted, taken from the Maul-
bronn Formula.^
^ The doings are in Hutterus, f. 7G b. Their declaration, f. 78 b : " Auf dass nun
manniglich zu spiiren habe, dass wir von Grand unserer Herzen zum christl. Fried und
Einigkeit geneigt, so erlclaren wir uns dahin, dass wir keines Menschen Gewissen au
obgemelt Buch, Corpus doctrinae genannt, binden sollen noch wollen, auch dasselbig
uiemande aufdringen als ein Sj-mbolum, normam oder Richtschnur, sondern haltens fur
ein herrlichs guts nutzlichs Buch, und commendirn es als ein methodum docendi et dis-
cendi, daraus sich die Lehrer und die Jugend rechter Art und Ordnung zu reden, zu
schreiben und zu lehren erliolen konnen. Und so etwas darin, so in Streit mag gezogen
—
werden, wollen wir dasselbig allezeit regulirt und A'erstanden haben nach Gottes aus-
drucklichem Wort, und Schriften Lutheri." [In substance that they would bind no
:
man's conscience to the above book, nor use it as a Sj-mbolum, but they commend it as
a noble good book, to be used in teaching the controversial points in it to be understood
;
according to the Word of God and Luther's -w-ritings.]

' J. H. Balthasar's Hist, des Torgischen Buchs, 6 Stiicke, Greifswald u. Leipzig,
1741-44. 4. (P. vii. sect. 1^, and P. viii.), appeared till 1756 as academical dissertations.
The Torgau Book was reprinted, with a preface bj^ Semler, Halle, 1760. Besides the
three divines mentioned above, there also came to Torgau Andreas Musculus and Chris-
topher Cornerus, from Frankfort-on-the-Oder, and eleven theologians from electoral Sax-
ony at the head of them Crellius of Wittenberg, and Harder and Selnecker from Leip-
;
sic; comp. Anton, i. 167.

* In the Suabian-Saxon Concordia, in Pfaff, p. 385, it is said :
" Es werden aber an-
dere gute nutzliche reine Biicher, Auslegung der heil. Schrift, Widerlegung der Irrthii-
nier, Erklarung der Lehrartikel, und sonderlich die fur andere ordentlich wollgefassten
Schriften des Herrn Philippi, hiemit nicht verworfen, welche, sofern sie dem itztgemel-
ten Furbild der Lehre gemass, als ordentliche nutzliche Auslegungen und Ei'klarungen
billig commendiret, und nutzlich gebraucht konnen und sollen werden" [i. e., other
good books, commentaries, etc., and especiallj' the writings of Master Philip, well and
orderly drawn up, are not rejected, but justlj' commended, so as they are accordant
with thetj-pe of doctrine here propounded, etc.]. In the Torgau Book (Semler's edition,
p. 12) the words in relation to Melancthon, "und sonderlich —
Philippi," are erased. In
the Suabian-Saxon Concordia, in the article on the Lord's Supper, in Pfaff, p. 444 [Philip
is mentioned with Luther as an authorit)- for the interpretation of Paul]: "Derselben
auch unsere lieben Vatere und Praeceptores, als Lutherus an vielen Orten, und Philip-
pus in libro visitationis Saxonicae diesen Spruch Pauli also erkliiren," etc. In the Tor-
gau Book, on the other hand [the name of Philip is here omitted]: "Derhalben auch
unser lieber Vater und Vorfahren, als Lutherus und andere reine Lehrer Augsburgischer
Confession, diesen Spruch," etc. Without question, Musculus, the violent opponent of
Melancthon (see § 37, Note 13), had much to do with this. Dan. Greser, superintendent
in Dresden, who was present, relates in his Autobiography (Schiitz, De Vita Chytraei,
ii. 405), that Satan tried to foment disturbances in Torgau " so that even Dr. Musculus
;
became so enraged that he rose up, and for a long time said he would not stay in the
convention, but meant to go off. But the disturbance was restrained, and Musculus be-
sought to remain, so that, God be praised, all things reached a good and peaceful end."
' Comp., on the whole affair, Balthasar, i, 11.
This Torgau Book was now sent for approval to all the Luther-
an national churches of Grermany, but met with a very diverse
reception. Holstein, in the Gottorf and Haderslehen part, de-
clared against any new confession of faith.^*^ The theologians of
Hesse,ii Zweibriicken,^^ and Simmern^^ held out the prospect of
acceding to it, but they wished it drawn up more in the mild
spirit of Melancthon. The divines of Pomerania,^* Anhalt,^^ and

>" The Gottorf Memorial, bj- the General Superintendent, Paul von Eitzen, reprinted
in the Jena Christmas Programme, 1780 Super Libre Torgensi Censura Holsato-Sles-
:
vicensis (Sept. 21, 1576), variis Observationibus illustrata (a D. Danovio) see Plancic, ;
vi. 485; Johannsen, in Niedner's Zeitschr. f. d. hist. Theol., 1850, s. 638. It is here
maintained That the existing normal -writings are sufficient for the decision of the
: 1.
points in dispute 2. That hy a new symbolical book the calumnies of the opponents
:
would be strengthened 3. That bj' the same, errors which had vanished awaj- would
;
be revived to confuse men's minds 4. That in it, too, there were manj- new modes of
;
statement and disputations, about which new and dangerous divisions would spring up.
Particularly did it seem "as if it Avas intended by this work to put the poor church into
confusion with the new paradoxes which vegetated and were sent forth in the book of
Master Brentius, De Majestate Christi, 1564." The Elector was advised to adhere to
his Corpus Doctrinae, but to exclude from it, in the Loci Coram., "the two paragraphs
in loco de libero arbitrio —
which were not there in the lifetime of holj* father Luther"
(see § 37, Note 31) and to add the Smalcald Articles, the Catechisms of Luther, and
;
Melancthon's Sententiae Patrum de Coena Domini (see § 36, Note 15). Das Hadersle-
bener Gutachten v. d. Propste Georg Petriius in the Danische Bibliothek, iv. 275 ; see
.Johannsen, in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1850, s. 652.
" Proceedings of the General Synod in Cassel, Aug. 27 to Sept. 4, 1576, see in Dr. H.
Heppe's Gesch. der Hess. Generalsynoden von 1568-1582 (2 Bde., Kassel, 1847), i. 195.
Its memorial on the Torgau Book, Sept. 5, 1576, ibid.. Appendix, p. 10 (in Latin in Hos-
pinianus, f. 65). The severe reply of the Saxon divines (Appendix, p. 30) first made
evident the division between the churches of Upper and of Lower Hesse. Landgrave
William and the Hessian Lowlanders held firmly to the Philippist stand-point, and re-
jected the doctrine of ubiquitj- Landgi'ave Louis and the Upper Hessians, on the other
;
hand, led by Dr. Aegidius Hunnius, recently called from Tubingen to Marburg, showed
themselves inclined to the Formula Coucordiae ; Heppe, i. 220 ; Appendix, p. 54.
'' Hospinianus, f. 70, v.
'^ Hospinianus, f. 73, v.
** Their critique is in J. 11. Balthasar's anderer Saramlung eiuiger zur Pommer.
Kirchenhist. gehorigen Schriften, Planck, vi. 496.

s. 9.
15 J. Chr. Beckmann's Hist. Anhalt, vi. 106. Semler's Preface to the

d. Fiirstenth.
Torgisches Buch, s. 33. Planck, vi. 507. Johannsen, in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1846, s. 269.
[Among other things, they deplore the attempt here made to tear asunder Luther and
Philip, those two dear heroes, canonizing the one and making the other an offense. If
they should succeed in banishing the works of Melancthon single definitions of which—
have often thrown more light upon the subjects than all the other books we have this —
would raise new disturbances, not easily allayed, and followed by a mere barlaries.'\
"Besorgen deswegen, die Autores werden sich des Verdachts nicht entledigen konnen,
dass sie die zwei theure Helden, Lutherum u. Philippum,— von einander reissen, den
einen kanonisiren, den andern stinkend machen, und in seinem Untergang eigene Ehre
suchen wollten. Sollte es auch— wirklich darauf angelegt seyn, die so niitzliche und
nothige Schriften Melanchthon's aus unsern Kirchen und Schulen zu verdriingen, in
welche sie doch oft mit einer einzigen Definition ein grosseres Licht hineingetragen ha,
ben, als jetzt uns silleu mit alien unsern Biichern moglich ist;— so besorgen wir uni
.
PART il.— CiiAP. I.—LUTHEKAX ClIUKCU. § 40. THE CONCOKDIA. 485
Magdeburg^'' earnestly defended the theology of Melancthon against

the covert attacks Torgau Book. On the other hand,
made in the
the theologians of the duchy
Brunswick/^ and the cities of Lii-
of
beck, Hamburg, and Liineburg,^^ desired an express condemna-
tion of the Melancthonian teachings, and of the objectionable
works of the Philippists Hesshusius even demanded that all
;
teachers of erroneous doctrine, and among them Melancthon,

should be condemned by name.^^ The rest of the memorials de-
clared themselves, upon the whole, satisfied with the Book, and
criticised only some insignificant points."" The new Elector of
the Palatinate, Louis VI., upon his accession to the government
at the death of his father, Frederick TIL (October 26, 1576),
immediately re-established Lutheranism in his possessions f^ but
yet he did not at first seem inclined to favor the Formula Con-
cordiae.-^
The Elector August summoned another convention of theolo-
gians to meet at the cloister Bergen, near Magdeburg, which in
three sessions, March to May, 1577, examined the criticisms that
wahrlich eines neuen Liirniens, der sich nicht so leicht legen, und dem wahrscheinlich
eine lautere barbaries folgeu wiirde."
" Ssmler's Preface to the Torgau Book, s. 31. Planck, vi. 518.
" At the Synod of Eiddagshausen, Aug. 9, 1576 their memorial : in Hutterus, f. 111.
Planck, vi. 459.
'* At the Convention in Molln, Eecessus Moloniensis, of Nov. 2, 1576, in Bertram's
Reformations- und Kirchenhist. der Stadt Liineburg, Beil., s. 321.
" His criticism on the Torgau Book in his Epist. ad Chemnitium, in Hospinianus, f.
72 : Existimamus, Ecclesiae necessitatem postulare, ut in hac formula auctores et patroni
corruptelarum, Hlj'ricus, Philippus, Pfeffingerus, Osiander, Major, Calvinus, Petrus
MartjT, epistola Philippi ad Palatinum nominentur, ac Ecclesiae et posteritati saltem
indicentur, ut juventus in librorum lectione errores cum forilaula concordiae pugnantes
cavere possit. [Comp. Wilkens's Hesshusius, Leipz., I860.]
*° Decisions of the churches in Goslar, Brunswick, Hildesheira,
Gottingen, Hanover,
Nordheim, Hameln, Eimbeck, and Hoxter, at a synod in Brunswick, Nov. 14, 1576, in
Kehtraeyer's Stadt Braunschw. Kirchenhist., Th. 3, Beil., s. 261. Opinion of the Meck-
lenburg clergj' in a synod at Rostock, Oct. 16, 1576, in Schiitzi de Vita Chytraei, lib. ii.,
App., p. 48; Pfalz-Neuburger, in Hospinianus, f. 73, v. electorate of Brandenburg, at
;
a synod in Lebus, Aug. 4, 1576 see Semler's Preface to Torg. Buch, s. 8, 20.
;
=1 Struve's Pfalz. Kirchenhistorie, s. 294. D. L. Wundt's Magazin f. d. Kirchen- u.

Gelehrten-Gesch. Kurfurstenth. Pfalz, Bd. 2 (Heidelb., 1790),
d. s. 31. L. Hausser's
Gesch. d. Rheinischen Pfalz, ii. 85.
"
In a contemporary manuscript there is a communication, ex ore Schechzii (the
court preacher of the Elector), given in Wundt, ii. 132, who says, "This Elector caused
A to be proclaimed, per Stolzium, anno 1577, in the church of the Holy Ghost, that his
electoral grace had no pleasure in the ubiquity, which is preached fully in all the other
churches hereabouts. But Timoth. Kirchner, a proud Doctor, came here (as Professor
tf Theology in Heidelberg), and so influenced his electoral grace that in consequence he
subscribed the Formula of Concord."
had been sent in,^^ and changed the Torgau Book to accord with
the results of this investigation. The stricter party here acquired
such preponderance as to obhterate all those traces of the Melanc-
thonian teaching which had remained in the Lower Saxon parts
of the Suabian-Saxon Concordia.^* To satisfy the desire for a
'^^
Chj'traeiis ad Jac. Monavium Non. Maji, 1581 (Epistt., Hanov., 1614, p. 417) Tor- :
gensem librum Bergensi ego etiam multis modis praefero. Et me non adhibito ille pri-
nium mutatus est a triumviris Jacobo (Andrea), Selneccero et Kemnicio. Postea mense
Junio alii etiam tres (Chytraeus, Musculus, und Cornerus) pro forma advocati sumus,
cum omnia jam transacta essent. [H. Heppe, Der Text d. Bergischen Concordienfor-
mel verglichen mit dem Texte d. Schwiibisch sachsischen Concordie u. des Torgauen
Buches. Marb., 1857.]
The authors of the Concordia-formula bad previouslj- held to the Melancthonian
**
sj-nergism. M. Chemnitius, Loc. Theol., p. i., de lib. arb., c. 7, shows that the will
of man in conversion is not —plane otiosa
Judicium de Controversiis quibus-
; cf. ejusd.
dam, p. 55 ss. ; Exaraen Cone. Trid., p. comp. Chj-traeus, in his
i., loc. 7, Sect. 3, § 7 ;
often-printed Catechesis, 1554, taken from Melancthon's Loci, and in his Comm. in Ge-
nesin, Viteberg., 1558, p. 364 and in the Declaration der theol. Fac. in Rostock an den
;
Herzog v. Mecklenburg iiber die streitigen Artikel, 1570, in Bertram's Luneb. Reforma-
tions- u. Kirchenhist., Beil., s. 100 f. and Andrea, in his Articles of 1569 (see above, §
;
38, Note 29), in the Unschuld. Nachr., 1718, s. 208. So, too, in the Suabian-Saxon Con-
cordia, in the section on free-will, drawn up by Chytraeus and Chemnitz, synergistic
views were adopted (Pfaff, p. 497), and this passage was retained in the Torgau Book
(Semler's edition, p. 78). It is here said that in conversion man is not treated as a stick
or stone;
—
he is not forced to it per modum coactionis ; he can resist the Holy Spirit,
or allow himself to be renewed. This section was canceled in the Bergen Book, and
exchanged for another (ed. Rechenberg, p. 672), to the effect that man is onlj' so far not
to be compared with a stick or stone as the latter do not resist, do not understand or
feel ; but he is so much the worse, because before his renewal he onl}- opposes the will
•of God comp. Balthasar, iv. 38. The passage in the Suabian-Saxon Concordia (Pfaff,
;
p. 499), and in the Torgau Book (Semler, s. 84), which contained Melancthon's doctrine
of the three causes co-operating in conversion, was expunged. On the other hand, in
tjie Bergen Book (p. 681) it is declared Quandoquidem etiam juventus in scholis doc-
:
trina ilia de tribus causis efficientibus, concurrentibus in conversione hominis non renati
vehementer perturbata est —
denuo repetitum volumus ex supra posita explicatione,
:
quod conversio ad Deum sit solius Spiritus sancti opus interim tamen praedicatione et : —
auditu sancti verbi sui, tanquam ordinario et legitimo medio s. instrumento suo, utitur ;
—
comp. Balthazar, v. 1 vi. 26. The words of the Suabian-Saxon Concordia (PfafF, p.
;
504), and of the Torgau Book (p. 94), viz., " in the cases in which man does not la}-
hold of grace" (sich zur Gnaden nicht appliciret) were changed to this " is not made —
susceptible to grace by God" (von Gott zur Gnade nicht geschickt gemacht wird) Bal- :
thasar, V. 22. —
In the Torgau Book (p. 96) the Melancthonian formulas hominis vo- :
luntas in conversione non est otiosa, sed agit aliquid item trahit Deus, sed volentem ; :
trahit, were explained and justified as referring to the will already under the swaj' of
the Holy Spirit but in the Bergen Book (p. 680) they are rejected as not like, but
;
opposed, to the form of sound doctrine Balthasar, v. 25. Other articles were altered
:
in the same spirit. Thus the Nurembergers complain (Hospinian., f 88, v.), in articulo
de Coena, quae in Torgensi formula bene sint determinata, in Bergensi concordia depra-
vata esse. Chytraeus ad theol. Helmstadienses, 27. Nov., 1582. (Epistt., p. 1199) Uti- :
nam vero hie campus, adeo speciose contra ubiquitatem declamandi, adversariis inser-
tionc quorundam dictorum Lutheri in librum concordiae (see Torgau Book, s. 236), non
patefactus esset Quae in Torgensi archetj-po non extare ipsi meministis. And thus
!
all traces of the Melancthonian theology were set aside, of which Chytraeus, who was
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 40. THE CONCORDIA. 487
concise formula, frequently expressed, the Epitome was added to

the Solida Declaratio.
This Bergen Book sanctioned, in twelve sections, the strict Lu-
theran doctrine ;2^ but it also left in a wavering state the two doc-
trines which had till now been undetermined. It left it uncer-
tain whether the ubiquity of the body of Christ were absolute or
not,^^ and it did not solve the contradiction between its strict Au-
absent, afterward bitterh- complained ; see Schiitzius de Vita Chytraei, ii. 458 ; Chj--
traeus ad Aegid. Hunnium, 1591 omnium, quae a me dicta, acta
(Epistt., p. 873) : Nihil
aut scripta esseut, Jac. Andreae Aristarchus noster probabat, ita ut ne verbum quidem
a me scriptum libro concordiae insit, ideoque non inter auctores illius, sed subscriptores
recenseri merito possim. The authors of the Formula of Concord tried to give the mat-
ter a different aspect; comp. Chemnitz to the Senate in Liibeck, 1st Jul}-, 1577 (Ber-
tram, Beil., s. 3G7) :
—
as to what, in consequence of the critical opinions sent in, had
been declared, illustrated, and improved in the formula, salva substantia, comp. p. 370.
Selnecceri Recitationes aliquot de Consilio script! Libri Concordiae, Lips., 1581. 4. p.
G3 nihil in conventu Bergensi in sententia, cum in ea conveniretur utplurimum, iu
:
Torgensi libro mutatum, licet interdum voculas et utiliter monita adderent doctores.
*^ I. De peccato originis (where, among other things, the error of Racius is repu-
diated) ; II. De libero arbitrio (against Sj'nergism) ; III. De justitia fidei coram Deo
(against Osiander) IV. De bonis operibus (bona opera esse necessaria, but not, as Ma-
;
jor said, necessaria ad salutem on the other hand, Amsdorf's formula was also reject-
;
ed, viz., bona opera noxia esse ad salutem) V. De Lege et Evangelio (against Melanc-
;
thon's doctrine, Evangclium esse concionem poenitentiae) VI. De tertio usu Legis ;
(against Antinomianism) VII. De Coena Domini (against Calvin); VIII. De persona

;
Christi IX. De descensu Christi ad inferos X. De ceremoniis ecclesiasticis, quae vulgo

; ;
adiaphora vocantur (against Adiaphorism) XI. De aeterna praedestinatione et elec-

;
tione Dei XII. De aliis haeresibus et sectis, quae nunquam Aug. Conf, sunt am-
;
plexae.
-^ On the communicatio idiomatum realis,
p. 778 Sentimus et docemus, quod hu- :
—
mana in Christo natura Majestatem illam acceperit, secundum rationem h3-postaticae
unionis, videlicet quod cum tota divinitatis plenitude in Christo habitet, non quemad-
modura in Sanctis hominibus et angelis, sed corporaliter, ut in proprio sue corpore, etiara
omni sua majestate, virtute, gloria, operatione in assumta humana natura liberrime
(quando et quomodo Christo visum fuerit) luceat, et in ea, cum ea, et per eam, divinam
suam virtutem, majestatem et efficaciam exerceat, operetur, et perficiat. Idque ea,
quodammodo, ratione, qua anima in corpore, et ignis in ferro candente agit (comp.
Chemnitz, § 38, Note 24). P. 7G7 : Eam vero majestatem statim in sua conceptione, eti-
am in utero matris habuit : sed ut Apostolus loquitur, seipsum exinanivit, eamque, ut
Dr. Lutherus docet, in statu suae humiliationis secreto habuit, neque eam semper, sed
quoties ipsi visum fuit, usurpavit. Jam vero postquam
Apostolus testatur, super — ut
omnes coelos ascendit ; et revera omnia implet, et ubique, non tantum ut Deus, verum
etiam ut homo, praesens dominatur et regnat, a mari ad mare, et usque ad terminos ter-
rae. P. 784 Ubicunque recte dixeris hie est Deus
: ibi fateri oportet et dicere
: ergo : :
etiam Christus homo adest. Et si locum aliquera monstrares, in quo solus Deus, noa
autem homo jam statim persona divideretur. (Brenz, § 37, Note 44.) On the oth-
esset,
er hand, it is —
again declared, p. 783, the majestas, quam Christus secundum suam hu-
manitatem accepit, ut etiam secundum illam suam assumtam naturam, et cum ea, prae-
sens esse possit, et quidem praesens sit, ubicunque velit (after Chemnitz) praesertim :
vero sentimus, eum Ecclesiae suae in terris, ut mediatorem, caput, regem et summum
—
sacerdotem, praesentem esse. Et sane in hujus rei confirmationem sacram suam Coe-
nam instituit, ut testaretur, se etiam secundum eam naturam, qua carnem et sanguinem
;
488 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D, 1517-1G48.
gustinian doctrine about human corruption and its assertion that

the grace of God through Christ was universal.^^
When now sent to the Lutheran churches for
this formula was
subscription, the PalgraveJohn Casimir (who remained attached
to the Reformed, though his brother, the Elector Louis, had be-
come Lutheran) reminded the Reformed states that, if this was
accepted as the symbolical book of the Lutheran Church, its sep-
aration from the Reformed Church was forever decided. This
Reformed states in Frankfort-on-the-
led to the convention of the
Main, September, 1577, which in vain attempted to hinder the
adoption of the Formula Concordiae, and only resulted in induc-
ing the Elector Palatine to propose the canceling of several of the
hard expressions of the document.^^
habet, nobiscuni esse, in nobis habitare, operari, et efiicacem esse velle. Baur's Dreieiu-
igkeit, iii. 415.
*' The strictest Augustinianism is brought forward in the 1st and 2d sections. E. g.,
p. C56 : Credimus, quod hominis non renati iutellectus, cor, et voluntas in rebus spiri-
tualibus —ex propriis naturalibus viribus prorsus nihil intelligere, credere, — velle, —ope-
rari aut cooperari possint, —
ita ut in hominis natura post lapsum ante regenerationem
ne scintillula quidem spiritualium virium reliqua manserit, aut restet, quibus ille ex se
ad gratiam Dei praeparare se, aut oblatam gratiam apprehendere, aut se ad gratiam —
—
applicare aut accommodare possit. Thus, p. 680, it is taught, with Luther, hominem
in conversione sua pure passive sese habere. On tlie other hand, in the eleventh arti-
cle, the absolute predestination, which results necessarilj- from that doctrine, is rejected
and it is maintained, p. 804, quod non tantum praedicatio poenitentiae, verum etiam
promissio Evangelii sit universalis, h. e. ad omnes homines pertineat. P. 808 Ut Deus :
in aeterno suo consilio ordinavit, ut Spiritus sanctus electos per verbum vocet, illuminet
atque convertat, atque omnes illos, qui Christum vera fide amplectuntur, justificet, at-
que in eos aeternam salutem conferat: ita in eodem suo consilio decrevit, quod eos, qui
per verbum vocati, illud repudiant, et Spiritui sancto (qui in ipsis per verbum efficaci-
ter operari et efficax esse vult) resistunt, et obstinati in ea contumacia perseverant, in-
durare, reprobare, et aeternae damnation! devovere velit. It is clear that in the will,
which laj-s hold of grace, there must be something good. If this comes from the influ-
ence of the Holj- Spirit, which works it in some, and not in others, then the doctrine of
unconditional predestination follows but if this belongs to the natural man, then it was
;
wrong to saj^ before, quod homo non renatus se ad gratiam applicare non possit. We
here find contradictory positions, and not truths standing over against each other, as
Thomasius maintains (Bekenntniss d. evangel. Luther. Kirche, Niirnberg, 1848, s. 223);
nor can we concede that it does not belong to the formula Concordiae as a confession,
but to theology, to reconcile them for that formula throughout contains onlj- too much
;
of theology. But a Confession viught not to countenance anj-, even seeming, contradic-
tions, for if it does it can not be received.
The Acta Conventus Francof. in D. Blondel Actes Authentiques des Eglises Eefor-
=*"
mees touchant la Paix, a Amsterdam, 1655. 4., p. 59. Planck, vi. 591. Des Churf. v.
d. Pfalz Bedenken u. Erklarung an die Churf. von Sachsen u. Brandenburg v. 17. Oct.,
1577, in Struve's Pfiilz. Kirchenhist., s. 313. He wishes, 1. Tliat the appeal to the first,
unaltered Augsburg Confession should be changed into the Augsburg Conf. simpliciter;
2. That the name of Synergists be excluded, and also that tlie Osiandrists and Flacian-
ists should not be named ;

—
and that'the formulas Deus trahit, sed volentem, item homi-
nis voluntas non est otiosa, item tres sunt causae conversiouis —should cither be entirely
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 40. THE CONCORDIA. 489
Meanwhile the formula was subscribed, in the year 1577, in

Saxony,"^ Brandenburg,^" Anspach, Brunswick, Grubenhagen,
Liineberg, Mecklenburg, Wiirtemberg, Zweibriicken, Baden,
Henneberg, and Mompelgard and also ; in Hamburg, Liibeck,
Liineberg, and several of the imperial cities of the Oberland.
This prevented the new Assembly, convened at TangermLinde,
March, 1578,^^ from considering the changes desired by the Elect-
or of the Palatinate. At the convention held in Smalcald, Octo-
ber, 1578,^^ the authors of the Bergen Book came to an under-
standing with the representatives of the Palatinate so far as this,
that the demand of the Elector should be met in a preface. This

preface was then sketched in two conventions in Jiiterbock, Jan-
uary and June, 1579, sanctioned by the Elector Palatine, July 31,
1579, and, after the consideration of some suggestions,^^ entirely
confirmed in the cloister of Bergen, February, 1580,^* so that the
omitted, or admitted with the Candida interpretatio of the Torgau Book 3. Tliat the
;
doctrine of the Lord's Supper should be based upon the Word of God alone, without in-
troducing subtile disputations about ubiquity 4. Some phrases about the majesty of
;
Christ, where it concerns the matter in abstracto, should be omitted 5. The expression ;
daninamus, in respect to the Calvinists, should either be wholly avoided, or made mild-
er. —
The proposal of tlie English embassador to the Elector of Saxony to give up the
Formula Concordiae altogether, out of regard to the common interests of all the Re-
formed churches, see in Hospinianus, f. 92 from a "Weimar MS. in Schneider's Biblioth.
:
d. Kirchengesch., i. 207.
*' See on this, Nic. Selnecceri Recitationes aliquot de Consilio scripti Libri Concor-
diae, et modo agendi, qui in subscriptionibus servatus est; Lips., 1581. 4. Recit. iv. p.
59. Comp. the Unterschrift der Concordienformel in Sachsen, von Johannsen, in Nied-
ner's Zeitschr., 1847, s. 1.
^^ See Christoph. Cornerus, General Superintend, of the Mark, Bericht an den Churf.
zu Brandenburg viber die Erinnerungen der Pfarrherrn, so auf den Sj-nodis zu Berlin,
Prenzlau, Ruppin, und Nauen zu Verlesung und Unterschreibuug des Berg. Buclis ver-
sammlet gewesen (1577, not 1571), in the Fortges. Sammlung von alten und neuen theol.
Sachen, 1749, s. 824. Here there is a much more open exhibition of the doubts than in
Selnecker.
^' Instructions of the Elector August for this sj'nod, in Ilutterus, c. 21, f. 1G5. Me-
morial of the theologians, ibid., f. 1G8.
^* On this, see Heppe, in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1852, ii. 283. Schmalcaldischer Ab-
schied in Siruve's Pfalzischer Kirchenhist., s. 319.
^^ The strict because the Frankfort Recess of 1558
Lutherans especially criticised it,
(§ 37, Note 33) is Planck, vi. 665.

called a Christian judgment.
5* The rulers, in whose name the preface is prepared, confess solam primam illam —
—
Augustanam Confessionem, Imp. Carolo V. exhibitam. Quod ad alteram Aug. Conf. —
— —
editionem attinet, animadvertimus, quosdam sub praetextu verborum posterioris il-
lius editionis corruptelas in negotioCoenae, et alios errores contegere et occultare volu-
isse. —
Xos sane nunquam posteriorem editionem in ea sententia accepimus, quae a pri-
ore ilia, quae exhibita fuit, ulla ex parte dissideret. Nee etiam alia scripta utilia D.
Philippi Melanchthonis, neque Brentii, Urbani Regii, Pomerani et similium repudianda
ac damnanda esse judicamus, quatcnus cum ea norma, quae Concordiae libro expressa
est, per omnia conscutiuut. Qiiaiujuam autcm nonnulli iheologi, et in his ipse Luthe-
;
Elector August was able to publish the Concordia in Dresden,

June 25, 1580, on the fiftieth anniversary of the Augsburg Con-
fession.^^
All attempts to induce Holstein,^*' Hesse,^" Pomerania,^'' Anhalt,^''
rus, cum de Coena Domini agerent,

inviti etiani ab adversariis ad disputationes de per-
sonali unione duarnm naturarum pertracti sint tamen theologi nostri in Con-
in Christo ;
—
cordiae libro diserte testantur, et nostram et hujus libri sententiam constantem et per-
petuam esse, pios homines in negotio Coenae dominicae ad nulla alia fundamenta, quam
verborum institutionis testamenti Domini nostri J. Chr., deducendos esse. At vero, cum —
ilia assertio nostra, et simplex verborum testamenti Christi sensus ab adversariis im-
—
pugnatur, denique articulis Symboli apostolici, praesertim de Filii Dei incarnatione,
ascensione in coelum, et sessione ad dexteram Omnipotentis, contrarius et proinde —
etiam falsus esse contenditur, vera solidaque articulorum illorum interpretatione demon-
strandum est, nostram illam sententiam nee a verbis Christi, neque ab articulis illis dis-
sidere. — —
Ad condemnationes impiorum dogmatum, et ejus praesertim, quod de sacra
—
Coena extitit, quod attinet, nou solum earn ob causam, ut universi sibi ab his damna-
tis dogmatibus caverent, omnino proponendae fuerunt, sed ob alias etiam quasdam ra-
tiones nullo modo praetermitti potuerunt. Sic ut nequaquam consilium et institutum

nostrum sit, ex quadam animi simplicitate errant, nee tamen blasphe-
eos homines, qui
mi in veritatem doctrinae coelestis sunt, multo vero minus totas Ecclesias, quae vel sub
Romano Imperio nationis Germanicae, vel alibi sunt, damnare.
^^ " Concordia, christliche, wiederholte, einmiithige Bekenntniss nachbenannter Chur-
fiirsten und Stande augspurgischer Confession, etc. ; Dresden, 1580." Fol., contains
all the new Corpus Doctrinae the : three oecumenical creeds, the unaltered Augsburg
Confession, the two Catechisms of Luther (with Luther's little book on Marriage and
Baptism), and the Formula Concordiae. The Elector Palatine took offense at the
book on baptism, on account of the formula for Exorcism, which had been abolished
in the Palatinate and hence this work on Baptism and Marriage was omitted in the
;
second edition of 1580, and the following editions (Anton, ii. 19). The first Latin ver-
sion of the Formula was bj' Lucas Osiander, and published in the Concordia (Latin)
Lips., 1580. 4. It was revised bj- Kic. Selnecker, 1582, and still further improved in the
edition of 1584 : the text of the latter is retained in the later editions ; see Balthasar, i. 37.
^^ Johannsen, in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1850, s. G56.
^''
The Upper Hessians, especiallj' the theologians of Marburg, declared themselves
ready to accept it unconditionally and at once ; see Heppe's Gesch. d. Hess. Generals}"-
noden, i. 238; but the Landgrave William of Lower Hesse, and his Superintendent,
Meier, presented a verj' unfavorable criticism (ibid., p. 244) ; and at the Convention of
Treissa (Nov. 11-24, 1577), after violent discussion, the Lower Hessians carried through
a decree to delay subscription for the present, and, awaiting the decision of a synod, to
forbid the use of the new phrases about the two natures of Christ, the doctrine of the
communicatio idiomatuni, and all polemics (p. 248). This was followed by the letter
of the four Landgraves 1o the Elector of Saxony, drawn up bj' the Landgrave William,
declining the Formula 2G3; App., p. 115).
(p.
^^ The acts of the General Sj-nods convened upon the matter in Greifswald (Februarj-,
1578) and Stettin (May, 1578), see in J. H. Balthasar's Erste Sammlung einiger zur
Pommer. Kirchengesch. gehorigen Schriften (Greifswald, 1723. 4.), s. 346. The Memo-
rial,composed by the Superintendent Jac. Runge, and adopted by the Stettin sj-nod,
are in Balthasar's Andere Sammlung, s. 116. The correspondence between Runge and
Chemnitz ibid., p. 172. The consultation of the General Sj-nod in Stettin on the pre-
;
liminarj' matter (December, 1579), see in Erste Samnil., s. 402 ; for the criticism of it,
see Zweite Samml., s. 202.

^° Their judgment, Aug. 31, 1577, in Beckmann's Hist. d. Furstenth., Append, vi. 110;
see Johannsen, in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1846, s. 283.
;
PT. II.— CH. I.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 10. FORMULA OF CONCORD. 491
and Zweibriicken^" to subscribe the Bergen Book were unsuccess-

ful. Silesia, on account of its relation to the Emperor, had never
taken any part in the negotiations about the Formula of Concord.*'

Several of the free cities, particularly Nuremberg,'*^ Strasburg,*^
Frankfort-on-the-Main, Spires, Worms, Magdeburg,** and Nord-
hausen,*^ declined to accede. And one of the most zealous pro-
moters of the Formula, Duke Julius of Brunswick, abandoned it,*^
upon being severely blamed by the friends of that instrument,

because, from political interests, he had allowed three sons (Nov.
27, 1578) to receive Catholic consecration.*'' After this even the
*" Hospinianus, f. 13G, 138.
" K. A. Menzel's Neuere Gesch. d. Deutschen, v. 199.
*^ Nuremberg, together with the Margrave of Anspach and Baireuth, in 1573 adopted
as the norma doctrinae twelve documents (viz., the three oecumenical symbols, the Cat-
echisms of Luther, Augsb. Confession, Apology, Smalcald Articles, Conf. Saxon., Me-
lancthon's Loci Comm., Examen theol., Definitiones, Responsiones ad impios art. Bava-
ricos, Responsio de controversia Stancari, and the church order of 1533) and this dec- ;
laration was to be subscribed bj' the clergy (Negotiations about it in Strobel's Beitrage
zur Literatur, i. The declaration subscribed by the Nuremberg clergj' is in Stro-
261.
bel's Literargesch. v. Mel. Locis Theol.,
s. 288). Melancthon was highly honored in
Nuremberg and in the Universitj' of Altdorf, founded by that city 1573 (Strobel's Lite-
riirgesch., s. 299); and consequently the Formula did not have many friends there.
Nuremberg also resented it, because the Bergen Book was sent to them by the Margrave
of Baireuth, October, 1577, to be subscribed simpliciter, and thought it unseemlj- that,
after the norma doctrinae established in 1573, they should so soon be called upon to adopt
another (Altdorf. Literar. Mus., i. 213). The Nuremberg divines also urged manj- objec-
tions to the Bergen Book (their criticism of it, Dec. 10, 1577, see ibid., p. 223) likewise ;
to the preliminary address (Dec. 14, 1579, in Strobel's Literargesch., p. 297) and Nu- ;
remberg delaj'ed its assent.

*^ The Strasburg clergj', with John Pappus at their head, wished to subscribe the ;
Council forbade it, out of regard to their Swiss confederates. When Pappus brought
the matter forAvard in a disputation, he became involved in a controversy with Jo. Stur-
mius, rector of the University, in which theologians of other places soon took part (Luc.
Osiander, Steph. Gerlach, and Jac. Andreae for Pappus Lamb. Danaeus for Sturm)
;
see Hospinianus, f. 14-1 the numerous controversial writings in Feuerlini Biblioth.

;
Symb., p. 199.
** But the clerg}' of the archbishopric were obliged to subscribe Hospinianus, f. 129.
;
*^ Declaratio MInisterii Nordhusani de Formula dicta Concordiae d. 9. Jan.,

1581, in
the Fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen, 1729, s. 192.
*^ C. G. H. Lentz de Causis non receptae in terris Brunsvicensibus Formulae
Concor-
diae (Gottingische Doctordissert.) Brunsvigae, 1837. 4. Ibid. Die Concordienformel
:
im Herzogthum Braunschweig, in Niedner's Zeitschr. fiir die histor. Theol., 1848, ii. 265.
*^ The eldest, Henry Julius, was also presented, in connection therewith, as the pro-
posed Bishop of Halberstadt; see die Univ. Helmstadt im 16ten Jahrh. v. E. L. Th.
Henke, Halle, 1833, s. 15. Lentz, in Niedner's Zeitschr., 1848, ii. 289. Many Evangel-
ical princes and divines wrote to the Duke in very severe terms about the matter. Chem-
nitz, among other things, said to him (p. 292)— [that it conflicted with the Formula
Cone, where, treating of the adiaphora, it is said that in such cases, even in what is ex-
" So
ternally indifferent, there should be no doings with public, hardened papists, etc.] :
streitetauch das Factum wider die Formulam Concordiae, denn Titulo de adiaphoris
aus Gottes Wort erweiset wird, dass den offeutlichen verstockten Papisten in soichem
492 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I—A.D. 1517-164S.
Helmstadt divines came to a rupture with the authors of the

Formula Concordiae,^^ being especially incensed about the Apol-
ogy49 which the latter drew up in Erfurt (1581-82), because it
declared openly in favor of absolute ubiquity ;^° whereupon this
Falle auch in iiusserlichen Mitteldingeu Nichts solle, noch mit gutem Gewissen konne
nachgebea und eingewilligt werden, und -werden diese wichtigen Ursachen angezeigt,
warum die Papistea den Gebraucli der Ceremonien nennen die Religion." And so the
Dnlie came into conflict with those enlisted in the work of the Concordia, and was not
invited to the assembly at Jilterbock, which he took much to heart. Instead of Chem-
nitz, the two first Helmstadt divines now became his theological advisers Daniel Hof-;
mann had even justified those Catholic consecrations, and Tilemann Hesshusius had at
least Icept silent.
** The Helmstadt divines found in the Formula, now printed and sent
to them, (un-
important) deviations from the copy before subscribed bj- them, and asked of Chemnitz
explanations about them, and about the leaving out of Luther's book on Marriage and
Baptism, Oct. 23, 1580; see Hutterus, p. 358.
*' Violent works were at once published against the Formula Concordiae, viz. : His-
toria der Augspurg. Confess, durch M. Ambrosium Wolfium, Neustadt a. d. Hardt, 1580.
4.; Theologorum et Ministrorum ecclesiarum in ditione Jo. Casimiri Palatini Admonitio
Christ, de libro Concordiae, ibid., 1581. 4. (also in German: Christl. Erinnerung vom
—
Concordi-Buch der Theol. und Kirchendiener in der Furstl. Pfalz bei Rhein, ibid., 1581.
4.) Der Anhaltinischen Theologen Bedenken iiber die Priifation des Concordienbuchs,
;
ibid., 1581. 4 Warhafte und christl. Verantwortung der Prediger zu Bremen v. d.

; —
Person Christi, h. Tauf, h. Abendmal, gottl. Wahl, Ceremonien, Bremen, 1581. 4. Chr. ;
,
Irenaei (a Flacianist) Examen des ersten Artikels u. des Wirbelgeistes im neuen Con-
cordienbuche v. d. Erbsunde, 1581. 4. On this account the Electors of the Palatinate,
of Saxoin-, and of Brandenburg called the theologians Tim. Kirchner, Nic. Selnecker,
and Mart. Chemnitz to Erfurt, near the close of the year 1581, to consult about refuting
these works. Their works were sent to several of the estates to be examined, and, after
their hints, were finally revised bj- the same divines in Brunswick, May and June, 1582.
They were published under the titles Apologia, oder Verantwortung des christl. Con-
:
cordienbuchs wider der Neustiidter und Anhaltischen Theologen Erinnerung, Heidel-

berg, 1583, fol. Widcrlegung der vermeinten Entschuldigung der Prediger zu Bremen,
;
Heidelb., 1583, fol. Eefutatio Irenaei, grundlicher Bericht auf das Examen M. Christ.
;
Ireniii, Heidelb., 1583, fol. These three works were written by Kirchner, and the first
two reprinted, with others, at Dresden, 1584, fol. To these were added the work written
bj- Selnecker and Chemnitz: "Grundliche, wahrhaftige Historic v. d. Augsb. Confes-
sion wider Ambrosii Wolfii gefalschte Historian!," Leipzig, 1584, fol.
'" Duke Julius was aggrieved anew because the three Electors
had the Apologj' drawn
up without his aid see the letters to the Electors of the Palatinate and of Saxonj-, May
;
and August, 1582, in Hospinianus, f. 243. The conference at Quedlinburg, Januarj',

1583, between the authors of the Apologj- and the Helmstadt divines, was very violent,
and led to no union (Hospin., f. 247, v.). The ubiquity was a special subject of alterca-
tion. Hesshusius declared that he agreed with the Form. Cone, quod Christus omnipo-
tentia sua divina corpore suo praesens esse possit, ubicunque vult (1. c, f. 250, v.), but
rejected the absolute ubiquit}-. In the same sense the Helmstadt divines expressed
themselves to Duke Julius (see the letter of June, 1584, in Chr. v. Schmidt-Phiseldeck's
Repertorium der Gesch. u. Staatsverfassung v. Teutschland, Abth. 8., Halle, 1794, s.
280). They concede [that the Formula contains expressions
which the advocates of
but claim that this interpretation is counter to the plain
ubiquit}' interpret in their sense,
intent of the document] (s. 285) " dass in der Form. Cone, solche Reden stehen, welche
:
die, so die ubiquitatem statuiren, vor sich deuten, wir aber vermuge des kundbaren vor-
siitzlichon und eigentlichen Intents der Form. Cone, denselben Verstand vor fremd hal-
teu." Tlien they remark upon what is found in a letter of the Duke [that some of his
PT. II.— CH. I.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 41. GERlÎAN REF. CHURCH. 493
Formula was dropped in Brunswick-Wolfenbiittel (although it had

been previously subscribed there), and the Corpus Doctrinae Ju-
lium alone retained.^^
Outside of Grermany the Formula Concordiae was adopted in
Prussia,^- though not in the cities of Dantzic and Elbingen f^ but
it was decisively rejected by the King of Denmark.^*
§ 41.
GERlilAN REFORMED CHURCHES.

[H. Heppe, Deutsch-Reform. Kirche, in Studien u. Kritiken, 1850 translated in Mercers- ;
burg Quarterly Rev., 1853. F. Blaul, Das Ref. werk in der Pfalz Spever, 184G. ;
Seisen, Ref. in Heidelberg, 1846. C. Olevianus and Z. Ursinus, Leben u. ausgewahlte

Schrifteu, von K. Sudhoflf, in Leben und Schriften d. Viiter d. Ref. Kirche, viii. Theil,
1857.]
The Philippists, repulsed as Calvinists by the Formula of Con-

cord, and incensed by the new doctrine about the ubiquity of
Christ's body, would naturally feel attracted to fellowship with
councilors are trj-ing to persuade him to give up the Form. Cone, sub praetextu ubiqui-
tatis, and also to entice them to do the same] (s. 289) " wie etliche E. F. G. Rathe, po-
:
litici und theologi, am Hof mit aller Macht dahiu arbeiten, wie sie E. F. G. von der ein-
mal angenommenen u. neben Chur- u. Fursten unterschriebenen Formula Concordiae

sub praetextu ubiquitatis mogen wendig u. abfiillig machen, und hiezu unsern consens
gem herauslocken -wollten ;" but they will hold fast to the Formula, and advise the
'
Duke to do the same. [Comp. C. A. Wilkens, Hesshusius, Leipz., I860.]

^' In his Church Service of 15G9 Duke Julius had
already declared the three Oecu-
—
menical Symbols the Augsburg Confession and Apology, the Smalcald Articles, and
—
the Catechisms and other works of Luther to be the Corpus Doctrinae (Rehtmej-er's
Braunschw. Kirchenhist., iii. 337). This Corpus doctrinae Julium (to which was added
Urbani Regii Tract, de Formulis caute loquendi) was printed anew in 1576 with the
Church Service (Rehtmeyer, iii. 423), and alone remained valid (Lentz, in Niedner's
Zeitschr., 1848, s. 304). In this the ubiquity was set aside see § 38, Note 24.— That
;
this separation from the Concordia was chiefly the work of Hesshusius, see Henke's
Univ., Helrastiidt, s. 43.
" By the clergj', but not by the Konigsberg professors; Hartknoch's Preuss.
all
Kirchenhist., s. 487.
" On Dantzic, Hartknoch, s. 725 ; on Elbing, s. 1010.
5* Letter of Queen Elizabeth of England King Frederick
II. of Denmark, touching
to
the Formula Concordiae, October 24, 1577 (in Hutter, f. 140, v., and from a Weimar
MS. in Schneider's Biblioth. d. Kirchengesch., i. 220). Letters sent by the King, with
the above, to his brother-in-law, the Elector of Saxony, and his reply (in Hutter, f. 140,
V. f. 141, v.). The King wrote to the Landgrave, William of Hesse, February 8, 1581,
with strong animadversions upon the Form. Cone, (in Gerdesii Hist. Ref., T. iii. praef.,
and in Schneider, i. 225), and stating that he had forbidden it in his estates: "And
that, since it was should live according to their laws, we took the
onlj- just that rulers
two printed Exemplaria, beautifully and nobly bound as they were, which our dear and
friendly sister, the Electress of Saxonj-, not long since sent to us, as soon as we got
them, and threw them into a good chimney-fire and burned them up."
;
the Calvinistic churches,which were opened to them without the

demand of any change in doctrine. The destiny of these church-
es in the different countries where they were estabhshed was,
however, dependent upon the personal views, relations, and incli-
nations of their rulers. In the Palatinate, after the death of
Louis VI., in 1583, the Calvinistic order was re-established by
his brother, John Casimir, the gtiardian of the youthful Frederick
IV. ; communions could not live together in peace,
and, as the two
the Lutheran Church was obliged to yield. In Nassau, Melanc- ^
thonianism was firmly established by the theologians Widebram

and Pezel," expelled from Wittenberg in 1574 and a decided ;
Confession of Faith was set forth, in opposition to the Formula

of Concord,^ in 1578. The alliance of the reigning family with
' B. G. Struven's Pfulzische Kirchenhist., s. 382. Wundt's und Rheimvald's Maga-
zin f.d. Pfiilz. Gesch., iii. 137. L. Hausser's Gesch. d. Rhein. Pfalz, ii. 142.
* See § 38, Note 41. To them were added, from 1576, several preachers driven from
the Palatinate by Louis VI. ; see J. H. Steubing's Kii'chen- u. Reformationsgesch. d,
Oranien-Nassauischen Lande, Hadamar, 1804, s. 105.
^ At a synod at Dillenburg see Steubing, p. 107. Among other things, p. Ill [The
;
ubiquit}' is a monster unknown to the old Church and tlie AVord of God. Though in the
first Confession handed in to Charles V., Art. X., papal transubstantiation was contain-
ed, yet it was afterward rejected by all the teachers and the author of the Confession,
etc.]: "Die Ubiquitilt oder Allenthalbenheit des Leibes Christi ist als ein Ungeheuer
der alten Kirche und Gottes —
Wort unbekannt. Obwohl in der ersten Confession, dem
Kaiser Carl. V. tiberreicht, im lOten Artikel die piipstische Transubstantiation stehen
—
geblieben (see § 36, Note 32) so ist sie doch nachmals von alien Lehrern der Augsb.
Confession verworfen, und vom Authore Confess, aus gutem Bedacht nicht allein veriin-
dert im lOten Artikel, wo papstischer Weis geredet worden war, sondern auch aus der
Apologie der Canon Missae und Bulgarii Spruch, quod pane mutato ipsum corpus Christi
fiat, etc., ganz ausgelassen worden. Diese recognita exemplaria sind nachher auf alien
coUoquiis und Reichstagen von den Evangel. Standen ubergeben worden." P. 118, the
ceremonies arc enumerated which were to be done away with. At Baptism, 1. The sign
of the cross ; 2. Questions are not to be addressed to the children, but to the sponsors ;
3. Baptism in emergency and by women. At the Lord's Supper: 1. Lights and can-
dles 2. Robes worn at mass, the alba and cope 3. Altars to be exchanged for tables
;
;
4. The face of the minister to be turned to the congregation 5. No napkins to be held ;
under the communicants 6. It is not wrong to receive the consecrated bread with the
;
hand; 7. The host done away; bread is to be broken. Besides this: 1. Confirmation
was abolished, but examination in the Catechism, and making confession of faith before
the. first communion, were retained 2. Auricular confession was abolished, but special
;
preparation for the Lord's Supper enjoined 3. Abuses in respect to rites at marriages, to
;
the blessing of women in childbirth, and to burials, were done away with 4. So, too, ;
Latin hymns and organs 5. Preachers are no longer to be restricted to the Sundaj-'s
;
Gospels and Epistles 6. The bowing of the knee at the name of Jesus is left to Chris-
;
tian freedom and, 7. The same with kneeling and other external forms in prayer.
;
Abolished were 8. Apostles' and Saints' days 9. Pictures and images and, 10. Cruci-
: ; ;
fixes to be taken from the churches. At the end it is said that " the Hessian Emenda-
tion has also given an example to the princes of this land." [This Emendation was
now so much the more needed on account of the intrigues of papists and Jesuits, and
because for some years foreign envoys have come and gone from Prance and Holland ;
PT. II.— CH. I.— LUTflEEAN CHURCH. § 41. GERSIAN KEF. CHURCH. 495
the Netherlands helped in making an entire transition to Calvin-

ism, by the adoption of the Heidelberg Catechism, 1582, and the
Church Service of Holland in 1586.'* The neighboring counties,
Wittgenstein, Solms-Braunfels, Sayn, Isenburg, and Wied, united

with them.^ In Bremen, where the Philippist party had the up-
per hand in the Council, the new excitement aroused by the ef-
forts to introduce the Formula of Concord led to the calling of

Widebram and Pezel, and ended in the adoption of Calvinistio
usages, and the deposal of the strict Lutheran clergy, 1581."
And so Bremen, in hostility with the Lutheran archbishops, whose
jurisdiction was disputed, and in conflict with its Lutheran neigh-
bors, after the Hanse league in 1613 had become allied with the
United Netherlands,'' became openly connected with the Calvin-
istio communion.^ The numerous citizens who remained Lu-
because the Evangelicals stumbled at the superstitions that remained and everj- church ;
has Christian freedom about external ordinances, as was allowed in the Franlifort Re-
cess, and used in the Palatinate and Hesse. And j-et thej' would not separate wholly
from the Augsburg Confession, etc.] " Diese Emendation war itzt um so nothiger, well
die Papisten und besonders Leute an sich zu Ziehen
die Jesuiten gar versteckt unsere
suchten, und well etliche Jahre her ein gross Auf- und Abzielien von fremden Gesand-
ten u. andern Gasten aus Frankreich und Niederlanden gewesen, so dass Evangelische
sich an den noch hier ubriggewesenen aberglaubischen Ceremonien iirgerten. und hat —
jede Kirche christliche Freiheit, die iiusserlichen Satzungen nach Gelegenheit anzuord-
nen. —Diese christliche Freiheit wird auch im Frankfurtischen Abschied (§ 37, Note 33)
den Evangelischen Stiinden belassen, und schon haben sich ihrer Pfalz und Hessen be-
dient. —Derowegen folgt auch nicht, dass man sich von der Augsb. Confession giinzlich
trennen wolle, ob man wol etliche Ceremonien, so bei etlichen andern Stiinden der
Augsb. Confession gehalten werden, geiindert hat." The Reformed Academy of Her-
born was founded by Count John the Elder, of Nassau-Dillenburg, in 1584.
* Steubing, s. 155, 171, 189.
* Steubing, s. 170. J. St. Reck, Gesch. d. grafl. u. fiirstl. Hauser Isenburg, Runkel,
Wied, Weimar, 1825. 4, s. 187. On the other hand, Nassau- Weilburg, -Usingen, -Saar-
briicken, -Idstein, and Solms-Lich and -Laubach remained Lutheran.
^ Up time no controversy about the faith had been tolerated. The Philippist
to this
preacher, Franz Franke, and his strict Lutheran colleague, Stephen Ziegenhagen, when
they got into a controversy about the Lord's Supper in 1565, were both of them de-
posed (J. II. Duntze's Gesch. d. freien Stadt Bremen, Bd. 3, Bremen, 1848, s. 359).—
Jod. Glanaeus, pastor of St. Anschar, was zealous for the Formula of Concord ; Pezel
and Wiedebram were invited to oppose him and he, with two preachers of kindred sen-
;
timents,was deposed (Duntze, iii. 412). Pezel became pastor of St. Anschar in 1589,
and superintendent in 1599 (Duntze, iii. 410). In 1580 the altars, and 1586 pictures,
were removed from the churches (Duntze, iii. 497 sq.). But the theologians of Bremen,
with the strict Lutherans, constantly disavowed the name
in their controversial writings
of Calvinists. As late as 1590 was published " Ausfiihrliche, wahrhafte und bestan-
:
dige Erziihlung, was von dem heil. Nachtmal Jesu die Lehre derjenigen eigentlich sej",
die manunbefugt Calvinisch nennet."
' Duntze, iii. 491.
^ In 1614 the host was abolished (Duntze, iii. 500) ; 1618, delegates were sent to the
Synod of Dort (p. 507).
;
theran were for a long time obliged to frequent the neighboring

churches, until Archbishop Frederick, Prince of Denmark, re-
opened for Lutheran worship, in 1638, the cathedral church,
which had remained closed since the deposal of Hardenberg.^

Electoral Saxony, too, was on the point of being carried over to
Calvinism^'^ by the Chancellor, Nicholas Krell, under Christian I.,
the brother-in-law of the Palgrave John Casimir, and the suc-
cessor of the Elector August, who died in 1586; but this second
Saxon Crypto- Calvinism was again and at once rooted out with
the greatest strictness, after the death of Christian
I., in 1581,
under the regency of Duke Frederick William of Saxon Alten-

burg.^^ Equally transient was the introduction of Calvinism into
Baden by the Margrave Ernst Frederick, the brother of the Mar-
grave Jacobus (1509-1604),^^who became a Catholic,
In spite of all the violent attacks of Philippism, Anhalt remain-
ed steadfast; and the marriage of Prince John George with a
daughter of the Palgrave John Casimir was soon followed (1596)
by the adoption of the Church Service of the Palatinate.^^ In
5 Duntze, iii. 589.

^° J. K. Kiesling's Fortsetzung of the Historia Motuum, Schwabach, 1770, 4. Planck's
Gesch. d. Protest. Theol. von der Konkordienformel an, Gottingen, 1831, s. 36. In 1588
itwas forbidden to contend against the Reformed, in writing or the pulpit (Kiesling, s.
50) an edition of the Bible, with revised text, was begun (p. 59) exorcisms were abol-
;
;
ished (p. 65) Philippists were invited to come Urban Pierius became superintendent
; ;
in Wittenberg G. Sehonfeld, and, after him, John Salmuth, the chief court preacher
;
Saxonj' made common cause with the Reformed states, particularly the Palatinate
(p. 96).
^' Kiesling,
s. 126. To revive orthodoxy four Visitation Articles were drawn up, in
1592, by Aegid. Hunnius, Mart. Mirus, Georg Mj-lius, and Josua Lonnerus (Neu ver-
mehrtes und vollstiindiges Corpus Jur. Eccl. Saxonici, Dresden, 1773. 4., s. 256 1. Von :
d. hcil. Nachtmal 2. V. d. Person Christi

; 3. V. d. heil. Taufe
; 4. V. d. Gnadenwahl
;
u. cwiger Vorsehung Gottes), which was to be subscribed by all the clergy. On the
trial of Nic. Crell, ending with his execution, October 9, 1601, see Kiesling, p. 161. On
the Lutheran side it has always been earnesth' maintained that Crell was not condemn-
—
ed rcligionis causa see H. Chr. Engelcken Hist. N. Crellii Capite plexi, variis Aber-
;
rationibns liberata, Rostoch., 1727. 4.
—
There was published: " Kurze u. einfiiltige Bekenntniss, nach welcher die Kii-
-- —
chen- u. Schuldiener in d. Markgrafschaft Baden sich— im Lehren zu verhaltcn haben,
Staftbrt, 1599" (the so-called Staffort Book), wholly Calvinistic, with violent attacks on
Lutheranism. In reply " Bestandiger u. grundlicher Bericht fiber das vermeinte
:
christi. Bedenken, etc., durch die Wurtemberg. hierzu verordneten Theologen, Tubin-
gen, 1601." 4. Comp. Hamberger's Forts, d. Geschichte der Chur- u. Fiirstl. Hiiuser in
Teutschland, by A. B. Michaelis, iii. 197.
" The Repetitio Anhaltina, the Philippistic Confession handed in by the Anhaltines
in Cassel, 1579, see in Niemeyer, Collect. Confessionum Reform., p. 612. Comp. J.
Chr. Beckmann's Historia des Fiirstenthums Anhalt (7 Th. Zerbst, 1710, fol.), vi. 121
ff. In 1589 exorcism was abolished, p. 128 even this was considered as a step toward
;
PT. II.— CH. I.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 41. GERMAN REF. CHURCH. 497
Hesse-Cassel the Landgrave Maurice, after the death of his uncle,

Louis IV., obtained half of Upper Hessia, in addition to Lower
Hessia and he then showed his intention of going over to Cal-
;
vinism by his three points for the improvement of the Church.'*

Calvinism and John Arndt, who was deposed from his ministrj' in Badeborn because
;
he would not give up exorcism, considered himself as driven off by the Calvinists ;
Scharff, Supplementum llistoriae Litisque Arndianae, Wittenb., 1727, p. 21. Joh. Arndt,
eiu biograph. Versuch von F. Arndt, Berlin, 1838, s. 28. In the " Taufbiichlein fiir die
Kirchen im Fiirstenth. Anhalt," 1590. 4., more proof of this was detected, and manj-
works were issued against it, and against the Amlingites (the Anhaltines being so called
from their leader, the Superintendent Wolfgang Amling of Zerbst). In 1596, pictures,
Latin hymns, priestly vestments at mass, and surplices, lights at the Lord's Supper
and altars, were abolished ; bread was substituted for the wafer and the Heidelberg
;
Catechism introduced instead of Luther's ;see Beckmann, vi. 134. On the numerous
controversial writings between the Anhaltines and the Wittenbergers, see ibid., 140.
'* Dr. H. Heppe, die Einfiihrung der Verbesserungspuncte in Hessen von 1604—1610,
Kassel, 1849. The three points are there given, p. 15 [1. No disputation about the per-
son of Christ; say, in concreto, " Christ is every where," and not, in abstracto, "the
humanity of Christ is every where ;" 2. The Ten Commandments to be learned, as God
himself wrote them down ; pictures to be taken down 3. In the Supper, the bread to
;
be broken] 1. Dass die gefiihrlichen und unerbaulichen Disputationes uud Streit von
:
der Person Christi eingezogen, und von der Allenthalbenheit Christi und was derselben
anhangig in concreto, als " Christus ist allenlhalben," und nicht in abstracto :" die
:
Menschheit Christi ist allenthalben," gelehrt 2. Dass die zehn Gebote Gottes, wie sie
;
der Herr selbst geredet, mit seinen eigenen Fingern auf die steinernen Tafeln, und von
Mose in der Bibel geschrieben, gelehrt und gelernt; und die noch vom Papstthum an
etlichen Orten iiberbliebenen Bilder abgethan ;3. Dass in der Administration und Ge-
brauch des heil. Abendmals das gesegnete Brot nach der Einsetzung des Herrn soil ge-
brochen werden." Maurice asserted that he did not propose any changes in religious
matters (p. 22), and particularlj'- not to introduce Calvinism (p. 96) the Augsburg
;
Confession and Apology, the Hessian Church Service, and the Concordia Buceri (Cone-
Vitebergcnse, 1536, see Div. I., § 7, Note 28), were to be retained images were to be
;
forbidden, as God himself had enjoined, and he, as ruler of the land, must do this (p.
69); he must seek to promote the weal of the Church in every waj' (p. 70), in virtue of
the jus episcopate, which L. Philip had obtained by peaceful agreement with the Elector
of Mayence (1528, see Kopp, Nachr. v. d. Verf. d. geistl. und Civilgerichte in Hessen, i.
107. App., No. 46, renewed 1552; Joannis Rer. Mogunt., i. 858). The General Synod
in Cassel, April, 1607, drew up a corresponding Confession of Faith (p. 71), which was
essentially Philippistic, but went bej-ond Melancthon in denj-ing that the body of Christ
was received by unbelievers (p. 77). It is very characteristic of the Philippist divines,
who came to Marburg in place of the dismissed Lutherans, that in a memorial addressed
to the Landgrave in 1608, while declaring the Heidelberg Catechism to be the best, tbej-
advised against its introduction into the Paedagogium of Marburg. For [the reform has
been most hindered by the fact that the Giessen divmes have led the people to believe that it
was intended to lead to the introduction of this very Catechism, which the}' had always
denied] es habe " das christliche Verbesserungswerk bishero nichts so sehr aufgehalten,
dann d,ie von den Giessnern dem Volk tief eingebildete Opinion, es stecke was Anders
dahinter, nemlich der Heidelbergische Katechismus, u. werd also dann es bei diesen
Verbesserungspuncten nicht bleiben. Dawider man gleichwol allzeit protestirt, und zii
Ableinung dessen unsere Confession und Katechismum edirt hat. Sollte man nun den
Heidelbergischen Katechismum allhier im Paedagogio einfiihren, wijrd dadurch unsere
vielfilltige Protestation und Ableinung geschwiicht, und der schwere und hinderliche
Verdacht im Volk miichtig gestiirkt." (See Ileppe's Beitriige zur Gesch. u. Statistik des
Hess. Schulwesens im 17. Jahrh., Kassel, 1850, s. 108.)

VOL. IV. —32
Lower Hessia readily adopted the change ; but in Upper Hessia

and the other parts of the land Lutheranism could not be sup-
pressed.^^
The change of the Elector of Brandenburg, John Sigismund,
to Calvinism, in1614, was at first only a personal matter ;'^ but
the example of the prince was not without its influence,^'' and he
endeavored to introduce his principles into the whole church of
his land.-'^ Although he and his successors did not make any
'^ The testament of the Landgrave of Upper Hessia, Louis IV., who died 1604, in
Rommel's Neuere Gesch. v. Hessen, ii. 72, divided Upper Hessia between Hesse-Cassel
and Hesse-Darmstadt, bnt declared [that his subjects, preachers, etc., must be left in
the enjoyment of their religion, as held at the time of his decease] " Wir wollen
: —
ihnen auch hiermit bei Verlust desjenigen, so ihnen hierein verordnet, und sie von Uns
zu erben haben, ufferlegt und anbevohlen haben, dass sie Unsere gehorsame Undertha-
—
nen bei Uuserer wahren Religion, und dan Unsere Superintendenten, Pfarrher und Pre-
diger, so zu Zeit Unsers Absterben sein werden, in ihrem Beruf und Lehr bleiben, und
darvon nicht abweisen oder verdringen lassen." Louis Maurice, after the division of the
land, took possession of his half. L. Louis V. of Hesse-Darmstadt protested at first
against the testament, but afterward declared that L. Maurice had forfeited his part, ac-
cording to the terms of the will, by his ecclesiastical innovations, took the part of the
theologians expelled from Marburg, and in 1607 founded the University of Giessen
(Rommel, ii. 147). Attaching himself to the Emperor, he procured, in 1623, a judgment
from the Imperial Council declaring that L. Maurice had forfeited his half of Upper
Hesse bj' his innovations (Rommel, ii. 219) the country was attacked by Tilly, and
;
taken possession of by Darmstadt. From this time Cassel fought for Sweden, and
Darmstadt for the Emperor. The heroic Landgravine, Amelia, in the treaty of union
made at Cassel, April 14, 1648, received at least the smaller half of Upper Hesse, instead
of Hesse-Cassel (Rommel, iv. 764).Lutheranism, again established there under the
Darmstadt rule, remained unmolested, according to the principles declared in the Peace
of Westphalia.
'^ See D. H. Hering's Hist. Nachricht v. d. ersten Anfang der Evang. Ref. Kirche in
Brandenburg unter Job. Sigismund, Halle, 1778. The Elector issued an edict, 24th Feb-
ruary, 1614 (in Mylius, Corp. Constit. March., i. 353), in which he forbade " unneces-
sary' strife and disputations in the pulpit," espcciallj- against other churches and en-
;
joined upon the preachers " to declare God's Word simply and purelj', according to the
apostolic and prophetic Scriptures, the five chief symbols, the improved Augsburg Con-
fession, and the Apologies for the same, without anj- falsification, and without any in-
vented glosses and new formulas of doctrine of idle, hair-splitting, and proud theolo-
gians." In May, 1614, followed the Confessio Fidei Job. Sigismundi, in Hering, Append.,
s. 1, andin Niemeyer, Coll. Conf. Ref., p. 642.
^' Comp. the letter of some of the nobles (who at once joined him) to the Elector, in
Fortges. Sammlung v. alten u. neuen theol. Sachen, 1746, s. 326.
" To the statutes of the theological faculty in Frankfort-on-the-Oder, he added, 1616
(Hering, s. 325) Notum facimus, Nos, posteaquam Ubiquitatis dogmate Ecclesiae Dei
:
misere imponi, et veteres revocari haereses, pridem in Synodis Chalcedonensi et Ephe-

sina damnatas, inprimis pigmentis realis communicationis idiomatum divinorum carni
assumtae factae, Arii, veterum et novorum Photinianorum foveri causam deprehendi-
mus, — dogma illud toto pectore detestari.
Ofiicii itaque Nostri duximus, illud a Scholis
et Ecclesiis Nostrisprohibere.—Mandamus vero severe, orthodoxam de Filio Dei doctri-

nam juxta oracula sacra et symbola, Patrumque scripta puriora, a Luthero puriore et
orthodoxo, et a Phil. Melanchthone nervose et solide traditam summo studio addisci,
atque in scholis et Ecclesiis doceri sentinam etiam Pontificiam de orali manducatione
:
PT. II.— CH. I.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 41. GERMAN REF. CHURCH. 499
changes in it, yet a deeply-rooted mistrust on the part of the Lu-

therans, as to the ecclesiastical measures adopted by their princes of
the Reformed faith, could not be extirpated. ^^ The Duke of Meck-
lenburg Giistrow, Hans Albrecht II., who went over to the Calvin-
ists in 1618, encountered such opposition from his brother and the es-
tates that he could hardly succeed in having church service according

to the Reformed ritual even for himself. After his death, in 1636,
his son Gustavus Adolphus, then three years of age, was taken
from his mother by force to be educated in the Lutheran faith.^''
All these Grerman churches, which came into fellowship with
the Calvinists, professed that they did not wish to separate them-
selves from the Augsburg Confession, nor to be Calvinistic.'^^ In
omni plane Scripturae testimonio destitutam aversamur, atque ex scholis
carnis Christl
eliminatam volumus una cum libro illo, quern vacant Concordiae
atqiie Ecclesiis Nostris
formulam^ qui horribilia ista dogmata contra Scripturam sacram canonisare voluit, et
Ecclesiis atque scholis obtrusit. atque Ecclesiis Nostris juxta Biblia
Sufficiat scholis
sacra et Symbola, atque Confessionem Augustanam Corpus doctrinae a Philippe tradi-
tum, ad cujus normam Ecclesiarum atque scholarum Professores et Ministri sese compo-
nant non sine fructu publico. The theological Faculty, then consisting only of the Phil-
ippist, Christopher Pelargus, General Superintendent of the electoral Mark (on him, see
Hering, p. 188), and John Heidenreich, accepted this at once, but were henceforth re-
garded as Reformed, and the clergj' of the Mark were now educated in Wittenberg.
'^ Several of the Lutheran clergj' were at once deposed on account of their violent
calumnies against Calvinism but the prohibition of the Elenchus nominalis was gener-
;
allj- considered as a violation of the freedom of the Church comp. Hering, p. 241. No
;
less excitement was aroused bj' the ordinance of 1624, under the Elector George Will-
iam, that the pastors "should in nowise refuse, in case any one desired his child to be
baptized without exorcism" (Hering's Beitrage zur Gesch. d. Evang. Ref. Kirche in d.
Preussisch Brandenb. Landern, i. 123). That the Reformed theologians had it in mind
to make the Lutheran Church of the land like their own in doctrines and ceremonies, ap-
pears from a memorial of the Frankfort theological Faculty to the Elector George Will-
iam, 1633, on a projected church visitation Fortges. Sammlung von alten u. neuen theol.
;
Sachen, 1728, s. 27; Hering's Beitr., i. 132.

^^ Franck's Altes u. Neues Mecklenburg, xii. 176, xiii. 183. J. Wigger's Kirchen-
gesch. Mecklenburgs (Parchim u. Ludwigslust, 1840), s. 175, 180.
•' Comp. the Heidelberg Catechism on Election,
§ 35, Note 67. The Anhalt Confes-
sion of 1579 (see Note 13) adduces, after Melancthon, tres causae concurrentes in con-
version, and emphatically maintains that "Christ did not come to save only some, but
the whole human race, which was corrupt." The Cassel Confession, 1607 (Heppe's Ein-
fuhrung dej.- Verbesserungspuncte, s. 74): " Gleichergestalt von dem hohen Geheimnis
der ewigenGnadenwahl glauben und lehren wir Alles, was davon in der Bibel geschrie-
ben,und ausserdem glauben und lehren wir nichts davon enthalten uns auch der har-
;
ten Reden, so etwa von Andern gefiihrt, und den Einfaltigen zur Verzweiflung oder
fleischlichen Sicherheit Anlass geben mochten." [We teach on election all that is in the
Bible, and nothing else and avoid all hard speeches, which lead the simple to despair
;
or carnal securitj-.] Their confession is [the same with that of Luther in the preface to
the Epistle to the Romans, where he saj-s that Paul, in the 9th, 10th, and 11th chapters,
teaches that it depends upon the eternal purpose of God who shall believe and who not,
and so it is taken out of our hands and put in God's hand alone. And this is in the high-
est degree needful for we are so weak that, if it depended on us, no man would be
;
—
their doctrine they were PhiHppistic, and were generally called
Reformed churches. This ecclesiastical division was also, with

the princes, followed by political separations ; for the unlicensed
polemics of their divines aroused among the Lutheran people a
bitter hatred^'^ against the other party ; and this, too, was trans-
saved. But, as God's purpose can not fail, nor any one escape it, we have hope against
sin]," dasjenige, was Herr Lutherus in der— Vorrede ilber die Epistel an die Romer
gethan, und— welches also lautet : Am
9. 10. u. 11. Capitel lehrt er (Paulus) von der
ewigen Vorsehung Gottes, daher es urspriinglich fleusset, wer glauben oder nicht glau-
ben soil, von Siinden los oder nicht los werden kann, damit es ja gar aus unsern Han-
den genommen, und alleiu in Gottes Hand gestellt sei, dass wir fromm werden. Und
das ist auch aufs Allerhochste nothig. Denn wir
sind so schwach und ungewiss, dass,
wenn Mensch selig, der Teufel wiirde sie gewiss
es bei uns stunde, Aviirde freilich kein
alle uberwaltigen. Aber nun Gott gewiss ist, dass ihm sein Yorsehen nicht fehlet, noch
Jemand ihm wehren kann, haben wir noch HofFnung wider die Siinde." Confessio Joh.
Sigismundi, 1614 (Hering's hist. Nachricht, App., s. 14) " Dass Gott der Allmachtige
:
—
aus pur lauter Gnaden u. Barmherzigkeit zum ewigen Leben verordnet und auserwilh-
let hat alle so an Christum bestandig glauben, wisse auch und erkenne gar wohl die
Seinen, und wie er sie von Ewigkeit geliebet, also schenkt er auch ihnen aus lauter Gna-
den den rechtschafFenen wahren Glauben, u. krilftige Bestandigkeit bis ans Ende. So —
hab auch Gott nach seiner strengen Gerechtigkeit alle, die an Christum nicht glauben,
von Ewigkeit iibersehen, denselben das ewige hoIUsche Feuer bereitet. —Nicht dass er
nicht alle woUe selig haben, denn das Widerspiel durchaus in d. heil. Schrift zu findea
ist,sondern dass die Ursach der Siinde ujid des Verderbens allein bei dem Satan und in
den Gottlosen zu suchen, welche wegen ihres Unglaubens und Ungehorsams von Gott
zum Verdammniss verstossen. Item, dass an niemands Seligkeit zu zweifeln, so lang
die Mittel zur Seligkeit gebrauchet M'erden, weil alien, Menschen unwissend, zu welcher
Zeit Gott die Seinen kriifciglich berufe, wer klinftig glauben werde oder nicht." [In
substance God ordained and elected all who believe in Christ to eternal life, and knows
:
them that are his, and loved them from eternitj-, and of pure grace gives to them true
faith and perseverance. —
So, too, in his strict justice, he passed by from eternitj' those
—
who do not believe. Xot that he would not have all to be saved for the cause of sin ;
is and the godless alone. Item, we are not to despair of anj^ one's salvation so
in Satan
long as the means can be used, since no one knows when God may call his own, etc.]
Among the opiniones were these [that God elects on account of foreseen faith which is —
Pelagian; also, that he condemns absolutehj, and rot on account of sin] "Dass Gott :
propter fidem praevisam, wegen des Glaubens, so Er zuvor ersehen, etliche auserwiihlet
habe, welches Pelagianisch ; dass er dem meisten Theil die Seligkeit nicht gonne, wel-
chen er absolute, bloshin, ohne einige Ursach, auch nicht wegen der Siinde, verdammet,
da doch der gerechte Gott niemand zur Verdammniss beschlossen, denn wegen der Siinde,
und derwegen der Rathscbluss der Yerwerfung zur Verdammniss nicht ein absolutum de-
cretum, ein freier lediger Rathscbluss, zu achten." Among the Reformed of the Mark
it was disputed, 1712 sq., whether this Confession taught gratia universalis ^r
particu-
laris (Hering's Hist. Nachricht, p. 129); but it is obviously opposed to Calvin's modes
of statement.
2= Thus it was objected to the Calvinists, in the controversial works of the time (He-
ring, p. 93), that their God was more God that they agreed
like the devil than tlie true ;
with the Arians, Nestorians, the Turks, etc. that their doctrine was worse than the
;
papists', j-ea, than the devil's doctrine. Comp. the memorial of the divines of Electoral
Saxony, 1594, Div. I., § 11, Note 30; Polycarpi Leyser's (court preacher in Dresden,
t 1610) Calvinismus, d, i. eine Erkliirung des Catechismi M.
Lutheri in 8 Predigten also
gefasset, dass darinnen einfaltig' geweiset wird, in welchen Stucken desselben die Cal-
vinisten mit uns streitig seyn, und denselben verfiilschen wollen, Leipzig, 1595. There
;:
PART II.— CHAP. I.—LUTHERAN ISM. § 42. DOCTRINAL RESULTS. 501
ferred to their external differences, even when these were conceded

to be unessential. The political imbecility of the German Prot-
estants was the inevitable consequence of this state of things.
§ 42.
FINAL STATEMENTS OF THE LUTHERAN DOCTRINE.
The two dogmas, that had not been completely settled even in
the Formula Concordiae, soon received a more definite shape in
the course of the controversial discussions. Since, as against the
Calvinists, the universality of divine grace was always insisted
upon with special emphasis,' Samuel Huber, professor in Witten-
it is preached to the people, fol. 235 " Welchs gottseliges Herz kann doch mit einem sol-
:
chen Liistermaul, das mit so vielfiiltiger falscher Lehr beschmitzt ist, wie wir bisher
von den Calvinisten gehort haben, Fried und Freundschaft halten ? Es ware noch ja
so bald mit den Papisten eine Einigkeit zu trefFen, als mit den Calvinisten, dann diesel-
ben kaum mehr Irrthumb wider unsern Catechismum haben, als die Calvinisten, wie
solches in ander Wege geweiset worden." Dav. Parei (professor in Heidelberg) Ireni-
cum, Heidelb., 1G14. 4., p. 13G Tanta est quprundam adversae partis Theologorum,
:
nescio KaKovdeia dicam, an appwaTia et incogitantia hoc tempore, ut potius cum Papis-
tis, capitalibus Evangelii hostibus, contra reformatas Ecclesias, quam cum his adversus
Papistas sj-ncretismum faciendum, familiariter conversandum, societatem colendam,

plusque Papistis, quam Calvinistis, quos vocare solent, fidendum esse, palam scribere,
suisque siiadere non erubescant. He then cites sixteen articles in which the doctrine
of the Calvinists is most grossly perverted by the Lutherans.
^ Thus in the colloquy set on foot bj- Duke Frederick of Wiirtemberg, 1586, in Mom-
pelgard, between Jac. Andrea, and Theod. Beza, see Acta Colloquii Montisbelligartensis,
Tubing., 1587, and Witteberg., 1613. 4. Here it was maintained bj' Andreae, p. 413
Quod Dcus salvandos non modo praesciverit, sed etiam ab aeterno elegerit, et ad vitam
aeternam praedestinaverit and, quod salvandorum apud Deum certus sit
; numerus. On
the other hand, he rejects as an error the doctrine, p. 414: Deum reprobos nondum na-
tos nullo indignitatis respectu exitio destinasse, et quosdam ad justum judicium a Deo
conditos esse. This is still the illogical stand-point of the Formula Concordiae, as is
clearly shown b}- Beza ad Acta Colloquii Montisbelgardensis Tubingae edita Responsio
(Partes ii., Genev., 1588), ii. 158. In the Electoral Visitation Articles of 1592, Art. 4
(comp. § 41, Note 11), the pure and true doctrine is thus set forth [1. Christ died for all
— 2. God created no one to damnation, —commands
all to hear Christ in the Gospel, and
thus promises power and grace for salvation That many men are condemned by
; 3.
their own fault, who either will not hear Christ, or fall from grace through error as to what
is fundamental, or by sin against conscience 4. That all sinners who repent are accept-
;
ed] " 1. Dass Christus vor alle Menschen gestorben; 2. Dass Gott niemand zur Ver-
: —
—
danininiss geschaffen, befehliget alien, dass sie seinen Sohn Christum in dem Evangelio
horen sollen, und verheisset dadurch Kraft und Wîirkung des heil. Geistes zur Bekeh-
rung u. Seligkeit 3. Dass viel Menschen durch ihre eigene Schuld verdammet werden,
;
die entweder das Evangelium von Christo nicht hciren wollen, oder aus der Gnade wie-
der ausfallen durch Irrthum wider das Fundament, oder durch Siinde wider das Gewis-
sen 4. Dass alle Sunder, so Busse thun, zu Gnaden angcnommen werden." On the
;
other hand, the false and erroneous doctrine of the Calvinists is thus given [1. Christ
;
berg, 1592-94,- thought that this position could be reconciled with

the Augustinian doctrine of original sin only by the assumption
that God had elected all men to salvation.^ Thus he gave the oc-
casion, made use of by his colleague, Aegidius Hunnius, for that
development of the doctrine, afterward generally accepted, accord-
ing to which the decisive factor in election or rejection remained
on the side of the unrenewed man.*
died only for the elect That God created the larger part of men for damnation, and
; 2.
will not that they be converted and saved 3. That the elect can not lose faith and the
;
Holy Ghost and be condemned, however many and great crimes the}' maj' commit 4. ;
That the non-elect must be damned, and can not be saved though they be baptized a
thousand times, and daily go to the Supper, and live as holj' as possible] "1. Dass :
Christus nicht fiir alle Menschen, sondern allein vor die Auserwahlten gestorben sey
2. Dass Gott den meisten Theil derer Menschen zum ewigen Verdammniss geschafFen,
und wolle nicht haben, dass sie bekehret und selig werden 3. Dass die Auserwahlten
;
und Neugebohrnen nicht konnen den Glauben und heil. Geist verlieren und verdammt
werden, wenn sie gleich allerlei grosse Siinde und Laster begehen 4. Die, so nicht er- ;
wahlet sind, miissen verdammet werden, und konnen nicht zur Seligkeit kommen, wenn
sie gleich tausendmal getauft werden, u. taglich zum Abendmal gingen, audi so heilig
u. unstraflich lebten, als es immer moglich."
* Comp., on de Sam. Huberi Vita, Fails et Doc-
this controversy, J. A. Schmidii Diss,
trina, Helmst., 1708. 4. G. Walch's Religionsstreitigkeiten der Evang. Luth. Kirche,
; J.
i. 176. The literature is in Walchii Biblioth. Theol., ii. 645. Huber, when a preacher
in the Canton of Berne, was already a decided opponent of Calvinism, and developed
his peculiar views. He was deposed in Berne (1588) in consequence of a disputation
with Beza, and then became a Lutheran preacher in Wiirtemberg, where he also aroused
distrust, though he did not openly avow his opinions till he came to Wittemberg. After
his deposal (1594) he lived in different places, and died in Osterwieck in 1624.
^ Bestiindige Bekandtuuss Dr. Sam. Huber's, Ursel, 1595. [God, through his Son,
4.
not only elected some, but, as he is a common Saviour, he elected and ordained all men
to salvation. —
When this general grace is offered to men thej' divide themselves into
two classes. The one follow the call, and receive through faith that to which they were
elected ; the other and larger class will not hear the Gospel, or despise it. All impeni-
tent sinners belong to this class, and they are all eternally condemned] "So bekenne :
ich, — — —
dass Gott durch diesen seinen Sohn nicht nur einen Ausschuss auserlesen und
—
erwahlet habe, sondern wie Christus ein gemeiner Heiland ist, also babe audi Gott alle
SiJnder, niimlich alle Menschen durch diesen seinen Sohn erwiiblet und verordnet zum
—
Leben, Heil u. Seligkeit. Derbei so glaube und bekenne ich,^dass wenn nun solches
allgemein Gnadenwerk Gottes uber alle Menschen an den Menschen kommt, gelehret,
verkiindiget und geprediget wird, —
dass sich allda die Menschen durch Glaube und Un-
glaube theilen in zwen Haufen, Der eine Haufen folget, und bekommt also durch —
—
den Glauben dasjenig, darzu er erwilhlet ist in Christo. Der ander Hauf, u. leider der
grosste Haufe, will das Evangelium nicht horen, oder wenn er es gleich horet, so ver-
—
achtet er es. Derhalben dieser Haufe, darunter alle unbussfertige Sunder stelien, die- —
weil sie nicht annehmen, was ihnen durch Christum erworben und geordnet war, so
werden sie alle zu Hauf mit einander verlohren und verdammt, und wie sie iiii Unglau-
ben sterben, also werden sie auch ewiglich verdammt und verlohren." His error con-
sisted in teaching universal election instead of universal grace. Comp. Bescheidentliche
— —
Antwort auf das kurze Bekenntniss Dr. Sam. Huber's gestellet durch die theol. Fac-
ultat zu Wittenberg, Frankf. a. M., 1595. 4. Actorum Huberianorum P. i. ii., pub-
;
lished bj' the Wiirtemberg divines, Tubingen, 1597. 4.

* Aeg. Hunnii Tract, de Providentia Dei et aeterna Praedestinatione, s. Electione fili-
—
PART II.— CHAP. I.— LUTHERANISM. § 42. DOCTRINAL RESULTS. 503
The theologians view that there was in

of Giessen^ adopted the
and as to his human nature, a
Christ, in his state of humiUation,
KEvwOTc idiomatum divinorum (an emptying of, or parting with

the divine properties —
the advocates of this doctrine were called
Kenotists). The divines of Tubingen maintained, in opposition,
orum Dei ad salutem, Francof., 1597 (0pp., i. 653). See bis 0pp., i. 809: Duplex est
extenuis, alter internus. Prior potest esse cum studio cognosceiuli, dis-
auilitiis, alter
cendi et aliquo modo meditandi. Internus autem auditus definitur assensu cordis et ob-
sequio voluntatis, ut audire idem sit quod assentiri in doctrina, quod obedire in vita.
Hie auditus internus —nequaquam in nostra potestate situs est, sed a Deo per extcrio-
rem ilium auditum Externus autem ille est adhuc in nostrarum
in nobis exsuscitatur.
viriura arbitrio. Potest enim homo non renatus illam paedagogicam disciplinam seu
ministerii obedientiam externam adhuc servare, i. e. accedere concionem verbi vel non
accedere, audire vel non audire. Potest etiam cum quodam studio audire, meditari ali-
quo modo, potest ut contemnere ita etiam non contemnere, si actualem contemtum re-
spicias. P. 812 : Qids autem est hujus quaestionis — usus ? Ut appareat manifeste, etsi con-
versio, fides, agnitio veritatis, aeterna salus, etc., ne minima quidem ex parte in nostro
sunt arbitrio posita, —esse tamen in aliquibus nondum conversis hominibus longe plura
obstacula, quae fructificationem verbi validius impediant, quam in aliis : esse quosdam
etiam ex non conversis regno Dei propinquiores, sicut de scriba seu legisperito Christum
pronunciantem audivimus (Marc. xii. 34. Other instances before adduced Matth. xxi. :
31, xix. 23, xi. 23, etc.) Non quod his quicquam insit facultatum aut virium applicandi
:
se ad gratiam, aut in spiritualibus cooperandi Deo (haec enim omnia soli Deo et opera-
tioni ejus in solidum sunt adscribenda converte me Domine, et convertar) sed quod in
: ;
caeteris plura sint et fortiora impedimenta, quae aditum Spiritui sancto praecludunt,
quo minus in eis perinde velit esse per praedicatum verbum efficax. Idcirco et Scrip- —
tura hortatur homines etiam non conversos, ut obstacula ilia removeant, et viam com-
planent, h. e. peccata et studia perversa, quorum pleraque etiam a non renatis (ut sanio-
rum Ethnicorum exempla tcstantur) caveri aut abjici possunt, deponant et abjiciant;
quae alias non submota obstent, quo minus Dominus apud illos ingrediatur. That thej'
had come back to the Melancthonian theorj- (see § 3G, Note 12, § 37, Note 39), although
they rejected the word S3-nergism, is shown at length by Cliytraeus in a letter of the
Rostock to the Wittenberg divines, dd. 20. Maji, 1595 (Dav. Chytr. Epistolae, Hanov.,
1614, p. 1271) Scitis initio emendationis doctrinae ecclesiasticae in vestra ilia Ecclesia-
:
rum et scholarum metropoli per Lutherum ante 70 annos institutae, dum liberum homi-
nis arbitrium fortiter oppugnabatur, multa de hoc ipso doctrinae praedestinationis capite
horridius disputata et asserta fuisse, videlicet, praedestinationem divinam omni volun-
tati humanae, turn in externis operibus turn internis cogitationibus, libertatem adimere,
—
omnia necessario et quidem absoluta necessitate evenire. Haec, inquam, et multa his
similia horridiora (quae tunc in vestra cathedra velut oracula docebantur, nunc nusquam
nisi in Calvinianorum scholis retinentur) Philippus, communis praeceptor noster, postea
—
paulatim leniit ac sustulit, dum in omnibus libellis has de necessitate Stoica et Mani-
chaea, ut vocat, opiniones absurdas refutat, et de liberi arbitrii viribus quid possint so-
lae, quid non possint nisi a Spiritu sancto conversae et adjutae, distinctius explicat, et
Scripturae testimonia, pro divina praedestinatione seu necessitate Manichaea et Stoica
argumenta praecipua
stabilienda initio causae Lutheri allegata, longe aliter explicat, et
ubique refutat, idque vivo adhuc Luthero, etc.
* The Giessen theologians were Balth. Mentzer and Just. Feurborn the Tubingen, ;
Matthias Hafenreffer (f 1619), Luc. Osiander, Melch. Nicolai, and Theod. Thummius.
The history of the dispute is given bj' Mentzer in his Necessaria et justa Defensio contra
injustas Criminationes Luc. Osiandri, etc., Giess., 1624. 4. (Opp., ii. 1233). In reply :
Theod. Thummii Acta Mentzeriana, Tiibing., 1625. 4. The controversial works arc ia
Walchii Bibl. Theol., ii. 654. [Bodcmeycr, Die Lchro d. Kcnosis. Getting., I860.]
oOi FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
a hiding {Kpv\pigY of the divine attributes, and were called Kryp-

* The points in controversy are given by the Saxon theologians, as follows, in the
Solida Decisio (see Note 7) : 1. Cum in Scriptura sacra de irapovGia. Dei apud creaturas
niodificata agitur, an —nudaDei adessentia, an vero simul efficax operatio innuatur?
Adeoque num ad accuratam definitionem praesentiae Dei apud creaturas semper etiam
operatio efficax divina, ceu pars essentialis, necessario requiratur ? Ubi pars una (Gies-
sen) affirmativam, altera (Tubingen) negativam magna contentione tuetur. 2. An prae-
sentia Dei moditicata apud creaturas, prout in sacris Bibliis describitur, a sola immensi-
tate et infinitate Dei (Tubingen), an vero etiam a Uberrima ejus voluntate (Giessen) ori-
atur. — Postea de hoc etiam controvertitur, quod sit omnipraesentiac Christi Jesu juxta
carnem fundamentum proprium et proximum ? An voluntas et beneplacitum Dei (Gies-
sen) ? an personalis uuio (Tubingen) ? an ad dexteram Dei sessio ? 3. An commode de
Christo Jesu dici possit, quod secundum carnem, in ipso statu humiliationis, quin et in
ipsa morte semper et incessanter coelum ac terram, ut Rex, gubernarit, et potenter qui-
dem, occulte tamen, dominatus sit. Ubi quidam in affirmativam (Tiib.), quidam in ne-
gativam sententiam (Giess.) descenderunt. 4. An Christus Jesus secundum utramque
naturam (Tiib.), an vero tantum secundum humanam (Giess.) se exinaniverit ? Adeo-
que an omne illud quod in statu exinanitionis fecit et sustinuit, juxta utramque naturam
ille fecerit, et perpessus fuerit ? Ita quidem, ut et recte affirmari queat, divinitatem esse
passam, et humanitatom coelum et terram gubernasse et conservasse (Tiib.)? Deinde
aceiTima quoque est dlsceptatio, quid sit proprie exinanitio ? an per eam innuatur, quod
Christus Jesus secundum assumtam carnem, quoad plenarium et incessantem usum divi-
nae majestatis, realiter ct a\i/6ais, voluntarie tamen et tantum usque ad statum exalta-
tionis, se exinaniverit (Giess.) ? vel an exinanitio ilia hoc solum intendat, Christum in
statu KEvuiaôo9 aeque ac jam ad dexteram Dei, qua homo fuit, inhabitantem suam pleni-
tudinem totam Deitatis plenarie ac incessanter, sed tamen occulte et latenter in regimi-
ne totius universi usurpasse et exercuisse (Tiib.) ? Mentzer, in his Necessaria et justa
Defensio (0pp., ii. 1319), presents the question in controversy, thui : An J. Chr. Gtai/-
OpajTTOi in statu exinanitionis juxta humanitatem fuerit omnipraesens c "eaturis, et totum
universum gubernarit ? Affirmat D. Osiander cum negamuL
suis, iios Affirmationii
suae rationem petit Osiander ex unione hypostatica. Quae cum semper eodem modo se
habeat, et mutationem nullam admittat, putat, Christum, ut hominem, aeque in statu
exinanitionis fuisse omnipraesentem creaturis, et coelum et terram gubernasse, uti jam
in statu gloriae ad dextram Dei sedens est omnibus rebus praesens, et coelum et terram
gubernat hoc duntaxat discrimine, quod in statu exinanitionis omnipraesentiam illam
:
et universalem gubernationem Immanitas texerit et occultarit sub forma servili nunc ;
autem deposita servili ilia conditione eandem gloriose et majestatice declaret et mani-
festet. Negationis nostrae rationem nos petimus ex statu exinanitionis in quo J. Chr.
:
diavdpwiro^, juxta naturam humanam, divinam omniscientiae, et omnipotentiae, et om-

nipraesentiae majestatem, per uniouem personalem vere et reaUter sibi communicatam,
seviper hahuit, verum, ut peccatum protoplastorum atque adeo omnia nostra peccata ex-
piarct, ct pro nobis pati et mori posset, eam non semper et ubique, sed libere, uhi et
quando et quomodo roluit, pro officii sui ratione, salva semper permanente unione perso-
nali, usurpavit. The Giessen divines maintained tlie constant /cT?}cris (possession), but
denied the uninterrupted x/^r/o-t? (use of the attributes). During this dispute a work was
published (chiefly devoted to showing the uselessness and recklessness of the dispute)
under the title Ruperti Meldenii (G. Culixti?) Paraenesis Votiva pro Pace Ecclesiae ad
theologos Augustanae Confcssionis (also by F. Liicke, as a comment on the peaceful
maxim: In necessariis unitas, etc., Gottingen, 1850, s. 87). See in Liicke, s. 108: Ti-
des multos disputare de praeseutia caniis Christi in profundissimo humilitatis statu,
quos tamen ipsos Christum habere praesentem in cordibus suis per fidera habitantem,
ego adduci vix possum ut credam, quia video illos de humilitate Christi multa garrire
.sine humilitate, de praesentia ejus, qui est charitas ipsa, sine charitate, etc. That other
divines, especially the Saxon, lamented this controversy, is shown in Tholuck's Geist d.
Luth. Thcologen Wittenbcrgs im 17ten Jahrh. (Hamburg u. Gotha, 1852), s. C4.
PART II.-CII. I.-EEFORMED CHURCH. § 43. THE NETHERLANDS. 505
tists. This controversy, carried on from 1619, led, according to
the declaration of the Saxon theologians, 1624,'' to the general
abandonment of the absolute communicatio idiomatum realis.
§ 43.
CALVINISM IN THE NETHERLANDS. ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY.
Jo. Uj-tenbogaert kerckelijcke Historie, vervatende verscheyden gedenckwaerdige Saeck-

en, in de Christenhej-t voorgevallen, voornamentlijck in dese geunieerde Provincien
(to
1619), Rotterdam, 1647, foL Against this Remonstrant view of the history Jac. Tri- :
glandius kerkelijcke geschiedenissen van de vereenigde Nederlanden, Leyden, 1G50,

foL The Remonstrant Gerh. Brand Historie der Reformatie (see Div. I., before
§ 24).
Ypey en Dermout 153.— Historie der Remonstranten door Jac. Regenboog
(ibid.), ii.
(Remonstrant preacher in Amsterdam), Amsterd., 1774. 76. (German translation by H.

M. A. Cramer, Lemgo, 1781. 84., 2 Th.). Ch. J. W. Mosche Hist. Sententiarum' Re-
monstrantium de Rebus ad Religionem et Conscientiam pertinentibus spec. 1, Jenae,
1790.—Adr. a Cattenburgh Biblioth. Remonstrantium, AmsteL, 1728. G. S. Franck-
ius De Hist. Dogmatum Arminianorum, Kiliae, 1813.
[Brandt's History of the Reformation in Holland, 4 fol. 1720-23 and 1770 abridged, 2 ;
vols. 8vo, 1725. Durell, History of the Reformed Countries bej-ond the
Seas, 4to, 1662.
Episcopius in Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theologie, 1843. Articles of Sj-nod of Dort, trans-
lated by Thos. 12mo. The Creed of Arminius, by Moses Stuart, in Bibl. Repos.,
Scott,
1831. on Arminius in Meth. Quarterly, iv. 425, 556 ibid., 1857, by W. F.'
Articles ;
Warren Christ. Examiner, 18G0 Lit. and Theol. Review, vol. vi. Life of Arminius,
; ;
by Caspar Brandt, translated by John Guthrie, Lond., 1855 life by N. Bangs, 1844!
:
Works of Arminius translated, full edition, 3 vols. 8vo, Auburn, 1852.]

[Scripta Adversaria collationis Hagiensis habitae a. 1611, latine Berti, Lugd.
Bat., 1617.
Confessio Pastorum (by Episcopius), 1622. Acta et Scripta synodalia
Dordracen'a, fol!
1620. Judicium Synodi Nationalis, 1619. ILiles (John), Hist. Cone. Dordr., ed. Mos-
hemius, Hamb., 1724. Graf, Beitrage zur Gesch. d. Synode von
Dordrecht, Basel,
1825. Limborch, Vita Episcopii, Amst., 1701. Life and Death of Arminius and Episl
copius, Lond., 1672.]
In the Reformed churches of the Netherlands different types

of doctrine were developed, according to the chief sources
from
which the opinions were derived, whether from the writings of
Erasmus, or those of the Saxon or of the Swiss Reformers but as ;
' The Elector John George,

in 1623, convened the Leipsic and Wittenberg
divines in
Dresden, under the presidency of the upper
court preacher, Iloe von Hoenegg; and the
latter drew up, in accordance with
the results of this assemblage, the Solida Decisio
quatuor nupernme controversorum capitum,
which was published in Leipsic, 1624, 4to
preceded by the Electoral order that public
teaching should accord with it. In all es-
sential points this was a decision in
favor of the Giessen divines and it was declared
;
by the Landgrave of Ilesse-Darnistadt, Louis V., to be

a binding formula in his posses-
sions (Rommel's neuere Gesch. v.
Hessen, ii. 192). The Tubingen divines, in reply,
drew up the Amica Admonitio super Decisione, etc. (written
bv Thummius). Tubing.!
1624,which was followed by the Sa.xons with their Necessaria e't inevitabilis
Apologta!
s. adsertio decisionis solidae (drawn up by Hoe v. Hoenegg), Lips., 1625. 4. After this
the controversy died out, in the midst of the distractions of the
Thirtv Years' War.
these agreed in the main points, so their advocates continued for

a long time to live at peace in the same church-fellowship.^ The
first ecclesiastical arrangements were made by the church itself,
quite independently of the civil authority hut as the new repub- ;
lic was more firmly estabhshed it endeavored to bring the church

under its superintendence.^ At the same time, the strict Calvin-
ism, which had first penetrated from France into the Walloon
Church, began to be more widely diff'used, and to demand unity
' Ep. Ordinum Hollandiae ad Jac. Magnae Brit. Regem, 1G18 (Praestantium ac eru-
ditorum Virorum Epistolae ecclesiasticae et theol., ed. iii., Amstelod., 1704, fol. p. 499) :
Ab initio repurgatae apud nos religionis, cum inter Pastores, turn in fidelium plebe, de
praedestinationis negotio, et quae huic cohaerent, variatum est sententiis. Aliis enim
ea probata sunt dogmata, quae a Calvini, Bezae, aliorumque auctoritate non parum sibi
dignitatis conciliarunt, eadem nimirum quae in Anglia defenderant viri docti Withake-
rus et Perkinsius alii ab his dissidentes sententiae suae laudabant non spernendos auc-
:
tores Erasmum, Melanchthonem, Bullingerum atque alios. Quanquam vero in Gelria

quoque et Frisia non defuisse Pastores, qui posteriorem banc sententiam tuerentur, edi-
tis libris apparet ; tamen in Hollandia Westfrisiaque, et in Provincia Trajectina major
semper fuit ita sentientium numerus partimque vivunt adhuc, partim obierunt Profes-
:
sores et Pastores, qui ante annos XXX. et XL. banc docendi rationem publico sunt se-
cuti, nemine ipsis earn ob rem movente litem. Quod si quando in conventibus eccleei-
asticis,ubi priorem illam sententiam plures tuebantur, quidam ecclesiasticas eo nomine
censuras fratribus intendercnt, nos ante annos XX. ct amplius auctoritate nostra talibus
censuris interccssimus, et ad concordiam fleximus Pastoram animos. Uytenbogaert, p.
142 ss. Ypey en Dermout, i. 427, ii. 171.
2 Ep. Ord. IIoll. (sec Quo primum tempore bisce in regionibus Eras-
Note 1), p. 498 :
—
mi Lutheriquo scriptis accensa lux est, Pastores, qui passim pios coetus collegerant,
cum leges publicas sibi adversas haberent, atque ideo eorum praesidio uti non possent,
necessitate compulsi, ad Galliae exemplum, regimen quoddam constituerunt ecclesias-
ticum, quod ex Pastoribus et delectis e fidelium multitudine Senioribus constans, e con-
sessibus minoribus in majores, quasi per gradus quosdam, assurgeret. Postquam vero
—
nos primi omnium cum Zelandiae Ordinibus— ad vindicandam avitam libertatem, simul
—ad sublevandam Ecclesiam animum adjecimus, templa, imaginibus purgata, emenda-
tioris doctrinae raagistris tradidimus, eosdem liberalibus e publico aerario stipendiis sus-
tentavimus statim inter Pa.storcs quosdam et Magistratuum plerosque ortae contentio-
;
nes cum illi quidem id, quod persecutionum necessitate invaluerat, regimen sine ulla
:
mutatione retentum vellent, sibique ac Senioribus potestatem omnem ferendarum legum

ecclesiasticarum, coiiferendique munera ecclesiastica vindicarent: hi contra, mutatis
temporibus, manente functionum discrimine, mutandam nonnihil censerent formam gu-
bernationis quippc cum, ut ex verbo divino docet Belgica confessio, non id modo mu-
:
nus sit Ma"-istratuum, ut de civili politia conservanda sint solliciti; sed et ut operam
dent tollendis adulterinis cultibus, praedicando Evangelio, propagando Christi regno :
quod cum officium fiiciunt Magistratus, eosdem esse supremos et civilium et ecclesias-
ticarum rerum gubernatores, ac proinde nullum esse regimen externum, quod non su-
premo in Republica imperio subordinetur. First church service of the churches under
the cross in Wesel, 1508, and Emden, 1571 then the church service of Dort, 1578. The
;
first stateorder for church service (edited bj' Royaards, in Nederl. Archief voor kerk.
Geschiedenis. iii. 305 comp. his Introduction) was not carried out. The National Syn-
;
od in the Hague, convened liy Lord Leicester, published a strictly Calvinistic liturgy,
1586 ; then followed, 1591, the church service of the states of Holland, which, however,
was not carried out (Ypej- en Dermout, i. 353).
PART II.—CHAP. I.—REFORMED CHURCH. § 43. ARMINIANISM. 507
of doctrine by the adoption of the Belgic Confession and the Hei-

delberg Catechism, the acceptance of the Decretum absolutum,^
and upon the independence of the Church in relation
also to insist
to the state. This led to several controversies,* which at last
came together in the great Arminian discussion.
James Arminius,^ preacher in Amsterdam, who had been led
by his earnest studies to abandon strict Calvinism,^ became, in
1603, professor of theology in Leyden, and was soon involved in
such an animated conflict with his colleague, Francis Gromarus,
that parties of Gomarists and Arminians were speedily formed
throughout the whole republic. The point raised was, indeed,
only the doctrine of predestination ; but the difference of the par-
ties was much deeper. The Arminians wished for biblical sim-
^ Hugonis Grotii Annales et Historiae de Rebus Belgicis, AmsteL, 1658, p. 552 : Auxit
sententiae (Calvini) rigoreiu Genevae Beza, per Germaniam Zanchius, Ursinus, Pisca-
tor, saepe eo usque provecti, ut, quod alii anxie vitaverant, apertius nonnunquam tra-
derent, etiam peccandi n'^nessitatem a prima causa pendere quae ampla Lutlieranis
:
criminandi materia, et supra illud de Eucharistia nova certaminis segcs. Apud Bata-
vos initio motae religionis super his contendere haud vacuum fuit facile, quamvis inter
:
diversa sentientes, aequo jure agebatur. At ubi multa juventus a Genevensibus, Pala-
tinis,Nassoviis doctoribus veniens, instituendis praefecta Ecclesiis, numerare se coepit,
tempus rati quae ipsi didicerant in legem vertere, dissidendi manifestos certabant aut
non admittere ad sacra munera, aut admissos excludere unde crebri ad Ordines ques-
:
tus, Anastasium Velausum in Geldria, in Frisia Gelliura Snecanum, Trajecti Hubertum,

apud Batavos Hiltamum, Clcmentem Martium, Hermannum Herberti et alios eadem
palam et tuto docuisse testantium donee duo, quos dixi, Gomarus inde, hinc Arminius,
:
in ipsa Lugdunensi schola sua quisque firmare, aliena labefactare aggressi sunt. How
the sj-nods began to demand subscription to the Confessio Belgica and the Heidelberg
Catechism is related by J. Borsius, in the Archief voor Kerk. Geschiedenis, ix. 285.
* Dirik Volckaerts zoon Koornhert
(f 1590) is to be regarded as the forerunner of the
Remonstrants iu a large number of books (Works, Amst., 1630, 3 foL) he was a zeal-
;
ous advocate of freedom of conscience, and of the reduction of theology to a few essen-
tial points. He was involved in a controversy in Leyden, 1578, for assailing Calvin's
and Beza's views on predestination, and on the execution of heretics (Uytenbogaert, p.
198). In 1583 he wrote against the Dutch Catechism reply b}' A. Saravia, professor
;
of theology in Lej-den (Brand, Hist, de la Ref., i. 202). Casp. Coolhaas, preacher in

Lej'den, defended the rights of the magistracy' over the Church, denied Calvinistic pre-
destination,and would receive all those as brethren who would accept the fundamental
truths of Christianit}'.He was deposed by the Synod of Middelburg in 1581 (Brand, i.
282, 289. Ypey en Dermout, ii., Aant., p. 68).
* Casp. Brantii (son of Gerhard, and also Remonstrant preacher in Amsterdam) Hist.
Vitae Jac. Arminii, Amstelod., 1724 (praef. notasque addidit J. L. Moshemius, Bruns-
vig., 1725).
^ The preachers in Delft, A.
C. van der Linden and Reinier Donteclock, wrote, 1589 :
Responsio ad Argumenta quaedam Bezae et Calvini ex tractatu de Praedestinatione in

cap. ix. ad Rom., in order as Sublapsarian to refute the Supralapsarians. Martin Lj--
dius, professor in Franecker, called out Arminius to defend Calvin and Beza and the ;
investigations to which he was thus led brought Arminius to entirely opposite convic-
tions. C. Brantii Hist. Vitae J. Arminii ed. Mosheim, p. 22.
plicity in doctrines, and a peaceful spirit in the Church,'' and also

for the subjection of the Church to the state.** The Gomarists, on
the contrary, demanded the adoption of strict Calvinism, not only
in doctrine, but also as to the independence of the Church in rela-
tion to the state. In vain did the States favorable to the Armin-
ians, led by John van Oldenbarneveld and Hugo Grotius, use all
their efforts to maintain the peace of theChurch the Gomarists ;
became more and more violent and stiff-necked.

After the death of Arminius (1609), his successor, Simon Epis-
copius,^ and John Uytenbogaert,^'^ preacher at the Hague, became
the leaders of the party. To refute false accusations, they set
forth their doctrinal views in a Remonstrance (Remonstrantie,
hence called Remonstrants),^^ addressed, in 1610, to the States
' Uytenbogaert, in 1610, wrote an account of a remarkable conversation which he had
with Is. Casaubou, in which the latter openly avowed his objections to Calvinism
(Praestantium ac erud. Yirorum Epist. Eccl., p. 250) Quaesivit (Casaubonus) de Ar-
:
minio, anne et ille haberet aliquid de quo conquereretur. Respondi, habere, sed praeci-
puum esse, quod ageret, ut posset uniri Christianismus modum autem hunc esse, ut :
discrimen lieret inter fundamentalia et non fundamentalia ; ut de illis certi esse posse-
nius, de his libere prophetare. Ad hoc ille o sanctas cogitationes Arminius him-
: !
self says in his Testament (Vita, coram Deo tester, me bona conscientia in mu-
p. 199) :
nere meo et vocatione simpliciter et sincere ambulasse sollicite admodum et curiose

:
hoc caveus, ne quid proponerem aut docerem, quod non adhibita ante diligentia ex s.
Scripturis disquirendis comperissem cum iisdem Scripturis ad amussim convenire quae- :
cunque ad propagationem amplificationemque vcritatis, religionis christianae, veri Dei

cultus, communis pietatis, et sanctae inter homines conversationis, denique ad conveni-
entem christiano nomini tranquillitatem et pacem secundum verbum Dei possent con-
ferre, excludens Papatum, cum quo nulla unitas fidei, nullum pietatis aut christianae
pacis vinculum servari potest.
* Cf. J. Uytenbogaert tractaat van't Ampt en Auctoriteit eener hooger Christelijke
Overheit in kerkelijke saken., 1610. 4. Hugonis Grotii Oratio in Senatu Amstel., ix.
Cal. Maji, 1616, habita. 0pp. Theol., iii. 177.
^ Hist, vitae Sim. Episcopii scripta a Phil, a Limborch, Amstel., 1701.
*" J. Uj-tenbogaert leven, kerckelijke Bedieninge ende zedige verandwoording, 1646.
4. (also at the end of an edition of his kerk. Historic).
" They agreed upon a declaration, January, 1610 (Uytenbogaert, kerk. Historic, p.
524), which, with the necessaiy changes in the form of it, was afterward submitted to
the states as the Remonstrantia (in the Schriftelijke Confercutie gehouden in's Graven-
hage, 1611, tusschen sommige Kerkendienaren, 1612. 4., p. 1). The five articles in which
the Remonstrants declare their doctrine, Latin in Benthem's Holl. Kirch- u. Schulen-
staat, i. 635. Walch's Religionsstreit. ausser d. Luth. Kirche, iii. 540: I. Deum aeterno
immutaLili decreto in Jesu Christo filio suo ante jactum mundi fundamentum statuisse,
ex lapso —humano genere, illos in Christo, propter Christum, et per Christum servare,
qui Spiritus s. gratia in eundem ejus Filium credunt
:
—
contra vero eos, qui non conver-
tuntur, — in
peccato et irae subjectos relinquere et condemnare, as in Joh. iii. 36. II.
—
Proinde J. Ciir. pro omnibus et singulis mortuum esse, ea tamen conditione, ut nemo
—
ilia reniissione peccatorum re ipsa fruatur, praeter hominem fidelem, as in Joh. iii. 16;
1 Joh. ii. 2. III. Hominem —

vero saliitarem fidem a se ipso non habere, sed necessari-
um esse cum in Christo per Spiritum ejus sanctum regigni et renovari,— ut aliquid boni
—
PART II.— CHAP. I.— PvEFORMED CHURCH. § 43. ARMINIANISM. 509
of Holland and West Friesland ; but these States attempted in

vain to bring their opponents, the Contra-Remonstrants, to toler-
ate these doctrines.^^ The strife became more bitter by assum-
ing a political character. The States wished for peace, and in
1609 had carried through an agreement for a twelve years' truce
with Spain, under the influence of Oldenbarneveld and Grotius,
and in opposition Mau-
to the wishes of the Stadtholder, Prince
rice of The accusation against these statesmen, that
Orange.
they were bribed by Spain, Avas all the more readily welcomed
by the Contra-Remonstrants, since the Arminians, who support-
ed the States, were implicated in the charge of treachery.'^
The States of Seeland, Friesland, Grroningen, and Geldern, car-
riedaway by this impulse, demanded a national synod to con-
demn the Remonstrants. The States of Holland, Utrecht, and
Upper Yssel were opposed to this;^' but six of their cities, and
possit intelligere, cogitare, velle et perficere nach Job. xv. IV. Hanc Dei gratiam
5.
esse initium, progressiiin ac perfectionem oiunis boni ;

— adeo
quidem, ut omnia bona
opera, quae excogitare possumus, Dei gratiae in Chiisto tribuenda sint. Qiiod vero mo-
dum operationis illius gratiae attinet, ilia non est irresistibilis. De multis enim dicitur,
eos Spiritui s. restitisse, Act. 7. et alibi multis locis. V. Qui Jesu Christo per veram
fidem sunt insiti, ac proinde Spiritus ejus vivificantis participes, eos abuude habere fa-
—
cultatum, quibus contra Satanam et propriam suam carnem pugnent, et victoriam ob-
tineant, veruntamen per gratiae Spiritus s. subsidium Jesum Cliristum vero illis Spi-
;
ritu suo in omnibus tentationibus adesse, manum porrigere, et, modo sint ad certamen
promti, et ejus auxilium petant, neque officio suo desint, eos confirmare. Sed an illi —
ipsi negligentia sua initium sui esse in Christo deserere non possint, —
conscientiae nau-
fragium facere, a gratia excidere, penitus ex s. Scriptura esset expendendum, antequam
illud cum plena auimi tranquillitate et irXijpofpopia docere possent.
'" The states, upon receiving this Remonstrance, ordered (Uytenbogaert,
p. 529), dat
de Predicanten van 't gevoelen in dese Remonstrantie uytgedruckt, zijnde in actuelen
dienst, van de Censuren der andere Predicanten desen aengaende souden blijven be-
vrijdt, ende dat men d'aenkomende Kerckendienaren in het exaraineren vorder niet en
soude beswaren, als van oudts is gebruA'ckelijck geweest, ende sonderling in 't stuck
van de Praedestinatie, hooger noch swaerder niet als in de vijf Artijckelen wordt ver-
klaert. The clergy took the ground that this order was an interference of the secular
power in spiritual matters, and hence invalid. The states endeavored, fruitless!}', to
bring about conferences between the two parties in the Hague, IGll (Ypey en Dermout,
ii. 193), and in Delft, 1G13 (1. c, p. 201). So, too, their decree of January, 1G14 (Grotii
0pp. Theol., iii. 141), bj' which the clerg}- were exhorted to peace, remained unsuccessful.
" Ypej' en Dermout, ii. 215. The feeling of the Contra-Eemonstrants comes out in
Bogermanni Ep. ad J. J. Breitingerum (preacher in Zurich), 23d June, 1618 (Miscella-
nea Tigurina, ii. 429) Mj-sterium est iniquitatis, non tantum ecclesiasticae, sed et po-
:
liticae, quod quinquarticularia (quam vocant) controversia occultat. Turbatur Eccle-

sia, turbatur Politia. Orthodoxi quibusdam in locis persecutiones passi sunt acerbissi-
mas, et regimen politicum ejectis orthodoxis commissum est Papisticis, Libertinis, Neu-
tralistis, qui ad induciarum exspirationem idonca essent hostium mancipia.
'* Ep. Ord. Hell, ad Jacob. R., 1618 (see Note Sunt qui existimarint, hasce
1), p. 500 :
controversias nationalis S^vnodi decisione terminandas. Nos vero Majestatem tuam

espendere oramus, prius an utilis sit futura illarum controvertiarum decisio, deinde an
—;
510 FOUKTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1648.
among them the powerful Amsterdam, held with the opponents

so that the states of Holland at last remained alone, and were
themselves obliged to assent, after their chief men, Oldenharne-
veld, Grotius,^ând Hogerbeets, had been put in prison by order
of the Estates-Greneral. Thus the National Synod of Dort was
convened (November, 1618, to May, 1619) ;^^ and invitations to it
were sent to the other Reformed national churches.^'' Its de-
cisions could be anticipated. Not only these statesmen,^^ but
also the Remonstrants,^^ were condemned the Calvinist doctrine ;
recte per nationalem Sj-nodura id possit expediri. Ad prius quod attinet, rogatur Ma-
jestas tua examinare, an credibile sit, in iis controversiis, de quibus manifesta est vete-
rum Patrum dissensio, de qviibus inter religionis instauratores convenire non potuit, ac
ne inter Pontificios quidem convenit, praestari posse a nostri saeculi ingeniis, quod hac-
—
tenus nulla saecula praestiterunt. Alterum quod ad Majestatis tuae perspicax judicium
deferimus, hoc est, an tutum satis sit, et concordiae omnium Ecclesiarum conveniens,
controversias, quae omnes ferme Ecclesias sunt pervagatae, unius nostrae nationis Sj'no-
—
do detenninari. Habemus et recens in Germania exemplum, ubi cum Saxones Theologi
et Pastores librum confecissent, quern concordiae vocabant, —
placuit Eeginae Elisa-
bethae et piis Gerraaniae Principibus, Francofurti conventum instituere, in quo legati
epistolam ad Germaniae Principes scripserunt, in qua ostendunt, recte ipsos facturos
fuisse, si consilia sua contulissent cum aliis gentibus, quae eundem, quem ipsi, Deum
—
invocant. Tarn piis moderatisque consiliis cum non auscultarent doctores Saxonici, sed
paucarum provinciarum consensum subscriptionibus firmarent, secuta inde est ilia luc-
tuosa nobis, lucrosa hostibus, evangelicarum Ecclesiarum divulsio. Quod ipsum satis
grave nobis exemplum esse debet, ne tale quid iterum committamus. Eo autem magis
ad communem evangelicarum Ecclesiarum statum pertinebit quicquid de praedestina-
tione et adhaerentibus quaestionibus statuetur, quod Augustanae confessionis theologi
in his controversiis nunc maxime pedem figant (see § 42). —
Et quanquam hoc anno pro-
vinciae quaedam iterum nationalem Sjmodum urgere coeperunt, atque earn indicere
simt aggressae illae tamen provinciae, quae veteribus illis controversiis magis impli-
;
catae praecipites condemnationes perhorrescunt, assensum suum negant neque arbi- :
trantur id juris concessum esse aliis provinciis, ut vel una invita, nedum pluribus, com-
muni foederatoruni nomine aliquid imperii circa ecclesiastica usurpent cum id imperi-
;
um minima ambigua stipulatione provinciae siugulae integrum illibatumque sibi ser-

vaverint, connexae quidem religionis vinculo cum vicinis provinciis itidem, ut cum Ma-
jestatis tuae regnis, aliisque per Europam eandem veritatem sequentibus, sed sine ulla
mutua subjectione.
'5 Hugo Grotius v. H. Luden, Berlin, 180G, s. 128. Ypey en Dermout, ii. 215.
'^ Decree of the Estates-General for convening the synod, 11th November, 1617, in
Benthem's Holl. Kirchen- u. Schulenstaat, i. 371.
'^ That addressed to the Swiss, see Miscellanea Tigur., ii. 273. Brandenburg was in-
vited, but did not send anj' theologians see Bering's hist. Nachricht v. d. ersten An-
;
fang der Ref. Kirche in Brandenburg, s. 383. Anhalt alone was not invited. The
French Reformed were forbidden by Louis XIII. to send delegates. A list of all the
members is in Benthem, i. 379. The foreign churches represented were the English
Episcopal, the Scotch, the Palatinate, Hesse, Switzerland, Wetterau, Geneva, Bremen,
and Emden.
" Oldenbameveld was executed 13th Maj', 1619 Eegenboog, i. 299.
;
'' Acta Sj-nodi Nationalis Dortrechti habitae, Dordrechti, 1620. 4. (the official collec-
tion). Acta et Scripta synodalia Dordracena Ministrorum Eemonstrantium, Herder-
wijci, 1620. 4. (the Remonstrant collection). Jo. Halesii (preacher to the English em-
PAET II.— CHAP. J.— REFORMED CHURCH. § 43. ARMINIANISM. 511
of predestination was formally confirmed f^ and the Remonstrant

clergy banished, in case they did not renounce all exercise of
hass}', present as a spectator) Hist. Concilii Dordraceni (reports to the English embas-
sador at the Hague) ; J. L. Moshemius,
Observationibus et Vita Ha-
lat. vertit, variis
lesii auxit, Hamb., 172-1. Many

Praestantium ac Erud. Virorum Episto-
letters in the
lae eccl., especially the reports to the English embassador at the Hague of the Scotch
theologian, Gualth. Balcanquallus, p. 527, 540, etc. Favorable to the sj'nod were the
by 11. J. Breitinger (Miscellanea Tigur., ii. 377). Balcanquallus,
reports sent to Zurich
8. Cal. c, p. 565), made three remarks upon the synod: 1. Praesidem
Apr., 1619 (1.
(Joh. Bogermann, preacher at Leeuwaarden) plus sibi, quam ullus ante eum Praeses,
arrogasse in conficiendis canonibus, quos a reliquis volebat approbari per nudum placet,
vel rejici per —
solum uon placet. 2. Videtur mihi multo minus turbarum in Sj'nodo futu-
rum fuisse, si duo viri abfuissent, quibus praesentibus nunquam turbae Sj-nodo deerunt;
Sibrandum (Sibr. Lubbertum, professor in Franeker) et Gomarum (professor in Grouin-
gen) intelligo, qui alternas habent vices furendi ac tumultuandi. Proxima ante hodier-
nam procella a parte Gomari detonuit hodie Sibrandus invectus est in nostrum Colle-
:
gium (the foreign divines) tanta cum iracundia et impotentia, tantaque cum acerbitate
verborum, ut nulla re magis de ipso ultio sumatur, quam nuda relatione verborum, quae
protulit. (How these two at first calumniated the Bremen divines ; and how Gomarus
blamed the Bishop of LandafF; see p. 547 ss.) 3. Nisi Tu, Vir ill., magna diligentia
provideas, ut bonum consilium hue afferatur, prout comparatum esse video, Synodus
erit res omnibus saeculis deridenda. Praeses et Provinciales nullo modo consulunt dig-
nitati aut honori exterorum, neque flocci faciunt rationem, quam reversi tenebimur red-
dere omnibus earn peteutibus. Volunt canones suos ita turgere speculationibus ex cate-
chismo petitis, ut prae iis crepare ac disrumpi videantur satisque video, nullum esse in;
Sj'nodo ministrum Contraremonstrantem, quin velit eam doctrinam, quam ipse propo-
suit, et contra quam Remonstrantes exceperunt, totam canonibus infarciri, ut ostentare
possit a se dicta.
^° Gomarus came out as a Supralapsarian (Acta Sj-n. Nationalis, p. 272 Non tantum :
hominem lapsum, sed etiam ante lapsum in praedestinatione a Deo consideratum cf. ;
Balcanquallus, Praest. Vir. Epist., p. 556). According to Breitinger (Misc. Tigur., ii.
419) he was the only Supralapsarian. The English wished to throw out some (Supralap-
sarian) duriores locutiones
particularly this Deum movere hominum linguas ad blas-
;
:
phemaudum, and hominem non posse plus boni facere quam facit. The divines of
:
Hesse and Bremen joined with them in this, but without success (Acta Sj-n. Nat., p.
277 ne calumniari possent adversarii, rejectione phrasium incommodarum etiam doc-
:
trinam orthodoxam, quam professi cssent illi, qui in ejus explicatione ejusmodi phrasi-
bus durius aut imprudentius usi videntur, pariter damnari. Cf. Blancanquallus, Praest.
vir. epist., p. 569. Mosheim in edit. Halesii, p. 58). Yet still Professor John Macco-
vius, in Franeker, who was complained of for similar opinions (e. g. Deus destinat ali-
quos ad poenam et ad ea, propter quae juste infligi mereatur), after a private hearing,
was warned to avoid such positions as would give rise to scandal, and scholastic phrases
which might be misunderstood (see J. Heringa, twistzaak van Maccovius i. d. Archief
voor kerk. Geschiedenis, iii. 503). The Canones Synodi de V. Remonstr. Ai-ticulis, see
Acta Sj-n. Nation., p. 279 also a special, ofEcial edition
; Judicium Syn. Nat. habitae :
Dordrechti ann. 1618 et 1019 de quinque Doctrinae Capitibus in Ecclesiis Belgicis con-
troversis promulgatum, 6. Maj., 1619. 4. ; also in Niemej-er, Coll. Conf. Reform., p. 690.
The}' are divided into five chapters : 1. De divina praedestinatione ; 2. De morte Christ!
et hominui^ per eam redemptione ; 3 et 4. De hominis corruptione et conversione ad
Deum ejusqiie modo ; 5. De perseverantia Sanctorum. Everj- chapter ends with a Ee-
jectio errorum. Cf. i. 7 Est autem electio immutabile Dei propositum, quo ante jacta
:
mundi fundamenta ex universe genere humano, ex primaeva integritate in peccatum et

exitium sua culpa prolapse, secundum liberrimum voluntatis suae beneplacitum, ex
mera gratia, certam quorundam hominum multitudinem, aliis nee meliorum nee digni-
orum, sed in communi miseria cum aliis jacentium, ad salutem elegit in Christo, quem
In fact, the condemnation of the

their ecclesiastical functions.^ ^
Lutheran doctrine was involved and so the separation from the ;
Lutherans on the part of the Reformed was fully carried out."^
§ 44.
HISTORY OF THU REMONSTRANTS— CONTINUED.

[A. Schweizer, Die Protestantischen Centraldogmen, 1856, Band ii. 31-201. W. Gass,
Geschichte d. Prot. Dogmatik, Bd. ii. 1857.]
Many of the Remonstrants were welcomed, in 1621, by Fred-

erick II., Duke of Holstein, where they founded Friedrichstadt, in
Sleswick.^ Those left behind in the Netherlands, being deprived
of their clergy, formed, in consequence, the sect of Rhynsburgers
or Collegiants, led by three brothers of the name of Van der
etiam ab aeterno mediatorem et omnium clectorum caput, salutisque fundamentum con-

stituit, atque ita eos ipsi salvandos dare et ad ejus communionem per verbum et Spiri-
tum suum efRcaciter vocare ac trahere, seu vera in ipsum fide donare, justificare, sancti-
ficare, et potenter in Filii sui comraunione custoditos tandem glorificare decrevit, ad de-
monstrationem suae misericordiae, et laudem divitiarum gloriosae suae gratiae nach
Epli., i. 4-6. Rom., viii. 30. In the Rejectio errorum, which follows cverj- chapter, the
Lutherans are manifestly included, where those errorists are condemned, Cap. i. 4 Qui — :
docent, in electione ad fidem banc conditionem praercquiri, ut homo lumine naturae

recte utatur, sit probus, parvus, humilis, et ad vitam aeternam dispositus, quasi ab istis
electio aliquatenus pendeat and Cap. 3 et 4, 8 Qui docent, Deum in hominis regenera-
; :
tione eas suae omnipotentiae vires non adhibere, quibus voluntatem ejus ad fidem et
conversionem potenter et infallibiliter flectat sed positis omnibus gratiae operationibus,
;
quibus Deus ad hominem convertendum utitur, hominem tamen Deo et Spiritui regene-
— —
rationem ejus intendenti ita posse resistere, ut sui regcnerationem prorsus impediat.
Comp. § 42, Note 4.
*' See the Senteutia Synodi de Remonstrantlbus hintev den Canoncs. The leaders of
the party are deposed from their offices in the church, reliquos autem, quorum cognitio
ad Synodum hanc nationalem non devenit, Sj'nodis provincialibus, Classibus et Presbj--
teriis, ex ordine recepto, committit quae omni studio Jirocurent, ne quid Ecclesia detri-
:
menti vel in praesens capere, vel in posterum metuere possit. The heads of the partj'
were then called upon by the Estates-General to subscribe the Akte van Stilstand (the
pledge to refrain from ecclesiastical acts see this in Ypey en Dermout, ii., Aant., p.
;
175) ;those that refused were banished. The provincial synods took measures against
the rest of the Remonstrant clergy they first demanded subsci-iption to the decrees of
;
Dort if this was refused, then a subscription to the Acte van Stilstand ; and if this were
;
not complied with, they caused the recusants to be banished Ypey en Dermout, ii. 245. ;
See the Acts of the Synod of South Holland on this matter, complete in the Archief voor
kerkel. Geschiedenis, vii. On the violent persecution of the Remonstrants, see Regen-
boog, ii. 164 ff. Prince Maurice was not at all in favor of such severe measures Ypey ;
en Dermout, ii. 228, 268.

^^ See Moshemius, De Auctoritate Cone. Dordraceni Concordiae sacrae noxia, prefixed
to his edition of J. Halesii Hist. Cone. Dordr.
' Brandt, Hist, de la Reform, des Pais-bas, ii. 330. Pontoppidan's Annales Ecelesiae
Danicae, iii. 713.
—
PART II.— CHAP. I.— REFORMED CHURCH. § 44. REMONSTRANTS. 513
Kodde, who from principle rejected all clergy.^ After the death
of Prince Maurice, 1625, under the Stadtholder, Henry Frederick,
the banished clergy returned to their fatherland. At first they
were only silently permitted to exercise the right of worship ; un-
til, in 1630, Amsterdam permitted them to build a church. Am-
sterdam and Rotterdam were their chief seats ; in Amsterdam
they established a gymnasium for the education of teachers.^
The Remonstrants now came out with a more open avowal of
their doctrinal peculiarities. In proportion to their conviction,
that speculation had led the Calvinistic dogmas to erroneous con-
clusions, was the decision with which they set aside all human
confessions of faith,* and took the Holy Scripture alone as their
guiding star in doctrine, ascribing special value to those parts of
it which are of practical importance.^ They denied not only the
' Brandt, ii. 218. Ypey en Dermout, ii. 284. In tlie 18th century thej- were absorbed
among the Mennonites Ypey en Dermout kerk. geschiedenis der 18 eeuw, ix. 239-271.
;
^ Brandt, ii. 311. Ypej' en Dermout Geschiedenis van de herv. christ. Kerk in Neder-
land, ii. 324.
* Though Episcopius wrote the Confessio s. Declaratio Sententiae Pastorum, qui in
foederato Belgioe Eemonstrantcs vocantur, Ilerderwijci, 1622. 4. (0pp., ii., ii. 69), j-et
in it he expressly guarded against the opinion that it was to have a binding authoritj-.
In respect to confessions of faith, he demanded in the Preface (0pp., ii., ii. 71) 1. Nemo :
ad formulas illas confugiet, ut ex iis carta fide, veluti ex fontibus hauriat ac depromat
ea, quae credenda sunt. —
2. Nemo ad earum sensus adstringetur, aut adstringi se patie-
tur alia lege,quam cjuatenus et quamdiu ipse certo deprehendit atque in conscientia sua
convincitur, eas cum Scripturarum sensibus couvenire. 3. In disputationibus, collationi-
bus, examinibus ad ilhis nunquam provocabitur, neque ad illarum incudem revocabun-

tur fidei controversiae ; sed ad solum verbum divinum, tanquam ad regulam unicam
omnes — exigentur aut expendentur. — Hoc itaque fundamento semel rite jacto semper —
in Ecclesia J. Chr. sarta tecta qua sine periculo in formulas istas in-
maneblt libertas,
quircre, iisque sine scrupulo contradiccre (salvis semper modestiae, caritatis et pruden-
tiae christiauae legibus) licebit. Cf. Ch. J. W. Mosche, Hist. Sententiarum Remonstran-
tium de rebus ad religionem et conscientiam pertinentibus Spec. 1., Jenae, 1790, p. 35.
^ Episcopius, 1. c, p. 73: Ad praxim autem christianae pietatis omnia direximus.
Quippe veram theologian! credimus mere practicam esse, non autem vel simpliciter, vel
maxima et potiore sui parte speculativam, et proinde quaecunque in ea traduntur, eo
unice referenda, ut ad ofticium suum sedulo faciendum, et mandata J. Chr. observan-
dum acrius aptiusque homo inflammctur atque animetur. Arida enim, effoeta, sterilis,
et proinde spuria est tlieologia, quae intra inanem speculationcm et contcmplationem
raeram quaeque, postquam diu multumque vigilantissimi cujusquc industriam
consistit,
fatigavit,atque ingenium solum operose exercuit, ad voluntatem tamen non penetrat,
et debitum Deo obsequium in ea non gignit eoque nee veram nee salutiferam Dei
;
—
Christique notitiam in nobis cfficit. Caetera omnia, nisi ad hunc scopum dirigantur,
coram Deo vana sunt ac frivola, et per se minimi pretii, adeoque paene nihili ducenda
(cf. Institt. Theol., lib. i., c. Potest salva manere pax et Concor-
2. 0pp., i. 4), p. 72:-
dia Christiana, imo debet etiam, inter coetus opinionibus divisos distinctosque, si modo
per nos non stet, quominus omnes isti, qui necessaria omnia ad salutem adhuc retinent,
etdogmata pietati noxia praefracte non urgent, in unum coeant, et mutua caritate atque
amore fraterno sese invicem in Domino Jesu complectantur. At si per nos stet, quo mi-
voL. IV. —33
— —
514 FOUKTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648.
ordinary doctrine of original sin,^ but also the speculative con-

struction of the doctrine of the Trinity.'' Hence the charge of So-
cinianism was more easily brought against them ; and, in point
of fact, they came into more friendly relations with the Socinians
than the other churches thought to be advisable.^
nus Ecclesiae illae coalescant et in unum corpus consolidentur, quae coalescere ac con-
solidari possunt et debent, aut si unitas eonjuuctasque sine necessitate discindamus, ac
in partes dividamus, turn vero schismatis reos nos facimus, et turbatae pacis ac concor-
diae apud Deum postulari meremur quod adeo verum est, ut Apostolus non minus eti-
:
am non minus certe, quam

schismatis reos agere videatur, qui Christi esse gloriabantur,
caeteros, qui se Pauli, aut Apollo, aut Cephae esse dicebant. In bis Apologia pro Con-
fessione (1. c, p. 114) he expressly defends the Remonstrant position, pauca adniodum
esse, quae praccise ad aeternam salutem obtinendam scitu et creditu necessaria sunt.
Comp. § 43, Note 7. See G. G. Zeltneri Breviarium Controversiarum cum Remonstran-
tibus agitatarum, Norib. et Altorfi, 1719, p. 1, 50.
^ Simonis Episcopii Institt. Theol., lib. v. c. 2 (0pp., i. 402) Patet, fontem sive cau-
:
sam, unde miseria haec duplex in univei'sum genus humanum profluit, esse suam pro-
priam cujusque hominis culpam, sive potius liberrimam hominis voluntatem quia im- ;
possibile est, ut homo aut peccati reus fiat absque propria voluntate sua libera, aut poe-
naa sive miseriao proprie dictae absque culpa sua, eaque vincibili aut evitabili. Ou
original sin : 1. Scriptura nuspiam peccati alicujus originalis meminit, nedum ut pecca-
tum istud miseriae hujus causam, quid dico, causam primam ac potissiraam, imo unicam
esse asserat. 2. Nee ut adseruisse id credatur Scriptura, ratio sinit, -which is proved at
length. Zeltner, p. 193.
' Sim. Episcopii Institt. Theol.,iv. 32 (Opp., i. 333): Sed vero addo, certum esse ex
iisdem Scripturis, personis his tribus divinitateni, divinasque perfectionis tribui non col-
lateraliter aut coordinate, sed subordinate ita ut Pater solus naturam istam divinam et
:
perfectiones istas divinas a se habeat, — Filius autem et Spiritus sanctus a Patre ; ac pro-
inde Pater divinitatis omnis, quae in Eilio et Spiritu S. est, fons ac principium sit. P.
334 Subordinatio haec diligenter attendenda est. Permaguae enim est utilitatis quia
: :
per earn non tantum funditus tollitur TjOtOEoVijs, quam collateralitas paene necessario
sccum trahit, sed et Patri sua gloria sarta tecta conservatur. Enimvero subordinatione
hac posita certum est, Patri soli proprie istam divinitatis perfectionem sive aK/xijv com-
petere, —
quod earn a se ipso i. e. a nuUo alio habeat. Unde conseqiiitur, Patrera sic esse
primum, ut etiam summus sit, tum ordine, turn dignitate, turn potestate. Certe ego —
nuUus dubito, quin Filius ipse Patrem suum ob banc etiam praerogativam et igoxvi" se
majorem vocare potuerit, Jo. xiv. 28, et Scriptura passim Patrem vocet nunc Deum ab-
solute, nunc unum Deum, 1 Cor. viii. 4 nunc unum Deum et Patrem omnium, Eph. iv.
;
6 nunc unum et solum verum ilium Deum, Jo. xvii. 3 nunc Deum ac Patrem Domini
; ;
nostri J. Chr., uti —

passim in epistolarum initiis. Cap. 34, p. 338 : Restat ut videamus,
utrum praecise ad salutem scitu ac creditu necessarium sit, Jesum peculiari isto, quem
adstruximus, modo Filium Dei esse, iisque qui id negant, aut in dubium vocant, ac pro-
inde id confiteri non audent, anathema sit diccndum. Resp. Argumenta pro parte ne-
gante mihi longe videntur praeponderare, et quidem haec. Primum, quia nuspiam in
Scriptura id necessarium creditu esse adseritur, nee per bonam nedum necessariam con-
sequentiam ex ea elicitur. Secundum argumentum nostrum hoc est. Quia honor Chris-
to debitus, i. e., fides et obedientia, quam Deus Pater Jesu Christo attributam vult, sarta
tecta constare, i. e., Christo tribui potest absque eo, quod cognoscatur isto peculiari modo
ex Patre suo genitus esse.— Tertium argumentum In primitivis Ecclesiis, quae ab ipsis
:
usque Apostolorum temporibus, saltem per tria Integra saecula fuerunt, fides ac professio
specialis hujusmodi filiationis ad salutem scitu ac creditu necessaria judicata nonfuit:
ergo cur jam necessaria credatur, causa non est. Zeltner, p. 71, 87.
8 Comp. Grotius's letter to the Socinian, Joh. Crell, May 10, 1G31 (H. Grotii Epistt.
PART II.— CHAP. I.— REFORMED CHURCH. § 45. PREDESTINATION. 515
§ 45.
THE DOCTRINE OF PREDESTINATION AFTER THE SYNOD OF DORT.

Although the decrees of Dort were subscribed by representa-
tives ofmost of the Reformed national churches, yet they were
not by any means able to gain a victory for strict Calvinism in
the whole of the Reformed Church. In the Reformed churches
of Brandenburg,^ Anhalt, Hesse, and Bremen" they were not at
all received. King James I., though he sent deputies of the Epis-
copal Church to the Synod of Dort, still, in 1622, forbade Calvin-
ism f and the principles of the Remonstrants gained ground in
the Episcopal Church,* and formed the numerous party of Lati-
tudinarians.^ The French Reformed Church, in the progress of
the controversy, showed itself more favorable to the Remonstrants
than to their opponents.^ Not to separate from the fellowship of
Amstel., 1G87, fol., p. 104) : Bene in epistola tua —de me judicas, non esse me eorum in
numero, qui ob sententias salva pietate dissentientes alieno a quoquam sim animo, aut
boni alicujus amicitiam repudiem. Etiam in libro de vera religione multa invenio —
summo cum judicio observata illud vero saeculo gratulor, repertos homines, qui neuti-
:
quam in controversiis subtilibus tantum ponant, quantum in vera vitae emendatione, et

quotidiano ad sanctitatem profectu.
> Hering's Hist. Nachricht v. d. crsten Anfang der Ref. Kirclie in Brandenburg, s. 391.
- Ludov. Crocius (pastor of St. Martini, and one of tlie Bremen divines at Dort) de-
clared himself, in his Sj-ntagma Theologiae, Brem., 1636, to be a disciple of Melancthon

on the doctrine of predestination. Hence the strict adherents of Dort zealously insisted
(see Crocii Dyodecas Dissertatt. apologeticarum et exegeticarum Syntagmatis Theol.,
Bremae, 1642, in praef.), Bremam versam in speluncam horrendarum damnatarumque
haeresium, Athcismi ac Libertinismi et inibi iiunc temporis omnia indubitata pietatis
;
mysteria, quibus nostra salus innititur, ab ipsis fundamentis convelli. —

Suspicantur, nos
monstra alere, et nescio quam tertiam Ecclesiam a Lutherana et Reformata diversam
temere moliri.
= See above, § 29, Note 10.
* As earlj' as 1622 Doubletius writes to G. J. Vossius, in the letter cited above,

§ 29,
Note 6, about the Universitj' of Cambridge Videbar ego in Cantabrigiensi Senatuscon-
:
sulto videre plusculum bilis in rigidos istos Genevensis reformationis professores sive ;
ea causa sit, quod Puritanorum omne nomen esosum habent, sive quod plerique ibi Re-
monstrantium sententiae sunt addictissimi. Fui istic tempore comitiorum in convivio
publico splendidissimo, cui plusquam triginta Doctores theologiae, aliique equites ac
nobiles intererant, ubi accrrime de praedestinatione, libero arbitrio, et reliquis apud vos
tantopere controversis capitibus disputabatur, quibusdam Remonstrantium sententiam
obnixe defendentibus adversus Doctorem Balcanquallum —
quo nomine cum ego valde
:
•
mirarer, dicebant mihi Doctorum unus et alter, —

dubium sibi esse, utra pars plures in
Academia haberet fautores, Remonstrantiumve, an Contraremonstrantium. Quod in
privatis colloquiis ipse postea verum comperi in quam plurimis. Comp. above, § 28,
Note 22.
5 See above,
§ 20, Note 11.
° The Synod of Tonneins, 1614 (Tous les Sj-nodes nationaux des eglises rcformees de
516 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.—A.D, 1517-1648.
the Reformed churches, it did, indeed, at the Synod of Alais,

1620, accept the decrees of Dort;'' but that it still maintained
the same opinions upon the contested points was soon evinced
by its declaration that the Lutherans were orthodox on all the
leading articles of the faith.^ Thereupon, too, the system of Mo-
ses Amyraldus (Amyraut), professor of theology at Saumur, called
the scheme of Universalismus hypotheticus^ became very widely
France par M. Aymon, ^ la Haj-e, T. ii., 1710. 4., ii. 57), determined, in the first in-
stance, to effect a union of the Reformed churches, to which the Lutherans were then to
be invited. To attain the first object, from all the Reformed Confessions a common one
—
was to be drawn up for all the churches dans laquelle orfpourroit omettre plusieurs
points, qui ne sent pas necessaires a notre salut eternel parmi lesquels on peut compter
:
ces controverses, qui ont ete agitees touchant \q. franc arbitre, \a. perseverance cles Saints,
et la predestination : etant une chose trds-certaine, que toutes les erreurs en fait de re-
ligion proviennent de ce que I'on veut ou trop savoir, ou trop avoir c'est-a-dire, que la
;
curiosite et I'avarice en sont les sources. C'est ce dernier peche, qui a corrompu et
mine I'eglise de Rome. Mais Satan fait encore tons ses efforts pour nous corrompre par
le premier. Quoiqu'il en soit, si nous pouvions seulement gagner cela sur nous, que
nous ignorassions volontiers plusieurs matieres, et que nous fussions contens savoir
uuiquement ce qui regards le salut de notre ame, et la gloire de Dieu nous ferions un ;
grand pas, et on peut dire, que nous aurions deja bien avance notre ouvrage d'union.
' Aj-mon, ii. 182. The Articles of Dort were read and approved, and the form of an
oath adopted by Avhich the members of the synod bound themselves to the same, which
was also to be required of all the clergy. In this, the doctrine of the Arminians is re-
—
jected parcequ'elle fait dependre I'election du fidele de la volonte de I'homme, et at-
tribue tant de pouvoir a son franc arbitre, qu'elle aneantit la grace de Dieu, et parce-
qu'elle deguise le Papisme pour etablir le Pelagianisme, et renverser toute la certitude
du salut. However, the clergj' were exhorted, qu'ils s'abstiennent des questions vaines
et curieuses, qu'ils ne fouillent point dans le conseil secret de Dieu au de-la des termes
de sa parole qu'ils ignorent plutot les choses cache'es que de s'ingerer dans celles qui
;
sont illicites, et qu'ils fassent servir toute la doctrine de la predestination a la pratique

des vertus, a la consolation des ames, au repos des consciences, et a I'etude de la piete,
afin que par ce moj'en toute occasion de contestation soit levee.
^ Synode National de Charenton, 1631 (Aymon, ii. 501) Ce Synode declara, que par-
:
ceque les Eglises de la confession d'Ausbourg convenoient avec les autres Eglises Re-
formees dans les points fondamentaux de la veritable religion, et qu'il n'y avoit ni super-
stition, ni idolatrie dans leur culte, les fideles de ladite Confession, qui par un esprit
d'amitie et de paix se joindroient a la communion de nos Eglises dans ce roiaume, pour-
roient, sans faire aucune abjuration, etre requs avec nous a la table du Seigneur, et
qu'en qualite de parains ils pourroient presenter des enfans au bateme, pourvuqu'ils pro-
missent au Consistoire de ne les soliciter jamais, ni directement, ni indirectement, de
transgressor la doctrine re(;ue et professee dans nos Eglises mais qu'ils les instruiroient
;
et eleveroient dans les points et articles qui leur sont commiins avec nous, et touchant
lesquels les Lutheriens et nous sommes d'accord. Wholly in Calvin's sense see § 35, ;
Note 45, at the end.

* A
further development of the doctrine of the Scotchman, John Cameron, success! ve-
h' professor at Saumur, Glasgow, and Montauban, died 1625. Amj-raut unfolded his
system in his Traite de la Predestination et de ses principes diff"erents, Saumur, 1634.
" God has determined to save all men through Christ, on condition that they believe in
him (a manifest concession to the Lutherans) by this general call to salvation the
:
pbj-sical power of believinggiven them, but not the moral power

is the latter is im-
;
parted onlj' in the special call to the elect. The heathen, too, in consequence of the re-
PART II.— CHAP. I.— REFORMED CHURCH. § 45. PREDESTINATION. 517
diffused among the Reformed, in spite of all the opposition of the

Dutch theologians.^"
demption through Christ, even -without a particular knowledge of Christ, can j-et believe
in him and be saved bj' a general belief in the providence and compassion of God."
Accordingl}-, Amj'raut declared before the sj-nod at Alen(;on, 1637 (Blondel, Actes Au-
thentiques, p. 23), que Jesus Christ est mort pour tous hommes suffisament, et pour les
seals esleus efficacieusement. He distinguished two divine decrees, p. 25, le premier,
de sauver tous les hommes s'ils croient en lui, et le second, de donner la foi a quelques
uns. Cf. Jaeger, Hist. Eccl. et Polit. Saec. XVII. (Hamb., 1709, fol.), i. 522. Chr. M.
Pfaffii de Formula Consensus Helvetica diss.. Tubing., 1723. 4., p. 5. Moise Amj-raut,
sa Vie et ses Ecrits, these par Ch. E. Saigey, Strasbourg, 1849, p. 16. Moses Amyraldus
V. Dr. Alex. Schweizer, in Baur's und Zeller's Theol. Jahrbiicher, 1852, i. 41 ; ii. 155.
[Comp. Schweizer, Protest. Ceutraldogmen, ii. 225-439. Gass, Gesch. d. Prot. Dogma-
tik, ii. (1857), 324-359.]
'" The opposition came from Dumoulin, professor in Sedan, who stirred up the theologic-
al faculties of Geneva, Lej-den, Franeker, and Groningen against Am3'raut, and Paul Tes-
tard, preacher in Blois, who agreed with him. See their letters to the National Sj'nod in
Aymon's Sj'nodes Nationaux, ii. C04. Pierre Dumoulin, in his letter, enumerated as er-
rors the following positions of Amj-raut (1. c, p. 618) Qu'il n'est pas absolument neces-
:
saire a salut d'avoir une connoissance claire de Jesus Christ, que Jesus Christ ctoit mort
egalement et indifferement pour tous les hommes, que les reprouvcs peuvent etre sauves
s'ils veulent, que Dieu a des conseils et des decrets qui ne produiront jamais leur effet,
que Dieu a ote aux hommes leur impuissance naturelle pour croire, et qu'il les a con-
vertis a soi, qu'il fasse dependre I'efficace de I'esprit qui regenere d'un conseil, qui pent
changer. The National S3'nod held at Alengon, 1637, dismissed the accused with hon-
or, after he had more fullj' declared his opinions forbidding him, however, to make use
;
of some of the formulas liable to be misunderstood (Aymon, ii. 571). So, too, the Sjii-
od of Charenton, 1G44, acquitted him of the charge that he had not observed these lim-
itations, and allowed him to replj' to the attacks from foreign parts (loc. cit, p. 603).
These attacks came particularl}- from Fred. Spanheim, professor in Leydeu, and Sam.
Maresius, professor in Groningen. In reply, in defense of Amyraut, appeared Actes :
Authentiques des eglises reformees touchant la paix et charite fraternelle, par D. Blon-
de!, Amst., 1655. 4. Jo. Dallaei Apologia pro duabus Ecclesiarum in Gallia protestan-
tium synodis nationalibus adv. F. Spanhemii exercitationes de gratia uaiversali, Amst.,
1G55.
;
SECOND CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THE EXTERNAL ORDER AND WORSHIP OF THE EVAKGEL-
ICAL CHURCHES.
§ 46.
CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE EVANGELICAL CHURCHES.

Schenkel fiber das urspriingL Verhaltniss d. Kirche zum Staate auf dem Gebiete des
Evang. Protestantismus, TheoL Studien und Ki-it., 1850, i. 203 ii. 453. Ibid., Wesen ;
des Protestantismus, Bd. 3. L. Richter's Gesch. der Evangel. Kirchenverfassung in

Deutschland, Leipzig, 1851. [J. W. F. Hotling, Grundsiitze Evang. Luth. Kirchenver-
fassung, 2te Aufl. Erlangen, 1851. Stabl, Kirchenverfassung nach Lehre u. Recht
;
d. Protestanten ; Erlangen, 1840. J. Hansen, Lutherische u. Reformirte Kirchen-

lehre, 1855. Th. Kliefoth, Acht Biicher von d. Kirche, 1854-5. A. Petersen, Die Idee
der Kirche, 3 Thle., 1839-45.]
Luther and Zwingle were agreed upon the point that all eccle-
siastical rights have their roots in the Church as a congrega-
tion.^ They rejected all hierarchy, and insisted upon the universal
priesthood of all Christians, so that the clergy were only commis-
sioned by the churches,^ and ordination was only a formal call to
^ Luth. Resolutio super propositione XIII. de potestate Papae, 1519 (Loscher's Refor-
mationsacta, iii. 156) Ubicunque praedicatur verbum Dei et creditur, ibi est vera fides,
:
petra ista immobilis ; ubi autem fides, ibi Ecclesia ; ubi Ecclesia, ibi sponsa Christi
ubi sponsa Christi, ibi omnia quae sunt sponsi. Ita fides omnia secura habet, quae ad
fidem sequuntur, claves, sacramenta, potestatera et omnia alia. Zwinglii Archeteles,
1522 (Opp., iii. 73) Non unius esse videtis aut alterius de Scripturae locis pronunciare,
:
sed omnium qui Christo credunt. Second Disputation at Zurich, 1523 (Werke, i. 532)
[All is Church that is not clearl}' expressed in God's Word, pro-
in the control of the
vided naught essential is changed] " Es stat alls an der Kilchhore, was mit dem hel-
:
len Wort Gottes nit ist usdruckt, sofer dass das Wesenlich nienen geandret werde."
Zwingli of Preacher's Office, 1525 (Werke, ii., i. 332) " So das Urtheil des Bannes,
:
ouch der Lehr, uberall der Gmeind ist vil mer das Erkiesen um einen Lehrer nit eines
;
fromden Pochbischofs oder Abts sya soil sunder der Kilchen, die Raths wyser christen-
licher Propheten und Evangelisten pfligt." [Bar, doctrine, and much more the choice
of a teacher, is with the Church.]
=^
Luther an d. christi. Adel deutscher Nation, 1520, against the first Wall (see Div. I.,
§ 1, Note 60). Luther de Captivitate Babylon., 1520, de Ordine (Tom. Jen., ii. 283 ver-
so) Esto itaque certus, et sese agnoscat quicunque se Christianum esse cognoverit, om-
:
nes nos aequaliter esse sacerdotes, h. e. eandem in verbo et Sacramento quocunque ha-
bere potestatem. Verum non licere quenquam hac ipsa uti, nisi consensu communitatis
aut vocatione majoris. Quod enim omnium est communiter, nullus singulariter potest
sibi arrogare, donee vocetur. Ac per hoc Ordinis sacramentum, si quidquam est, esse
nihil aliud, quam ritum quendam vocandi alicujus in ministerium ecclesiasticum. Lu-
ther, Auslegung des 110 Psalms, 1539 (Walch, v, 1509, in proof that he did not afterward
change his views, as Schenkel assumes in his Wesen des Protest., iii. 277) [Everj- Chris-
tian has and exercises the priestly work above this is the common oflace of teacher
;
—
PART II.— CH. II.--- LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 4G. ITS CONSTITUTION. 519
office.^ The offic-a of preaching, it was held, was indeed institu-

ted by Christ for the proclamation and preservation of pure doc-
trine ;* but the preachers must be elected and called by the con-
gregation and tiie congregation, too, has the chief supervision
;
of the soundness of doctrine f it is also to determine all eccle-
—for church all 7»ave ofBce, nor can the sacraments be fitly celebrated in everj-
in a
—
house hence there must be special persons for this but this is not to make an order of
;
priests] " Siehe, also hat und iibet eiu jeglicher Christ seiche Priesterwerlie. Aber
:
uber das ist nun das gemeine Amt, so die Lehre (jffentlich fiihret und treibet, darzu ge-
horen Pfurherren und Prediger. Denn in der Gemeinde konnen sie nicht alle des Amts
gewarten so schicket sichs audi nicht, in einem jeglichen Hause zu taufen, und das
:
Sacrament zu reichen. Darum muss man etliche darzu erwahlen und ordnen, so zu
predigen geschickt, und darzu in der Schrift sich uben, die das Lehramt fiihren, und die-
selbe %'ertheidigen konnen item, also die Sacramente von wegen der Gemeinde handeln,
:
damit man wisse, vcr da getauft worden sey, und alles ordentlich zugehe. Solches ist —
aber nicht der Priesterstand an ihm selbst, sondern ein gemein ciffentlich Amt filr die,
so da alle Priester, d. i. Christen sind." Comp. Smalcakl Articles, 1537, Anhang v. d.
Bischofe Gewalt Christl. Concordienbuch v. Baumgarten, s. 604.
;
^ Luther de Capt. Babyl., see Note 2. Thus Luther counseled the Bohemians, De in-
stituendis minial'ris Ecclesiae ad clariss. Senatum Pragensem^ 1523 (Tom. Jen., ii. 554
verso) Ubi oraVSritis, nihil dubitetis fidelem esse, quern rogastis, ut det quod petiistis.
:
Tum convocatJs et convenientibus libere, quorum corda Deus tetigerit, ut vobiscum idem
sentiant et saptant, procedatis in nomine Domini, ct eligite quem et quos volueritis, qui
digni et idonei visi fuerint. Tum impositis super cos manibus illorum, qui potiores inter
vos fuerint, confirmetis et commendetis eos populo et Ecclesiae seu unK-ersitati, sintque
hoc ipso vestri Episcopi, Ministri seu Pastores, Amen. See below, § 47, Note IG.
* Augsb. Confession, Art. 28. Of the Power of Bishops [The oifice of bishop is to
preach, forgive sin, judge about doctrine, and exclude the godless from the Church and ;
pastors and churches are to obey them (Luke x.). But if thej' teach aught against the
Gospel, we have God's command not to obey them (Matth. vii. Gal. i. 8; 2 Cor. xiii., etc.). ;
The bishops' power about marriage and tithes is from man]: "Derhalben ist das bi-
schofliche Amt nach gOttlichen Rechten, das Evangelium predigen, Siinde vergeben,
Lehre urtheilen, und die Lehre, so dem Evangelio entgegen, verwerfen, und die Gottlo-
sen, dero gottlos Wesen offenbar ist, aus christlicher Gemein ausschliessen, ohne mensch-
liche Gewalt, sondern allein durch Gottes Wort und disfalls sind die Pfarrleut und
;
Kirchen schuldig, den Bischofen gehorsam zu seyn, laut dieses Spruchs Christi Luc. am
10: Wer euch hiJret, der horet mich.' Wo sie aber etwas dem Evangelio entgegen leh-
'
ren, setzen oder aufrichten, haben wir Gottes Befehl in solchem Fall, dass wir nicht sol-
len gehorsam sej-n, Matth. am 7 Sehet euch vor vor den falschen Propheten' (ferner
:
'
Gal. i. 8 2 Cor. xiii. 18, 10). Dass aber die Bischofe sonst Gewalt u. Gerichtszwang
;
haben in etlichen Sachen, als nemlich Ehesachen oder Zehnten, dieselben haben sie aus
Kraft menschlicher Rechte." But that " there is no difference, by divine right, between
bishops and pastors" is shown, after Jerome, in the Smalcald Articles, Anhang v. d. Bi-
schofe Gewalt (Baumgarten's Concordienbuch, s. G04).
* Luther's Grund u. Ursache aus der Schrift, dass eine christl. Versammlung oder
Gemeinde Recht und Macht habe, alle Lehre zu urtheilen, und Lehrer zu berufen, ein-
und abzusetzen., 1523 in Walch, x. 1794. Melanchthon de Bonifacio, viii. 1537, C. R.,
•
iii. 468: Cognitio de doctrina

—
pertinet non solum ad Magistratum, scd ad Eccle'siam,
h. e. non tantum ad Presbyteros sed etiam ad laicos idoneos ad judicaudum. Siquidem —
Synodi sunt judicia Ecclesiae, et cum errant Episcopi, laici habent mandatum, ut ab eis
dissentiant. Smalcald Articles, 1537, Anhang v. d. Bischofe Gewalt (Baumgarten's
Concordienbuch, s. 604) [Where the Church is, is also the command to preach the Gos-
pel ;hence churches must have the right to choose and ordain their ministers ; and this
;
:
siastical arrangements, and to pass sentence of excommunica-

tion.''
But to carry these rights into practice presupposed a thorough

Christian education of the Churches, which was to he attained
only with great efforts, and without which the attempt to exer-
cise these rights would lead to incalculable disorders and divi-
sions.'^ Strongly as Luther insisted upon the separation of the ec-
is a gift of Church, and can not be taken away Ly any human authorit}-]
God to the :
"Denn wo ist, da ist je der Befehl das Evangelium zu predigen.

die Kirche Darum
miissen die Kirchen die Gcwalt behalten, dass sie Kirchendiener fordern, wiihlen und
ordiniren. Und solche Gewalt ist ein Geschenk, welches der Kirchen eigentlich voa
Gott gegeben, und von keincr menschlichen Gewalt der Kirchen kann genommen wer-
den." With appeal to Eph. iv. 8, 11, 12 Matth. xviii. 20 1 Petr. ii. 9 ; but with the
; ;
addition " These words refer onlj- to the h'ue Church, which, as it alone has the priest-
:
hood, must also have the power to elect and ordain ministers."
^ Luther's Sermon vom Bann, 1519 (Walch, xix. 1111): "The power of the ban is
given bj- Christ to the holy mother, the Christian Church, i. e., the congregation of all
Christians." Luther of the Kej-s, 1530 (Walch, xix. 1182) [The Church, in the matter
of the ban, must be certahi that it is deserved for in the ban it is Christ who speaks
;
and the Church is not bound to believe the official's indictment or the bishop's letters
it is even bound not to believe them, for men arc not to be believed in God's matters.
It is a Christian Church, and not the official's handmaid, nor the bishop's jailer, so that
he might saj' to it, Greta, Hans, put this person in ban for me. This might do in secu-
lar affairs, but not where souls are at stake —
there the Church is to be judge and wife]
"Die Gemeine, so solchen soil banniscli halten, soil wissen und gewiss sej-n, wie der
den Bann verdienet und drein kommen ist —
denn sie gehoret audi darzu, wenn jemand
:
bei ihr soil verbannet wei'den, spricht hie Christus und ist nicht schuldig des Officials
:
Zeddel, noch des Bischofes Briefe zu glauben, ja sie ist schuldig hie nicht zu gliiuben;
denn Menschen soil man nicht glduben in Gottes Sachen. So ist eine christliche Ge-
meine nicht des Officials Dienstmagd, noch des Bischofes Stockmeister, dass er moge
zu ihr sagen da Greta, da Hans, halt mir deu oder den im Bann. In weltlicher Obrig-
: —
keit hatte solchs wol eine Meynung: aber hie, da es die Seelen betrifft, soil die Gemeine
auch mil Kichter und Frau sej-n." Zwingli Uslegung des 31. Artikels, 1523 (Werke, i.
338): "Dass also der Bann allein einer jeden Kilchhore sj-e, die den Veriirgrenden soil
bannen, und gheines besundren Menschen, lehrend die Wort und That Pauli, 1 Cor. v.
1-6."
' Luther's deutsche Messe, 1526, Preface (Richter's Evangel. Kirchenordnungen des
16. Jahrh.,i. 36) [Rules and orders could soon be made if we onlj- had the right sort
of persons but the churches can not be organized for lack of materials. We must hold
; —
fast to thetwo methods of training the youth, and preaching and calling to faith, until
we can find or make the right sort else we become bankrupt. For we Germans are a
;
wild, rude, noisy people, with which much can not be done excepting in the greatest
need] " Kurzlich, wenn man die Leute und Personen hiitte, die mit Ernst Christen zu
:
seyn begehrten, die Ordnunge und Weisen wiiren balde gemacht. Aber ich kann und
mag noch nicht eine solche Gemeine odder Versammlunge ordnen odder anrichten denn :
ich habe noch nicht Leute und Personen dazu, so sehe ich auch nicht viel, die dazu drin-
gen.— Indes will ichs bei den gesagten zwo Weisen lassen bleiben, und offentlich unter
dem Volk solchen Gottisdienst, die Jugend zu uhen und die andern zuni Glauben zu
ruffen und zu reizen, neben der Predigt, helfen foddern, bis dass die Christen, so mit
Ernst das Wort meinen, sich selbst finden und anhalten, auf dass nicht eine Rotterei
draus werde, so ichs aus meinem Kopf trciben wollte. Denn wir Deutschen sind ein
wild, rob, tobend Volk, mit dem nicht Iciclitlich ist etwas anzufahen, es treibe denn die
PART II.— ClI. II.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 46. ITS CONSTITUTION. 521
clesiastical and secular powers,^ yet, after the hierarchy was set
aside, he had to invoke the aid of the State authorities (whose of-
fice, in fact, it is to preserve order in all spheres)^ to take care of
hohiste Noth." So, too, Luther advised the Landgrave Philip against the introduction
of the church service drawn up on the basis of these principles by the Synod of tlom-
berg : see his letter of Januarj', 1527, in Richter's Gesch. d. Evangel. Kirchenverfas-
sung, s. 41 be so bold as to introduce such a crowd of laws with such
[He could not
strong words laws imposed too soon are ill-advised and experience shows that in this
; ;
service much must be changed, and some things left to the authorities alone. We must
go to work with fear and courage before God, be moderate, wait till some things take
root, and then additions will come as a matter of course when needed as was the case —
with Moses, Christ, the Romans, the Pope, and all lawgivers] " Denn ich bisher und :
kann auch noch nicht so kiihne sein, so eia Haufen Gesetze mit so machtigen Worteu
bei uns furzunehmen. — Dann ich wol weiss, habs auch wol erfahren, dass wenu Gesetze
zu frue fur den Branch imd Ubung werden, selten wol gerathen, die Leute sind
gestellt
nicht darnach geschickt. — Und die Erfahrung wirds geben, dass dieser Ordnung viel
Stuck wiirden sich andern mussen, etliche der Oberkeit alleine bleiben. Darumb ist —
mit Furcht u. Demuth fur Gott zuzufarn, und diese Maas zu halten, kurz und gut, we-
nig und wol, sachte und immer an, darnach wenn sie einwurzeln, wird des Zuthuns
selbs mehr folgen, denn. von Nothen ist, wie Mosi, Christo, den Romern, dem Bapst und
alien Gesetzgebern gangen ist."
^ Luther's Schrift v. weltl. Obrigkeit, wie weit man ihr Gehorsam schuldig sej', 1523,
Walch, X. 437 [We must carefully separate these two regiments, and keep both the ;
one is for piety, the other for external peace, keeping off evil works. Neither is enough
in the world without the other. P. 452 The secular laws are for the body and goods
:
;
over the soul God will let no one rule but himself; and when the secular power gives
laws to the soul, it trespasses on God's rule, and destroys the soul] " Darum muss man :
diese beide Regimente mit Fleiss scheiden, und beides bleiben lassen, Eins, das fromm
macht, das andere, das iiusserlich Friede schafft, und bosen Werken wehret keins ist :
ohn das andere gnug in der Welt." S. 452 " Das weltliche Regiment hat Gesetze, die
:
sich nicht weiter erstrecken, denn iiber Leib und Gut, und was ausserlich ist auf Erden.
Denn iiber die Seele kann und will Gott niemand lassen regieren, denn sich selbst al-
lein. Darum wo weltliche Gewalt sich vermisset, der Seelen Gesetz zu geben, da greift
sie Gott in sein Regiment, und verfuhret und verderbet nur die Seelen." Augsb. Conf.,
Art. 28, of the Power of Bishops [The two regiments, the spiritual and secular, are not
to be confounded; the former is for preaching and the sacraments, but is not to set up
to depose kings, or annul the laws of the State, or obedience to the authorities, etc.] :
" Darum soil man die zwei Regiment, das geistlich und weltliche, nicht in einander
mengen und werfen. Denn der geistlich Gewalt hat seinen Befehl das Evangelium zu
predigen und die Sacrament zu reichen, soil auch nicht in ein fremd Amt fallen, soil
nicht Kiinige setzen oder entsetzen, soil weltl ich Gesetz und Gehorsam der Obrigkeit
nicht aufheben oder zerriitten, soil weltlicher Gewalt nicht Gesetz machen und stellen
von weltlichen Iliindeln."
9 Luther to the Elector John, 22d November, 1526 (de Wette, iii. 136) [All papal
rule being at an end, and cloisters, etc., fallen into his hands, it was now his duty, and
his alone, to arrange all matters. Villages and cities should be obliged to have schools,
preachers, etc. must be obliged to do this, even if unwilling ^just as to construct
; thej- —
bridges, highways, and the like] " Nu aber in E. K. F. G. Fiirstenthum piipstlich und
:
geistlicher Zwang und Ordnung aus ist, und alle Kliister und Stift E. K. F. G. als dem
obersten Hilupt in die Hiinde fallen, kommen zugleich mit auch die Pflicht und Be-
schwerde, solches Ding zu ordnen denn sichs sonst niemand annimmt, noch annehmen
;
—
kann noch soil. Wo eine Stadt oder Dorf ist, die des Vermogens sind, hat E. K. F. G.
Macht, sie zu zwingen, dass sie Schulen, Predigtstiihle, Pfarren halten. Wollen sie es
nicht zu ihrcr Seligkeit thun noch bedenken, so ist E. K. F. G. da, als oberster Vormund
—
the Church, now deprived of superintendence. The State, too,

had always had certain rights in the Church ;^° and the secular
der Jugend und aller, die es bedurfen, und soil sie mit Gewalt dazu halten, dass sie es
thun niussen gleich als wenn man sie mit Gewalt zwingt, dass sie zur Brucken, Steg
;
und Weg, oder sonst zufalliger Landsnoth, geben und dienen mUssen," Instructions to
the Visitors, 1528, in Richter's Kirchenordnung, i. 83 [Having received the Gospel
through God's great grace, v.-e would gladly have arranged the affairs episcopal Ij- M'ith —
—
the office of visiting. But as no one of us had been called to this office and j-et it was
—
one which is common'to all Christians we humbly asked our prince, ordained bj' God
as such, for the sake of the Gospel and the welfare of the Christians in his land, to ap-
point fitting persons to this office. Some, who opposed, we separated from. TJiough his
roj-al grace was not appointed to teach and administer in spiritual matters, yet it was
his duty to prevent divisions and disasters among his subjects as the Emperor Con-
;
stantine had to aid the bishops at Nice, since he could not permit the dissensions which
Arius had sti-rred up] " Demnach so uns itzt das Euangelion durch unaussprechliche
:
—
Gnade Gottes barmherziglich wieder kommen, hiilten wir audi dasselbige recht bi-
schoflich und Besucheamt, als aufs hohest von Nothen, gerne wieder angericht gesehen.
Aber weil unser keiner dazu berufen, oder gewissen Befehl hatte, und S. Petrus nicht
will ia der Christenheit etwas schaflfen lassen, man sey denn gewiss, dass Gottes Ge-
schiift sej', hat sichs keiner fiir dem Andern thiiren (mogen) unterwinden. Da haben
wir des gewissen wollen spielen, und zur Liebe Amt (welchs alien Christen gemein und
geboten) uns gehalten, und demt'igtiglich mit Bitten angelangt den durchleuchtigstea
hochgeborenen Fursten und Herren, Herren Johans, Herzog zu Sachsen, als den —
Landesfursten, und unser gewisse weltliche Oberkeit, von Gott verordnet dass S. K. ;
F. G. aus christlicher Liebe (denn sie nach weltlicher Oberkeit nicht schuldig sind) und
um Gottes Willen, dem Evangelio zu gut und den elenden Christen in S. K. F. G. Lau-
den zu Nutz und Heil, gnadiglich -vvollten etliche tiichtige Personen zu solchem Amt
—
foddern und ordenen. Wo abSr etliche sich muthwilliglich dawidder setzen wiirden,
— —
mussen wir dieselbigen sich lassen von uns sondern. Wiewol wir audi hierin unsers
gnadigsten Herren Hiilf und Rath nicht wollen unbesucht lassen. Denn obwol S. K.
F. G. zu lehren und geistlich zu regieren nicht befohlen ist so sind sie docli schuldig,
;
als weltliche Oberkeit darob zu halten, dass nicht Zwietracht, Rotten und Aufruhr sich
unter den Unterthanen erheben, wie auch der Kaiser Constantinus- die Bischove gen
Nicea foddert, da er nicht leiden woUt noch sollt die Zwietracht, so Arrius hatte unter
den Christen im Kaiserthum angericht." Hence Luther says of the Elector, in his let-
ter to the Visitors, March 25, 1539 (de Wette, v. 173), that he " was our one only bishop
in extremities, because no other bishop would help us."
" Luther's Verlegung der 12 Artikel der Bauerschaft, 1525, Walch, xvi. 84 [On the
—
first Article viz., a Church has the right to elect and depose its pastor; right, if done
in a Christian waj'. But if the propertj' of the parish is from the lords, and not the
—
Church, the Church can not use it for him whom they elect this were robberj- but —
must ask the rulers first for a pastor. If this is refused, the Church may choose its
own, and support him, and leave to the rulers their propertj'. If the latter will not let
them have such a pastor, then thej- must let him go to another citj', and they flee with
him, as Christ teaches] " Auf den ersten Artikel Eine ganze Gemeinde soil Macht
: :
haben, cinen Pfarrherrn zu wahlen und entsetzen. Dieser Artikel ist recht, wenn er
—
nur audi christlich wiirde vorgenommen. ^Wenn nun die Giiter der Pfarr von der Ober-
keit kommen, und nicht von der Gemeinde, so mag die Gemeinde nicht dieselben Giiter
zuwenden dem, den sie erwtihlet, denn das ware geraubt und genommen sondern, will :
sie einen Pfarrherrn haben, dass sie zuerst solchen demiithiglich bitte von der Oberkeit.
Will die Oberkeit nicht, so wahle sie einen eigenen, und niihre denselben von ihren eige-
nen Giltern, und lasse der Oberkeit ihre Giiter, oder erlange sie mit Recht von ihnen.
Will aber die Oberkeit solchen ihren erwiihleten und emiihreten Pfarrherrn nicht leiden,
so lass man ihn fliehen in eine andcre Stadt, und fliehe mit ihm, wer da will, wie Chris-
tus lehret. Das heisset christlich und evangelisch eigenen Pfarrherrn wahlen und ha-
PART II.— CH. II.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 46. ITS CONSTITUTION. 523
authorities formed likewise the most important and prominent

members of the Church." . BibUcal examples, also, not only justi-
fied this course, but made it a sacred duty^^ of princes to preserve
ben. AVer anders thut, der handelt unchristlich, als ein Riiuber und Freveler." Judici-
um Theolog., Viteberg., 1536 (Corp. Ref., iii. 224), declares on tlie question : Quaienus
ad Magistratus civilis officium j)ertmet abolere iinpios culius ? quod Magistratus in Ec-
clesiis, pertinentibus ad suum dominium aut jus patronatus, debeat prohibere impios
culius et restituere pios. Nam secundum praeceptum decalogi jubet prohibere et punire
—
blasphemias. Et Magistratus custos esse debet non solum secundae tabulae, sed etiam
primae, quod ad externam disciplinam attinet. Constat autem impia dogmata, impios
cultus, blasphemias esse. This is further carried out in a memorial of Melancthon, 1537,
on the question An Principes deheant mutare iinpios cultus, cessanlibus aut prohihentibus
:
Episcopis aut svperioribus Bominis? Corp. Ref., iii. 240.

'' See the Memorial, 1537, mentioned at the close of Note 10, C. R., iii. 244 Cessan- :
libus Episcopis, aut si ipsi Episcopi falsa doceant, reliqua Ecclesia debet malos pastores
ab officio removere, et in quolibet coetu praecipua membra caeteris praeire debeut, et
juvare alios, ut emendetur Ecclesia. Principes et caeteri Magistratus debent esse prae-
cipua membra Ecclesiae. Ergo necesse est, illos hanc emendationem inchoare et adju-
vare. Smalcald Article, Appendix on the Power and Supremac}' of the Pope, 1537, in
Baumgarten's Concordieubuch, s. 601 [Chieflj' must kings and princes, the leading mem-
bers of the Church, help and see to the doing awaj' of all error, and instructing the con-
science to this office God has exhorted them in Psalm ii. their highest care should
; :
be to promote God's glorj] " Vnrnehmlich aber sollen Konige und Fursten, als vor-
:
nehmste Glieder der Kirchen, helfju und schauen, dass allerlei Irrthum weggethan, und
die Gewissen recht unterrichtet werden, wie denn Gott zu solchem Amt die Konige und
Fursten sonderlich vermahnet im 2. Psalm Ihr Konige, lasset euch -weisen, und ihr
:
'
Kichter auf Erden, lasst euch ziichtigen.' Denn diess soil bei den Kcinigen und gi'ossen
Herren die vornehmste Sorge sej-n, dass sie Gottes Ehre fleissig fordern." Melancthon's
Memorial, De Impositione Manuum ad Vitum Theod., 1540, C. R., v. 210 Vides in pro- :
batissimis historiis, fuisse universalem morem primae Ecclesiae, eligi, i. e. vocari Epis-
copos per populum, i. e. honestissimos homines in singulis ordinibus. Sic nunc vocantur —
ministri in nostris Ecclesiis vel per Principes, vel per Senatum in Rebuspublicis. Et est
pia et justa vocatio. Princeps et Senatores dupliciter habent jus vocandi primum quia :
praesunt, et vult Deus gubernatores curare ministerium Evaugelii: deinde quia sunt
praecipua membra Ecclesiae.
'^
Luth. ad Spalatin., 12. Nov., 1525, de Wette, iii. 50 Debent enim Principes blas-
: —
—
phemias nominis Dei manifestas cohibere, interim nihil cogentes, sive credant illi, sive
—
non, qui prohibentur. Exemplum credo satis magnum esse, quod Christus flagellis fac-
tis ementes de templo. Luther to the Margrave George of Bran-
vi expulit vendentes et
denburg, 1531, in de Wette, iv. 307 [As King Hezekiah did right in breaking in pieces
the brazen serpent of Moses, because the people made of it an idol, although many were
offended at him, so with your Grace in respect to masses] " Darum gleichwie der Ko-;
nig Ezecliias recht thiit, dass er die heilige eherne Schlange Mose zerbrach, well das
Volk einen Gotzen draus machte, unangesehen dass sich viel davon argerten und ihm
feindwurden also sej' E. F. G. auch fest und getrost, dass sie solch lasterlich Messen
:
haben abgethan." Mel. quaestio de Bonifacio VIII., 1537, C. R., iii. 470 Magistratus :
servit gloriae Dei, et fit ejus functio cultus Dei, cum studet tueri, propagare, et ornare
veram doctrinam, et econtra prohibere impia dogmata. Quia ita facit principale offici-
um, quod proprie ad gloriam Dei pertinet, et quod proprie meretur ilium titulum, quo
ornantur Magistratus in Psalmo (Ixxxii. 6) Ego dixi, dii estis: scilicet quia et officium
:
habent divinitus constitutum, et impertiri debent res divinas, religioneni, justitiam, dis-
ciplinam, pacem, etc. Et ob hanc causam vocantur ab Esaia (xlix. 23) nutritii Eccle-
siae, quia nutrire et tueri debent pios doctores, et non debent saevitiam exercere in Chris-
tianos. In the Reformatio Ecclesiarum Hassiae of the Synod at Homberg, 152G (Rich-
—
524 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I — A.D. 1517-1648.
the truth in its purity. Thus the rulers of the land were induced
to visit their churches and to set them in order.^^ Afterward the
highest authority in the management of the Church was conceded
to them, even including the right of obliging their subjects to ful-
fill their external duties to the Church.^* It was only expected,
on the other hand, that they would carry out the regiment of the
Church by means of special courts kept distinct from the secular
authorities,^^ and in accordance with the counsels of the clergy.^^
ter's Kirchenordnungen, i. 66), reference is bad to the example of King Jehoshapliat (2

Chron., xvii. 7). In the Memorial of the Wittenberg divines, De Jure Reformandi, 1537
(C. R., iii. 242), there is even an appeal to the case of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan., iii. 29), qui
edictum proponit, ne quis dicat blasphemiam contra Deum Israel.
*^ See Luther's Appeal to the Elector John, 22d November, 1526; de Wette, iii. 135.
'* See Luther to the Elector, above. Note 9. Thus the Elector commands the peas-
ants, through the Visitors, 1529 (Richter's Kirchenordnungen, i. 103) 1. To truly hear :
the Word of God 3. To give to the pastors their rents and tithes fullj- and punctually
;
on an appointed daj', etc. Luther to the Margrave George of Brandenburg, 14th Sept.,
1531 de Wette, iv. 308 [It would be proper for the Elector to enjoin, with penalties, the
;
use of the Catechism ; for, if the people will be Christians, thej' ought to be obliged to
—
learn what a Christian ought to know whether he believe in it or not] " Doch ware es :
fein, dass E. F. G. aus weltlicher Oberlceit gebote beide, Pfarrherrn und Ffarrliindern,
dass sie alle bei einer Strafe mussten den Katechismum treiben und lernen, auf dass,
weil sie Christen seyn und heissen wollen, auch gezwungen wurden zu lernen und wis-
sen, was ein Christ wissen soil, Gott gebe, er gliiube daran oder nicht." (That is, faith
comes only from preaching through the working of the Holy Spirit: the natural man is
to bebound bj' the law to the outward hearing of the sermon the civil powers have to
;
administer the law.) In the Memorial of the Wittenberg divines, De Jure Reformandi,
1537 (C. R., iii. 24G), it is declared, politias divinitus admirabili sapientia et bonitate
constitutas esse,non tantum ad quaerenda et fruenda ventris bona, sed multo magis, ut
Deus in societate innotescat, ut aeterna bona quaerantur.
'^ Luth. ad Melanchth., 21. Jul., 1530, de Wette, iv. 105: Primum cum certum sit,
duas istas administrationes esse distinctas et diversas, nempe ecclesiasticam et politi-

cam, quas mire confudit et miscuit Satan per Papatum nobis hie acriter vigilandum
:
est, nee committendum, ut denuo confundantur. —

Secundo, ex hoc sequitur, quod ea-
dem persona non possit esse Episcopus et Princeps, nee simul pastor et paterfamilias.
Intelligis hie satis, quid velim. Personas impermixtas, sicut et administrationes volo,
etiamsi idem homo utramque personam gerere possit, et idem Pomeranus possit esse pa-
rochus et oeconomus. — Tertio, Episcopus, ut Episcopus, nuUam habet potestatem super
Ecclesiam suam ullius traditionis aut ceremoniae imponendae, nisi consensu Ecclesiae
vel expresso vel tacito.— Quarto, Episcopus ut Princeps multo minus potest super Eccle-
siam imponere quidquam, quia hoc esset prorsus confundere has duas potestates, et turn
vere esset allotrioepiscopus, et nos si admitteremus euni, essemus paris sacrilegii rei.
Quinto, Episcopus ut Princeps potest suis subditis, ut subditis, imponere quicquid visum
fuerit, modo pium et licitum sit, et subditi tenentur obedire. Obediunt enim tunc non
—
ut Ecclesia, sed ut cives. Sic si Caesar praecipiat generaliter omnibus jejunium, obe-
dient etiam ii qui sunt Ecclesia, quia Ecclesia est sub Caesare secundum carnem, sed
non obedit ut Ecclesia. Idem est de rege Josaphat. A'erum de Machabaeis clarum est,
quod sua Encaenia non ipsi soli instituerunt, sed totus populus uno consensu (1 Mace,
iv. 59).
Melanchth. Quaestio de Bonifacio VIII., 1537, C. R., iii. 470 Nee debet esse (Ec-
'6 :
clesia) oiiuoKparia,qua promiscue concedatur omnibus licentia vociferandi, et movendi

dogmata, sed a/jto-To/c/jarta sit, in qua ordine hi, qui praesunt, Episcopi et Reges com-
PART II.— CH. II.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 46. ITS CONSTITUTION". 525
For this object Superintendents were at first appointed, in order

to fill up, as far as seemed necessary, the vacancies left by the
retiring of the bishops." It was, however, soon seen that there
was required for the ecclesiastical affairs some authority having
judicial functions, and accordingly Consistories were established
(the first in Wittenberg, in 1539) after the pattern of the earlier
episcopal courts of the same name.^^ The churches, instead of
munlcent consilla, et eligant homines ad judicandum idoneos. Ex his satis intelligi po-
test, cognitionem de doctrina pertinere ad Ecclesiam, i. e. ad Presbyteros et Principes ;
sed Priacipes, re cognita et judicata, jam custodes esse externae disciplinae, et execu-
tores sententiae Synodi.
'^ At first in the Stralsund church service, 1525 (Richter, i. 23), one was appointed
as the head of the preachers, who was to have the oversight of their doctrine and life,
and direct the administration of worship. The other preachers were to listen to him, to
change nothing without his consent but he, too, was to consult with them. Installa-
;
tions and removals were made by the council (after the advice of the above), which had
the highest authority. Next, the Elector of Saxony, in the Instructions to the Visitors,
1527 (Richter, Kirchenordnung, i. 80), appointed pastors in the chief cities as superin-
tendents, who, in the districts assigned them, were to have the watch over doctrine,
church service, and the walk of the pastors. The pastors were not to grant divorce of
their own authority, but make over such matters to the superintendents when legal
:
interference became necessarj-, the matter was referred to the chief civil functionary,
who was to decide it, consulting with the superintendent, the pastor, and other learned
persons. The Visitors still remained as a court of appeal (see Just. Jonas Bedenken
der Consistorien halber 1538, in Richter's Gesch. der Kirchenverf., s. 8-1, 85). In like
manner, superintendents were soon provided for in the church services drawn up bj'
Bugenhagen, in that of the city of Brunswick, 1528 (Richter, i. 109), of the city of Ham-
burg (ibid., i. 128), and by degrees in all the Lutheran countries. Here and there they
had almost an episcopal position : thus, Urbanus Rhegius, superintendent of Brunswick-
Liineburg, who died 1541. Here the ecclesiastical missives appeared, with the follow-
ing prefator}' formula: "We, bj' the grace of God, Ernest, Duke of Brunswick and
Liineburg, and Urbanus Rhegius, Doctor of the Holy Scriptures," etc. See Uuschuld.
Nachr., 1705, s. C41.
'^ The first occasion was presented in the matter of marriage. All contested matri-
monial cases, which had to do with marriage ov.\j as an external relation and a matter
of external rights, were always declared by Luther to be secular matters, and to belong
to the civil tribunal (see above, note 4) see particularlj' in his work on Marriage Mat-
;
ters, Walch, X. 892 :

" I find no example in the New Testament in which Christ or the
apostles had to do with such matters, excepting where thej' touched the conscience, as
St. Paul, 1 Cor. vii. 12." But as questions both of conscience and of law were here al-
ways impinging upon each other, the subject of marriage was committed to the clergy
and the civil courts (Note 17). The necessity of their organic union was soon felt; see
Smalcald Articles, 1537, in the Appendix on the Authority' of Bishops (Baumgarten's
Concordienbuch, s. 608): "for the appointment of Marriage Tribunals: As there are
here so manifold and strange cases, there is needed a special tribunal." The Saxon Es-
tates consequently requested, 1537 [that there might be four Consistories appointed for
ecclesiastical matters, and especiall}' marriage cases], "dass S. Churf. G. gnadiglich in
Ihren Landen vier Consistorien wollten aufrichten lassen, dohin alle ecclesiasticae cau-
sae, Predigtamt, Kirchen, Pfarrer, ihr Defension contra injurias, ihr Wandel und Le-
—
ben belangend, etc., und sonderlich auch die Ehesachen mochten geweiset werden."
The Wittenberg divines agreed to a memorial drawn up bj' Justus Jonas, 1538 (in Rich-
tor's Gesch. d. Ivirchenverfassung, s. 82), and particularly insisted that there should be
the right of electing their clergy, retained only the right of op-
posing the appointments of patrons.^^ Excommunication fell into
disuse for a long time ;^° and when it was revived, it at once fell
in ever}' consistory a coramissarius, or highest judex,who should have " complete juris-
diction, and power and bring forward the parties, hear and adjudicate the case,"
to cite
since the usual officers were often neglectful. A Consistory was now established in
Wittenberg, about which Luther wrote to Spalatin, 12th Januarj-, 1541 (de Wette, v.
329) Etsi hie Witenbergae consistorium coeperit constitui, tamen ubi absolutum fuerit,
:
nihil ad Visitatores pertinebit, sed ad causas matrimoniales (quas hie ferre amplius nee
volumus nee possumus) et ad rusticos cogendos in ordinem aliquem disciplinae et ad
persolvendos reditus pastoribus, quod forte et nobilitatem et magistratus passim neces-
sario attinget. In 1542 Consistories were definitivelj' appointed in Wittenberg, Zeitz,
and Zwickau (the last sketch, the basis of the Constitution, in Richter's Kirchenord-
nung, i. 3G7. Mel. ad Camerar., 11. Oct., 1545, C. R., v. 865, says about the changes:
Hie plura sunt SiKaviKa, nos theologica plura inserueramus). The Consistory in Wit-
tenberg was composed of two theologians, two doctors of law, an exchequer attorney, a
notary (secretary), and two messengers. It had the oversight of purity of doctrine, the
order of worship, the morals of the clergj- and congregations it was to protect the cler-
;
gy in their rights and authoritj', and to decide in marriage affairs. It was to appoint
visitations of the churches, and to see that remote places were visited bj' superintend-
ents and functionaries. It alone had the power of excommunication (till then fallen
into disuse), bj' which persons were excluded from all church matters excepting ser-
mons, including civil punishments, suspension from office, and prohibition of labor for a
time. After this precedent, Duke Maurice established Consistories in Leipsic, 1543 (Ver-
ordnung vom 22. Sept., 1543, in Mencken Scriptt. Rer. Germ., ii. 2171 it was united :
from 1544 to 1550 with the Merseburg), and in Meissen, 1545 (K. G. Weber's System.
Darstellung des im Konigreiche Sachsen geltenden Kirchenrechts, i. 438) his brother ;
August as Administrator of Merseburg, 1544, in Merseburg (Fraustadt's Einfiihrung der

Reform, in Merseburg, s. 156) Elector Joachim II. of Brandenburg, 1543, in Cologne,
;
on the Spree (H. v. Muhler's Gesch. der Evangelischcn Kirchenverfassung in Branden-

burg, s. 59). The Wittenberg Reformation, 1545 (C. R., v. G04), declared such Church
courts or Consistoria to be necessary.
»5 Melancthon's Memorial to Duke Henr3-, 1536 (C. R., iii. 184) "It is true that no
:
man should assume the public office of preacher without a public call and this call is ;
to come chiefly from the civil authorities, with the assent of the churches of the place
where the person is ordered to preach." Mel. de Reformatione Ecclesiae, 1541 (C. R.,
iv. 544) : In eligendis pastoribus etsi jus patronis nollemus adimi, tamen nee patroni
praeficiant pastores noncommendatos aliquo testimonio Ecclesiae, h. e. honesto-

pi'ius
rum hominum Et liceat Ecclesiis rejicere impios aut non
in eo coetu, cui datur pastor.
idoneos, aut referre rem ad Episcopos, aut eos, qui loco Episcoporum sustinent guberna-
tionem ccclesiasticam. The later ecclesiastical usage is first put forth in the Wiirtem-
berg church service, 1559 (Richter, ii. 201). It provides that before any one is appoint-
ed preacher he must first preach several times in the church in the presence of the su-
perintendent. If the congregation refuse to have him "for honorable causes," he shall
not be forced upon them. But if the refusal be "frivolous, without honorable cause,
from ignorance or caprice," the church council is to paj' no heed to it. This provision
was then adopted in the Brunswick church service, 1569 and in that of Electoral Sax-
;
ony, 1580. Here- and there the congregations had a more or less free choice, e. g. in
Sleswick-Holstein see Matthiae, Beschreib. der Kirchenverfassung in d. Herzogthii-
;
mern Schleswig u. Holstein ; Flensburg, 1778, s. 84.

^^Memorial of the Wittenberg divines to those of Ansbach and Nuremberg, 1532 (de
Wette, iv. 388) [No other ban than exclusion from the Lord's Supper and this can be ;
carried out, because no one is admitted to this sacrament without being previously in-
—
structed by the pastor or deacon. Where the ban is public, the civil authorities must
;
PART II.— CH. II.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 46. ITS CONSTITUTION. 527
into the hands of the Consistories which had gradually sprung
As Luther had complained of the jurists for holding fast to tho
enjoin the avoiding of the —

excommunicated wliich in large places might lead to mucli
injustice. But our private ban does not disturb civil commerce] " Wir habeu keinen
:
andern Bann noch zur Zeit ufgericht, denn dass diejenige, so in oflentlichen Lastern sind
und nit ablassen, nit zu dem Sacrament des Leibs und Bluts Christi zugelassen werdevi
und das kann man damit erhalten, dass man bei uns niemand das heil. Sacrament reU
chet, er sej' denn zuvor durch Pfarrer oder Diacon verhort. —
SoUt auch der often tlich
Bann angericht werden, so muss die weltlich Oberkeit dennoch auch dazu ein Ordnung
halten mit der Meidung des Verbanuten, soUte anders der offentlich Bann ein ernstlich
Exempel seyn dass willt nu auch zu dieser Zeit sonderlich in grossen Stadten und Re-
:
gimeutern viel Unrichtigkeit gebaren. Aber dieser unser Bann, da privatim einem das
Sacrament verboten wird, irret die burgerlich Beiwolinung und Handel nichts." Lu-
ther's Table-Talk. Warning to the Wittenbergers, 1539 (Walch, xxii. 958): "A cry
has gone out among j'ou, about which many idle things havêen said, that the ban is
again to be set up." P. 9G5 "This is the true and chief reason why the ban has every
:
where fallen into sheer disuse, that there are so few true Christians any where, a mere
little flock of small numbers." So, too, he writes to A. Lauterbach, April 2, 1543, in re-
spect to the dukedom ofSaxony (de Wettc, v. 551) Placet exemplum Hassiacae ex-
:
communicationis si : idem potueritis statuere, optime facietis. Sed Centauri et Har-

pyiae aulicae aegre ferent.
" How Luther would have excommunication administered (after Matth. xviii. 15) is
seen in his Admonition to the Wittenbergers, 1539 (Walch, xxii. 960) " I would have ex-
:
communication begun, and, if God will, at once. When I have first warned the accused,
I then would send to him two persons, two chaplains or others. Next, I would have him
before me in the sacristj', or elsewhere in the presence of the chaplain, or of two members
of the council and corporation, and of two honorable persons of the congregation. If he
will not amend, but keep on in public sins with a stiff neck, I would then declare the
matter publicly to the Church in this wise Dear friends, I proclaim to you that N. has
:
been warned, first by me, then by the chaplain, next by councilors and members of the
corporation, and also bj' members of the Church, and he will not turn from his evil ways.
Hence it is my friendlj' prayer to you, help with your counsel, kneel down, help to praj'
against him and to give him over to the devil," etc. The pastor was here to proceed in
company with the Church, but to be the leader and executor in the matter. Smalcald
Articles, 1537, Append., on the Power of Bishops (Baumgarten's Concordienbuch, s. 606) :
"This is certain, that all pastors should have common jurisdiction, to excommunicate
those who live in public sin ; and that the bishops have tyrannically assumed this." It
is here presupposed that the parties are to have the counsel of suitable members of tbe
Church and this is often declared in other connections. Luther says in his Yermah-
;
nung, 1539 (Walch, xxii. 958) "Solchen Bann wollten wir gem anrichten, nicht dass
:
es ein Caplan oder Prediger allein thun sollte oder konute, ihr alle miisst selbst mit hel-
fen." Theologi Viteb. ad Concionatores Norinberg, 1540, C. R., iii. 965: Restituatur et
—
excommunicatio, adhibitis in hoc judicium senioribus in quaiibet Ecclesia. Mel. de
Abusibus Eccles. emendandis, 1541, C. R., iv. 548: "Nee liceat soli pastori ferre sen-
tentiam excommunicationis sine ulla judicum decuria, aut nemine adhibito ex houesti-
oribus viris suae Ecclesiae." The Wittenberg Reformation, 1545, C. R., v. 605, would
commit to the Consistories the sententia excommunicationis: "Doch sollen in alle Weg
die Sachen vorhin gehort und mit ordentlichcr Weise geurtheilt werden, zu welcher
Verhoi nicht allein die Priester zu ziehen, sondern auch gottfurchtige gelehrte Perso-
nen aus den weltlichen Standen und fiirnehme Gliedmass der Kirchen. Denn da unser
—
Heiland Christus spricht : saget es der Kirchen, folget, dass nicht allein ein Stand,
niimlich die Bischofe, sondern auch andere gottfurchtige Gelahrte aus alien Standen als
Richter zu setzen sind, und voces decisivas haben sollen,"
528 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIY. I—A.D. lol7-lGi8.
canon law because it had not been legally abolished,^^ and also be-
cause they adhered to statutes inconsistent with the Gospel," so,
too, he, as well as Melancthon, were opposed to the preponderance
of the secular power"^ in ecclesiastical affairs ; and both were of

*2 J. H. Boehmeri Jus Eccles. Protestantium, i. 122 ss.
^^ These differences are given, as follows, by Justus Jonas, in the Bedenken der Con-
sistorien halber 1538 (in Richter's Gesch. d. Evangel. Kirchenverfassung, s. 89) 1. On :
secretvows of marriage (which the jurists declared to be valid, and Luther invalid). 2.
On divorces and their grounds. 3. On the marriage of priests (which the jurists persist-
entl}' declared invalid). 4. On the unlawful degrees (the jurists here held fast to the
canon law; the Reformers went back to the Mosaic). 5. On the wives, children, heirs,
—
sons and daughters of pastors and preachers to protect them against the Collaierales,
friends by birth, who might be papists and opposed priests' marriage. As to this arti-
cle, it is of the first importance to have a provincial statute and law given by the royal
authorities, that many thousand orphans and widows maj' not be molested. (Luther
complains to the Count Albr. of Mansfeld, 5th October, 1536, de Wette, v. 26: "Sinte-
mal ich noch bis daher nicht einen Juristen habc, der wider den Papst in solchen oder
dergleichen Fallen mit mir und bei mir halten wolle, also dass sie auch meine Ehre und
Bettelstticke nicht gedenken meinen Kindern zuzusprechen, noch keines Priesters."
Elector Joh. Friedrich in the Fiirhaltung vom 5. Mai, 1537, G. R., iii. 3G6 :
" Zudeme
vermerkten E. Ch. G., dass die Juristen zum Theil der Priester Ehe in ihren Lectionen,
auch sonst uffentlich beredeten, davon den Leuten Ursach gegeben wiirde, wenn die be-
weibten Priester verstiirben, dass ihre Freunde ihre Erbschaft fordern thaten, und woll-
ten ihre Kinder nicht Erbe seyn lassen. Nun woUten aber E. Ch. Gn. durch cine Lan-
desordnung vermittelst gottlicher Hillf demselben Maass finden, wiewohl E. Ch. Gn.
weiter vermerkten, als wollt man fiirgeben, dass auch ein solch Ordnung kraftiglich
nicht gemacht, noch aufgericht konnt werden.") In the project of the Wittenberg Con-
sistorial Order, 1542, Richter's Kirchenordnung, i. 374, the marriage of priests was de-
clared to be legal, and secret betrothals forbidden however, these provisions, as well as
;
the whole concluding j)art, were not adopted in the published Order: the Elector order-
ed, January 8, (.') 1544, the jurists to agree with the theologians, and accept the Luther-
an views (Seckendorf Comm. de Lutheranismo, iii. 581). In the Consistory, particu-
larly, the view of the jurists about private betrothals had got the upper hand and Lu- ;
ther complained of this to the Elector, January 22, 1544 (de Wette, v. G15), and wrote
very bitterly to the Consistory itself (p. 618), and spoke and preached against it (ad
Spalatinum, 30. Jan., 1544, 1. c, p. 626: Ego tibi fateor, in hoc anno novo sic esse me
acceptum, ut in vita mea et in tota causa Evangclii nunquam fuerim perturbatior. Ori-
tur enim mihi cum Juristis The ju-
negotium acerrimum de clandestinis sponsalibus).
rists did not conform to the decision of the Elector, as they thought themselves bound
liy the law^ of the empire (Luther's Predigt gegen sie, AValch, xxii. 2175, 2178). They
also declared the archdeacon a diffcimus, because he has had two wives, and would not
recognize him as a preacher (p. 2179). From this period are the strongest sayings of
Luther against the jurists; so, too (Walch, xxii. 2210), " Wc must pull down the Con-
sistory, if we would not soon have the jurists and pope in it."
-* Mel. ad Mithobium, 1541, C. R., iv. 679 : Plerique Principcs —multo fucrunt in di-
ripiendis Monasteriis diligentiores, quam in constituendis irapoLKiaL^ et scholis. — Hacte-

nus alii saevierunt in Ecclesias, alii fmxerunt corruptelas doctrinae, certarunt obscoenis
libellis, finxerunt insulsos dialogos, oblectarunt se Venereis voluptatibus, neglexerunt
Ecclesias et scholas, certarunt ambitione. Luth. ad Cresserum, parochum Dresdensem,
1543, de Wette, v. 596 Nihil boni sperare possum de forma excommunicationis in aula
:
vestra praesumta. Si enim futurum est, ut aulae velint gubernare Ecclesias pro sua
cupiditate, nullam dabit Deus benedictionem, et fient novissima pejora prioribus. Aut —
igltur ipsl fiant pastores, praedicent, baptizent, visitcnt aegrotos, communicent et omnia
eccle?iastica faciant, aut dcsinant vocationes confuudere, suas aulas curent, Ecclctias
PART II.—CH. II.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 4G. ITS CONSTITUTION. 529
opinion that the restoration of the episcopal dignity as a merely

human institution — if the bishops accepted the Evangelical faith
— would he beneficial to the Church."^ After and by the Religious
Peace, however, episcopal jurisdiction over Protestant countries be-
ing suspended, the princes having received the assent of the empire
relinquant his, qui ad eas vocati sunt, qui rationem Deo reddent. — Satan pergit esse Sa-
tan. Sub Papa miscuit Ecclesiam politiae sub nostro tempore vult miscere politiam
:
Ecclesiae. To Amsdorf, 21st July, 1544 (de Wette, v. 675 ) " The court isn't worth any
:
thing. Its regiment is mere crabs or snails. It can't get away from the statu quo, or
else it comes right back to it. Christus optime Ecclesiae consuluit, qui aulae non com-
misit Ecclesiarum administrationem. The devil had else nothing to do but devour vain
Christian souls."
There was universal complaint about the slights and arbitrary treatment to which
'^
the clcrgj- were subjected by the people and officers of government. Having got rid of
the oppression of the clergj- of the old Church, they were not ready to let the new clergy
become so powerful. Thus in Luther's Exhortation to Prayer against the Turks, 1541,
—
Walch, XX. 2744: "It has come to this that we see young masters, cities, even small
mudd}- towns and villages, that would prevent their pastors and preachers from inveigh-
ing against sin and crime in the pulpit, or else chase them away and starve them ; and
he that takes any thing from them is holj'. If they complain to the officials, thej' are
called so ambitious that nothing can satisfy them." Erasmus Sarcerius on the Annual
Visitation; Eisleben, 1555. 4. Cf. Engelhardt, in Niedner's Zeitschr. f. Hist. Theol., 1850,
i. 8G. was seen that reputable and independent men must be put at the head of church
It
affairs to insure favorable treatment and energetic measures, and to secure the requisite
authority to the clergy. Comp. the Memorial of the Wittenberg and other divines to the
diet at Smalcald, March 1, 1540, C. R., iii. 042 [Even if we had bishops sound in doctrine,
etc., yet the large cities and princes rnay not be inclined to give them a jurisdiction,
and allow visitations. But it is evident that the cliurches need to be visited bj- those
high in office, else the churches will not be long honored, and pastors will be evil treated
in villages. —
If any bishops keep the true faith, it would be well for them to retain Or-
(linatio, Visitatio, and Jurisdictio in marriage matters] " Wenn gleich die Bischofe die
:
rechte Lehre annehmen, dieselbige zu fordern u. tiichtige Personen dazu zu halteu sicli
crbieten, so werden doch vielleicht die grossen Stadte u. etliche Fursten nicht gem lei-
den, dass ihnon wiederum eine jurisdictio eingeraumt soUt werden, und dass sie umher-
ziehen und visitiren. Dagegen ist aber auch zu gedehken, dass den Kirchen mit der
Zeit vonnothen scj-n wird, dass sie durch stattliche Personen visitirt werden. Denn die
weltlichen Ilerrcn werden die Lange der Kirchen nicht gross achten, und werden jetz-
und die Priester auf den DiJrfern libel gehalten, werden auch viel Pfarren wiiste. Nun
ware es niitzlich, so sich etliche Pralaten der Kirchen treulich annehmen wollten, dic-
weil sie doch die Giiter haben, und konnten die Visitation erhalten, dass sie solches
thiiten. —
Wo nun etliche Bischofe und Stifte rechte Lehre und die nothigen Stiicke an-
nehmen, u. der Kirclie dienen wollten, ware nachzugeben, dass sie in iliren Dignitatcn
blieben, und behielten die Ordinatio, Visitatio, und Jurisdictio in Ehesachen." Thus
the Reformers constantly advised the retaining of bishops as a human institution, so fjr
as they accepted the true faith, and modified their privileges in accordance witli it.
Comp. Augsb. Conf., Art. 28, at the end. Melancthon especially often and strongly ex-
pressed himself in favor of this. Ad M. Alberum, 23. Aug., 1530 (C. R., ii. 303): Qua-
ils autem ad posteros status futurus est dissoluta politia Episcoporum ? Profani juris-
dictionem ecclosiasticam et similia negotia religionum non curant. Ad J. Camerar., 31.
Aug., 1530 (p. 334): Utinam, utinam possim non quidem dominationem confirmare, sed
administrationem restituere Episcoporum. Video enim, qualcm simus habituri Ecclc-
?i;)m, dissoluta TroXtTtia ecclcsiastica. Video postea multo intolcrabiliorem futuram ty-
rannidem, qu;im antea unquam fuit. Ad cund., 4. Sept., 1530 (p. 341) : Quo jure lice-
VOL. IV. 34
to their exercise of authority in the matter,^^ Consistories were at

once every where established,"'' and became the organs of the rul-
ers in their whole government of the Church."^ The opposition
of the Flacianists, who wanted theologians to rule in the Church
instead of princes,"^ was fruitless.^'^ In the countries, too, in which
Mt nobis dissolvere rrroXLTiiav ecclesiasticam, si Episcopi nobis concedant ilia, quae

—
aequum est eos concedere. Semper ita sensit ipse Lutherus, quern nulla de causa qui-
dani, ut video, amant, nisi quia benefieio ejus sentiunt se Episcopos excussisse, et adep-
tos libertatem minime utilem ad postcritatem. Qualis enim cedo futurus est status ad
si omnes veteres mores sint aboliti, si nulli certi sint praesides?
posteros in Eeclesiis,
Ad Bellajum Langaeum, 1. Aug., 1534 (p. 740) Non hoc agitur, ut politia ecclesiastica
:
aut potestas Pontificum aboleatur non hoc agitur, ut veteres ordinationes sine discri-
;
mine mutentur. Praecipui ex nostris maxime cupiunt, usitatem Ecclesiae formam con-
servare quantum pcssibile est.
*^ Appeals to this in the Baden-Pforzheim Mandate, 1556, Richter's Kirchenordnung,
ii.178; in the Hessian Church Service, 1572, ibid., s. 349. But the princes frequentlj'
appealed to divine authority. Thus Duke Christopher of Wiirtemberg, in the Preface
to the Church Service, 1559 (ibid., p. 198) " Wie wir uns dann (ungeacht dass etzlicher
:
Vermeinen nach der weltlichen Oberkeit allein das wcltlich Regiment zustehen sollt)
vor Gott schuldig erkennen, und wissend unsers Amts und Berufs scin, wie auch des
Gott der Allmiichtig in seinem gestrengen Urtheil von uns erfordern wird, vor alien
Dingen unser untergebne Landschaft mit der rcinen Lehr des h. Evangelii versorgen, —
und also der Kirchen Christi mit Ernst und Eifer annehmen dann erst und darneben
;
in zeitlicher Regierung nutzliche Ordnung und Regiment —

anzustellon und zu erhal-
ten." So, too, Duke Julius of Brunswick- Wolfenbiittel, in his Mandate prefixed to the
Church Service, 1569 (cf. s. 319).
"' The divines assembled
at Naumburg, May, 1554, insisted on this see the Declara-
;
tion, drawn up by Mclancthon, C. R., viii. 290: "The Consistoria arc already set on
foot in some places, but the executio is weak." P. 291 All that rule-are bound '"to see
:
to it that the true doctrine is preached, and that consistories arc instituted for the pun-
ishment of vice and the maintenance of discipline and unity." So, too, Erasmus Sarce-
rius, General Superintendent in Mansfeld Von christlichen, nothigen, und niltzen Con-
:
Kistorien oder geistl. Gerichten, Eisleben, 1554. 4. see Engelhardt, in Niedner's Zeitschr.
;
f. ThcoL, 1850, s. 110. Thus, in 15C4, a Consistory was established at Celle

d. Hist.
(Schlegel's Kirchen- u. Reforma'tionsgesch. von Norddeutschland, ii. 395 Richter's Kir- ;
chenordnung, ii. 285) 15G8 one at Wolfenbiittel (Schlegel, ii. 263).

;
-" For this end there was appointed, first in Wittenberg, a central church commission,
the Church Council, bj- the Service-Book of 1559 (see Richter, ii. 218) and, after this
;
example, an Upper Consistory in Dresden, bj* the Church-Book of Electoral Saxony,

1580 (ibid., 421); comp. Richter's Gesch. d. Evang. Kirclienverfassung, s. 121.
-' Tluis Hesshusius, 1559, in Heidelberg,
§ 37, Note 37 the theologians in Jena, 15C0,
;
§ 38, Note 2 Musaus, in Bremen, 1561, § 38, Note 10.

;
^^ The Weimar book against the Frankfort Recess had also declared against a super-
vision of doctrine on the part of the Consistories see Melancthon's Answer, in C. R.,
;
ix. 618. When the Consistorj- was established in Weimar, in 1561 (see § 38, Note 6),
Flacius wrote to Max Morlin, its first clerical assessor, and brought forward twelve rea-
sons against the establishment of a Consistorj' (Unschuldige Nachr., 1716, s. 764): I.
Politicus Magistratus sibi sumit jus condendi decreta de rebus religionis et judicio gra-
vissimo Ecclesiae de doctrina et clavibus. Sumit etiam sibi jus eligendi personas, et
denique concludendi sue judicio de sententiis, cum Ecclesiae sit coadere decreta de cere-
moniis ac judiciis suis, non potentum ac sapientum mundi hujus. Videte iterum atque
iterum vos Spcculatores Israel, ne assuefiiciatis aulas ac Achitopheles ad obtrudenda
Ecclesiae sua mandata, per vos tanquam suos praecones proclamanda. Inde jus sibi
—1;
PART II.— CH. II.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 4G. ITS CONSTITUTION. 53
the bishops accepted the Reformation, and at first retained the

government of the Church, in Brandenhurg^^ and Prussia,^" as
well as in those in which a synodal constitution was first intro-
duced, in Pomerania^^ and Hesse,^^ these arrangements were grad-
sument nunc impii Magistratus et in omnem posteritatem, religionesque pro arbitrio for-
inabunt et refornuibunt, eritque ein Kaiserlich Papstthum, sicut tu nostros afFectare nu-
per pie monebas. II. Privantur Ecclesia omnesque alii pii Pastores ac Superintenden-
tes (facultate) per sj-nodos judicaudi de doctriua, penes quam et quos rerum maximarum
haec potestas, turn divino mandate, turn veteri perpetuoque more ac consuetudine tale
judicium fuit. III. Praecipitatur religio et Ecclesia in extremum periculum tj-rannidis
paucorum Consistoriajium. Sicut Bedenken Illustr. Principis contra Francofurticum
decretum monet. IV. Contra verbum Dei, Augustanam Confessionem, Apologiam,
Schmalcaldicos Articulos, et totius Ecclesiae consuetudinem aufertur prorsus clavis
ligans a ministris J. Ciir. — Talis laceratio ministerii an sine impietate fieri, aut a vobis
Superintendeutibus promoveri queat, Vos fratresjudicatc. X. Simpliciter mandatur
tantum executio poenae Superintendent! a Consistorio sine omni ipsius cognitione qua :
conscientia eam ille praestare poterit? Nam Superintendentes erunt tantum lictorcs
aut carnifices, qui simpliciter ac sine omni cognitione mandata Magistratus exequi tc-
nentur. XI. Ex praefatione satis apparet, quod etiam separatio a sacranfcnto sen sus-
pensio Ministris auferatur. Nemini ergo Pastores audebunt negare Sacraraenta aut ab-
solutionem nisi convicto prius ac condemnato a Consistorio. Quanta hie profanatio Sa-
cramentorum XII. Prorsus tollitur processus Christi, Mattli. xviii. Si peccaverit in te
; :
frater tuus, aut si quid kabes contra proximum, etc. Hie enim simpliciter mandatur, ut,
si quis novit aliquod alicujus crimen etiam occultum, mox accuset coram Consistorio.
Abjecto ergo Cliristi praescripto sequamur hominum processum. Taceo, quod istis niu-
tuis cruentisque accusationibus horrenda dissidia inter Pastores et auditores excitabun-
tur. Nam Pastoris castigatio paterna est, at accusatio coram Principe cruentum quid
sonatet continet. Multi Pastores mavolent summam licentiam peccandi suis relinqucrc,
quam tarn molestas quin et sumtuosas lites sustinere.
^' Matthias of Jagow, Bishop of Brandenburg, conformed to the Reformation, assent-
ed to the church service appointed by the Elector (Richter, i. 323), and remained in pos-
session of his episcopal rights until his death, in 15^5. General Superintendents and .1
Consistorj' were appointed, in Cologne-on-the-Spree, for the dioceses of the bishops of
Havelburg and Lobus. After the death of Jagow the same arrangement was extended
to theBrandenburg diocese II. v. Muhler's Gesch. d. Evang. Kirchenverfassung in d.
;
Mark Brandenburg, Weimar, 184C, s. 50 Richter's Gesch. d. Evang. Kirchenverfassung,

;
s. 131.
Here both bishops cpnformcd, the Bishop of Samland, and of Pomesania, and issued,
'^
Book (Richter, i. 28). This episcopal pow-

in 1525, the first Evangelical Cliurch Service
er afterward became inconvenient to the Duke, and he repeatedly left the posts unfilled,
while the Estates were trving to keep them up. With the death of the Bishop of Pome-
sania and the administrator of Samland, Wigand (1587), the episcopal office came to an
end, and Consistories were established Jacobson's Gesch. der Quellen des Evang. Klr-
;
chenrechts der Provinzen Preussen und Posen, s. 21 Richter's Gesch. d. Evang. Kir-
;
chenverfassung, s. 129.
^^
In Pomerania the General Superintendents had manj- episcopal rights from 15-11 ;
general synods of the cit}- preachers were convened from time to time, wliich decided
about all ecclesiastical matters imder the presidencj- of the General Superintendent
Balthasar's zwei Sammlungen einiger zurPommerschen Kirchenhistorie gehbrigcn
Schriften, Greifswald, 1723. 25. 4. At the Greifswald Sj'nod, 155G, it was determined
to erect three Consistoria or church courts at Stettin, Colberg or Stolpe, and Greifswald,
which should decide about excommunications, since the pastors often incurred peril in
these cases (Balthasar, i. 138). The last General Synod was held in 1593: afterward
;
ually superseded by the consistorial constitution ; in Jiilich, Cleve,

and Berg, however (and here alone), pecuhar relations contributed
to the building up and firm establishment of the synodal constitu-
tion.^^ In theory, the government of the Church by princes was
usually vindicated on the assumption that the episcopal rights had
devolved upon them in consequence of the Religious Peace and ;
then, by an exact limitation of this authority, the Church was to

be protected against arbitrary encroachments.^^
the power of the General Superintendents passed over to the Consistories (Balthasar Jus
Eccl. Pastorale, i. 262, 541 Richter's Gesch. d. Evang. Kirchenverfassung, s. 123).
;
^* Against the Church Service, drawn up bj' Franz Lambert, and adopted b}- the Syn-
od of Homberg, 1526 (Reformatio Ecclesiarum Hassiae, in Richter's Kirchenordn., i. 56),
which established presbyteries and sj-nods, but allowed the churches the right of appoint-
ing and deposing preachers, Luther uttered strong doubts (see Note 7, above), and it was
never carried tlirough. The Landgrave thereupon appointed six superintendents, with
modified episcopal prerogatives (in Cassel, Rotenburg, Marburg, Alsfeld, Darmstadt, and
St. Goar) ;see Ilessische Visitationsorduuug von 1537, in Richter's Kirchenordn., i. 281
they held arihual sj-nods in their dioceses, and then, in conjunction with some selected
pastors, formed the General Synod, the highest ecclesiastical court. By the Order for
Christian Church Discipline, 1559 (Richter, i. 290), elders were appointed for each church
for purposes of discipline. The General Synods were kept up after Philip's death, under
the separate governments of his sons, but came to an end in 1582, in consequence of the
divisions that sprung up between the Calvinizing Lower Hessians and the strict Luther-
an Upper Hessians (Dr. II. Heppe's Gesch. d. Hess. Generals3-noden v. 1568-82, 2 Bde.,
Kassel, 1847). Upon the introduction of Calvinism, the Landgrave Maurice exercised
more than episcopal rights and then established a consistor}- in Marburg, 1610, as the
;
highest ecclesiastical tribunal,i. e., the highest organ of his ecclesiastical authority'
(Heppe's Einfiilirung der Yerbesserungspuncte in Hessen, Kassel, 1849, s. 174). W.
Bach's Gesch. d. kurhess. Kirchenverfassung, Marburg, 1832.
^^ As the ducal house of these lands remained Catholic until its extinction in 1609,
the Evangelical churches were obliged to have an independent constitution, in the for-
mation of which the refugees from Holland had an important influence, especiallj- those
driven from Loudon in 1554 (sec § 37, Note 17), a part of whom settled in Wesel and
Duisburg, with their church government drawn up by John a Lasco and then there ;
were synods of the refugees, in Wesel, 1568, and Emden, 1571 (§ 43, Note 2). The
church government being already established, it was confirmed by Brandenburg and
the Palatinate Neuburg, and remained afterward unaltered ; because Brandenburg, in
order to prevent the oppression of Evangelical chui'ches in the Catholic Palatinate of
Neuburg, obliîed it to hold fast the status quo, and hence was itself obliged to do the
same. und Religionswesen in den Fiirstenthii-
Griindlichcr Bericht iiber d. Kirchen-
mern und Berg, audi zugehorigen Grafschaften Mark u. Ravensberg,
Jiilich, Clove,
Dusseldorf, 1735. 4. Von Oven die Presbyterial- und Sj-nodalverfassung in Berg, Jiilich,
Cleve, u. Mark, Essen, 1829. Jacobson's Gesch. d. Quellen des Evang. Kirchenrechts der
Provinzen Rheinland und Westphalen, Konigsberg, 1844. M. Goebel's Gesch. d. christL
Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westphiilischen Evangel. Kirche, Bd. 2, Abth. 1. (Coblenz,
1852), s. 70. [Stahl, Kirchenzucht, 1845; C H. Sack, Observationcs ad disciplinam
eccles., in Niedner's Zeitschrift, January, 1854.]
" Jo. Gerhardi, Theologi Jenensis, Loci Theologici (Jenae, 1610-22, 9 voll., 4.).
Locus XXIV., de Ministerio Ecclesiastico, § 112 (ed. Cotta, xii. 116) : Quamvis ex con-
stitutione pacis religiosae anno anno 1555, Augustae confirmata
1552, Passavii sancita, et
Electores, Princijjes ac Status Imperii Augustanae confessioni addicti jura episcopalia in
suis tcrritoriis sibi vindicent ; tamen exercitium eorum ita temperant, ut quaedam capi-
PART. II.— CII. II.— EEFORMED CHURCH. § 46. ITS CONSTITUTION. 533
Denmark and Sweden the Episcopal Constitution remained;

In
but in Denmark all judicial authority ^^ was taken from the bish-
ops, who were to be only superintendents in Sweden it was re- :
tained, with restrictions,and in conjunction with a co-ordinate

Consistory.^^ In both countries the King had the highest ecclesi-
astical power.
In the Reformed churches the constitution was developed in a
different manner.
In the Swiss cantons the great councils were not only the high-
est tribunals, but and hence their
also the organs of the people ;
ecclesiastical decisions might be considered as the voice of the

people. But Zwingle saw, no less than Luther, that the people
were not yet ripe for a church government, reahzing the ideal and ;
it was also evident that it was impolitic to have in the same town
two republican constitutions alongside of each other one for the —

Church, and another for the State. Consequently he had no scru-
ples about transferring the government of the Church to the great
Council of Ziirich, as representing the congregation. The clergy,
especially those of the principal city, were only invited to consult-
ations ; but they retained the right of protest in case any thing
was done against the Word of God.^^ The clergy, whose equal-
ta ipsimet non adtingant, sed Ecclesiae viinistris relinquant, utpote praedicationem verbi
et sacramentorum administrationem, potestatem clavium, examen eligendorum minis-
trorum, eorum ordinationem, etc., quaedam per Consistoriales et Superintendentes pera-
gant, utpote Ecclesiarum visitationem, causarum ecclesiasticarum, ad quas etiam ma-
trimoniales spectant, dijudicationem, etc., quaedam sibi solis immediate reservent, ut-
pote constitutionum ecclesiasticarum promulgationem, s3-nodorum convocationem, etc.,
quaedam denique cum consensu Ecclesiae administrent, utpote electionem et vocationem
ministrorum. Richter's Gesch. d. Evang. Kirclienverfassung, s. 192.
" Staudlin's Kirchl. Geographic u. Statistik, i. 21G. J. Wiggers' Kirchl. Statistik,
ii. 377.
^^ F. W. V. Schubert Schweden's Kirchenverfassung u. Unterrichtswesen nach fruhe-
rem und gegenwartigem Zustandc, 2 Bde. ; Greifswalde, 1821. Staudlin, i. 237. Wig-
gers, ii. 394. [Hist, of Ref. in Sweden, by L. A. Anjou ; transl. bj' H. M. Mann, New
York, 1859, pp. 386-594.]
^' Zwinglii Subsidium de Eucharistia, 1525
(0pp., iii. 339): Dicam hie obiter de usu
Senatus Diacosiorum, propter quern quidara nos calumniantur, quod ea, quae totius Ec-
clesiae esse debeant, nos per ducentos agi patiamur, quum totius urbis et vicinorum Ec-
clesia sit plus minus septem millium. Sic ergo habeant isti Qui verbo praesumus Ti- :
guri, olim jam libere monuimus Diacosios, quod ea, quae judicio Ecclesiae totius fieri
debeant, ad ipsos non alia lege patiamur, quam si verbo duce consulant et decer-
rejici
nant deinde quod ipsi non sint aliter Ecclesiae vice, quam quod ipsa Ecclesia tacito
;
consensu hactenus benigne receperit eorum Senatus vel consulta vel decreta. Vulgavi-
mus eandem sententiam apud universam Ecclesiam admonuimus etiam hac tempes-
;
tate, qua nonnulli (Anabaptists) feruntur stupidissimis afFectibus, quos tamen spiritum
internum, si Diis placet, videri volunt, haud tuto multitudini committi posse quaedam.
;
ity was decisively insisted upon,^" were appointed by the magis-

tracy ; the churches had only the right of objecting.** Zwingle,
too, held that excommunication was unnecessary, since it was
the duty of the Christian magistracy to inflict punishments.'*- In
Non quod vereamur, Deum Opt. Max. defuturum, quo minus dirigat Ecclesiam suam
sed rebus adhuc teneris non miscendam esse contentionis occasionem. Suasimus ergo,
ut plebs judicium externarum rerum hac lege Diacosiis permittat, ut ad verbi regulam
omnia comparentur, simul pollicentes, sicubi coeperint verbi auctoritatem contemnerc,
nos confestim prodituros esse ac vociferaturos. Consentit ad hunc usque diem Ecclesia,
tametsi decretum super ea re nullum promulgaverit, sed placiditate ac tranquillitate,
quibus hactenus utitur, consensum suuui sic probat, ut ipsam aegre laturam adpareat,
si quis Evangelii successum arguta curiositate impedire conetur ; simul non ignorans, ut
rebus istis debeamus ad Cliristi nostrumque decorem sic uti, ut pax Christiana servetur.
Quicquid ergo de immutandis ritibus occurrit, ad ssnatum Diacosiorum refertur, non
absque exemplo nam et Antiocbia duos modo, Paulum et Barnabam, Ilierosolj-mam
:
mittit, nee ipsa decernit, quod tamen jure potuisset. Causa fuit, quod immoderatam
contentionem vereretur, quae quanto major est concio tanto magis crudescit. Quod au-
tem Diacosii in his rebus, Ecclesiae non suo nomine, agant, hinc adparet, quod quicquid
apud nos statuitur, puta de imaginibus, de celebranda Eucharistia et similibus, id eis
Ecclesiis quae in oppidis et agro sunt liberum relinquit ubi nimirum, quod Ecclesiae
:
non sunt tantae, contentionis incendium non magnopere metuendum esse vident. Ces-
sit consilium sic, ut ex Deo esse facile cognoscas. Sic igitur soliti sumus hactenus ante
omnia multitudinem de quaestione, quae Senatus judicio cognoscenda erat, probe docere.
Ita enim factum est, ut quicquid Diacosii cum verbis ministris ordinarent, jam dudum
in animis fideliura ordinatum esset. Denique Senatum Diacosiorum adivimus, ut Ec-
clesiae totius nomine, quod usus postularet, fieri jubcrent, quo tempestive omnia et cum
decoro agerentur. Factum est itaque, ut contentionis malum ab Ecclesia prohiberetur.
Sic utimur Tiguri Diacosiorum Senatu, quae summa est potestas, Ecclesiae vice.
Zwingle, on the other hand, concedes that the people have the right to depose rulers
that govern in an unchristian waj", Artikel zu der Disput, 1523, Art. 42 (Werke, i.
156) " So sie aber untriiwlich und usser dor Schnur Christi faren wurdind, mogend'sie
:
mit Gott entsetzt werden." Conf. the Uslegung, s. 369.

*" Lud. Lavater (preacher, and at last Antistes in Zurich), de Ritibus et Institutis
Eccl. Tigurinae, 1559 (cd. J. B. Ottius, Tiguri, 1702), § 3, p. 10 Nullum inter minis- :
tros, quod potestatem attinet, est discrimen. —

Onines fere res ecclesiasticae ad primari-
um concionatorem urbis (qui primus a restituto Evangelic Huldr. Zvinglius fuit, cui
Henr. Bullingerus successit) referuntur. Is suo arbitratu, totius Ecclesiae et omnium
ministrorum nomine, inconsultis aliis nihil agit vel scribit ; sed alios pastores convocat,
et suum consilium et judicium cum illis communicat. Si res sit magni momenti, sena-
tui etsynodo proponitur.

Ziiricher Priidicantenordnung, 1532, in Richter's Kirchenordnung, i. 169: If a
*'
parish is vacated, the dean shall announce tlie fact to the magistracj', and the patron
(Lehen Herr), if there be one. The candidates are to be examined, and testimonies
about the result sent to the Council. The Council elects ; and then the congregation is
convened in presence of the dean by the authorized representative of the Council. The
election "on the part of the church is to be open, and it is to be proclaimed, that if anj-
one present knows any thing base or discreditable about the candidate he must openly
declare it." If there is no complaint, the dean presents the new pastor to the church,
and lays his hands upon him. Then " the prefect or representative of the Council is to
commend the pastor to the church in the name of the Christian magistracj'." Lavater,
§ 2, p. 6.
*= In the Order of the Zurich Cathedral Court (Richter, i. 22) it is also added that tlio
pastor is to " excommunicate and exclude the adulterer, with the Christian congrcga-
:
PART II.— CII. II.— REFORMED CHURCH. § 4G. ITS CONSTITUTION. 535
1525 a court was appointed, in connection with the cathedral, to

take charge of matters pertaining to marriage."*^ Tlie deans and
synods merely had supervision as to doctrine and life,** and the
Church Session as to violations of chastity ;*^ but all punishment
tion." In a law against adulterers, 152G (Bullingcr's Ref. Gesch., i. 078), the Burgo-
master and Council decreed, that they " should be sundered and excluded from all Chris-
tian and honest converse and communion." So, too, they could not be chosen to any
posts or oflices of honor. However, these laws seem not to have been enforced Hun- ;
—
deshagen, Conflicte des Zwinglianismus, 324. Zwingle said, at the Sj-nod of St. Galleu,
December, 1530 (Simler's Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden zur Ivirchengesch. vor-
nemlich des Schweizerlandes, i. 432) [In the times of the apostles there was no Christian
magistracy, and the Church had to administer excommunication, etc. Now the magis-
trates are Christian, and hold the sword ; but in case they do not fulfill their office the
churches must resume the exercise of discipline] " Zu der Aposteln Zyt was die Kilcli
:
zerstreut, sowas noch kein christenliche Oberkeit, die in der Kilchen Gsetz und Ord-
nung und Straf des Biisen und des Ergerlichen hielte. Da nun sj-e der Bann und das
Usschliessen ihnen nothwendig gsyn, die Laster unter ihnen abzustellen. Sit aber
christenliche Oberkeiten worden, so Schwert und Straf von Gott habind, sollend jetz
die das usrichten. — Ob aber die Oberkeiten ihr Amt nit thun weltind, alsdann niogind
diie gmeinen Kilchen sich ihres Gwalts ouch gebruchen mit dem Bann, damit die Kil-
chen rein und ungeiirgeret bliebe."
*' The decree is in BuUinger's Reformationsgesch., i. 287. Richter's Kirchenordnung,
i. 21. The court consisted of two pastors, two members of the inferior, and two of the
great Council. Lavater, § 29, p. 108.
**In Zurich, 1528, semi-annual synods were appointed, at which all the clergj- and
deputies of the churches were to appear ; and eight members of the Council were present
(BuUinger's Reformationsgesch., ii. 3). It received a more fixed form by the Zurich
I*reachers' Order of 1532 (Ricliter, i. 1C8). Ever}' pastor, on entering upon his office,
had [That he would preach the Gospel truly, the Old and New Testa-
to take this oath
ments, according to the mandate of his Zurich rulers, and teach no doubtful dogma, none
not before approved bj- the synod be true to the Burgomaster and Council, promote
;
the weal of Zurich, obc}' its laws, not reveal the secrets of sj'nod, ect.] " Dass ich das
:
heilig Evangelium und Wort Gotts, darzu ich berilfft bin, trilwlich und nach rechtem
christenliclien Verstand, ouch nach Vermog Alts und Niiws evangelischen Testaments,
lut miner Ilerren von Zurich vorusgangnen Mandats, lehren und predgen, und darunter
kein Dogma u. Lehr, die zwj-flig und noch nit uf der Bahn und erhalten sye, nit inmi-
schen, sj- sj-e dann zevor gemeiner ordenlicher Versamlung, so jarlich zwei mal gehal-
ten, anzeigt, und vor derselbigen erhalten. Darzu soil und will ich einem Burgermeis-
ter und Rath, ouch den Burgeren, als miner ordenlichcn Oberkeit triiw und hold sin
gemeiner Stadt und Land Zurich Nutz und Frommen fiirdern, ihro Schaden wamen und
wenden, so ferr ich vermag ouch ihren und ihren nachgesetzten Vogten und Amtliiten
:
Geboten und Verboten in ziemlichen billigen Sachen gehorsam und gcwiirtig sin Item :
die Heimlichkeiten des S3'nodi verschwj'gen und nit offenbaren." In this synod all the
clergy, one after another, were subjected to examination comp. the Censures in the
;
sj-nods of 1533-35, in S. Hess, Sammlungen zur Beleuchtung der Kirchen- und Refor-
mationsgesch. d. Schweiz., Heft 1 (Zurich, 1811), p. 118; p. 139 there is a judgment on
Bullinger.
*5 In 1526 there was a law against lewdness (BuUinger's Ref. Gesch., i. 369), in which
the judges about marriage cases (members of the Cathedral Court) were enjoined to pro-
ceed against the guilty parties in the cit}-. In the countr}- districts, in everj- parish
there were to be three or four men selected (p. 372), with the pastor, to watch over all
marriage matters (called Ehegaumer) and to them all cases of unchastitj- were to be
;
referred. Thev were to warn the offenders several times, and, if this was fruitless, to
;
was in the hands of the civil authorities. The other Reformed

cantons imitated these arrangements. In Basle, Oecolampadius
procured (1530) the introduction of excommunication, but was
obliged to concede the participation of the civil authorities, and
the infliction of civil penalties.^^ In 1539 this arrangement was
again abolished .'^^
Calvin wished to have the Church wholly independent of the
State. The State should only protect the Church in its opera-
tions, but must not intrude into its internal affairs ;^^ the cler-
gy and synods were to have charge of doctrine and the sacra-
refer the matter to the head magistrate for punishment. These guardians of marriage
formed a church session {Kirchenstillstand), so called because they remained in the
church after service for consultation.
*''
See particularh- Ilcrzog's Leben Joh. Oekolampads, ii. 192. Oecolampadius was
alwaj-s for church discipline as early as the Reformation decree of 1529, pastors and
:
deacons were authorized, after warning offenders without success, to exclude them from
the Lord's Supper (Horzog, ii. 16-1). But this did not go into effect. Oecolampadius,
in an address to the Council (Oec. Epistol., fol. 42), then pleaded for a complete resto-
ration of church discipline, and the appointment of a college, consisting of the four city
pastors, four members of the Council, and four of the congregation, to administer such
discipline after the prescriptions of Christ in Matth. xviii. 15 cf. Epistol. Oecol. ad
;
Zwingl., Sept. 17, 1530 (Zwingl. Opera, viii. 510). He endeavored to get other cantons
to adopt the same, but in vain. At a diet in Aarau, Sept., 1530, Haller opposed him.
In St. Gallen there was a division among the clergy on this point, and at a sj-nod held
at St. Gallen, Dec., 1530, even Zwingle declared against excommunication (Simler, i.
432). However, the Council of Basle ordered, Dec. 14, 1530, that in each church two
members of the Council, and two of the congregation, should be joined with the pastor
and the deacons for this object, and that those who remained under sentence more than
a month should be severel}- punished.
*' Oecolampadius himself was subjected to manj' vexations on account of his attempts
to restore discipline Herzog, ii. 207 Oswald Mj-conius, by Kirchhofer, s. 105. At last,
: ;
in 1539, the Council ordered that the pastors should onlj- warn, but not punish; and
that after three fruitless warnings offenders should be complained of to the Council
Kirchhofer, s. 325.
** Calvini Institutt., lib. iv. c. 11. De Ecclesiae Jurisdictione, § 3: Non animadver-
tunt,quantum sit discrimen et qualis dissimilitudo ecclesiasticae et civilis potestatis.
Neque enim jus gladii habet Ecclesia quo puniat vel coerceat, non imperium ut cogat,
non carcerem, non poenas alias quae solent infligi a magistratu. Deinde non hoc agit,
ut qui peccavit, invitus plectatur, sed ut voluntaria castigatione poenitentiam profitea-
tur. —
At quemadmodum magistratus puniendo et manu coercendo purgare debet Eccle-
siam offendiculis, itaverbi minister vicissim sublevare debet magistratum, ne tam multi
peccent. Sic conjunctae debent esse operae, ut altera sit adjumento alteri, non impedi-
mento. § 4 Non magistratus, si plus est, eximere se volet communi filiorum Dei sub-
:
jectione, cujus non postrema pars est, Ecclesiae ex verbo Dei judicanti se subjicere :
—
tantum abest ut juaicium illud tollere debeat. Imperator bonus intra Ecclesiam, non
supra Ecclesiam est. § 16: Neque (sancti viri) improbabant, si quando suam auctori-
tatem interponerent Principes in rebus ecclesiasticis, modoconservando Ecclesiae ordini,
non turbando, disciplinaeque stabiliendae, non dissolvendae hoc fieret. Nam cum Ec-
clesia cogendi non habeat potestatem, neque expetere debeat (de civili coercitione lo-
quor) piorum Regum ac Principum partes sunt, legibus, edictis, judiciis religionem
;
pustinere.
— ;
PAKT II.— CII. II.— REFORMED CHURCH. § 4G. ITS CONSTITUTION. 537
ments ;*^ church disciphne belonged to the elders chosen by the

congregation in conjunction with the clergy, who were, however,
to inripose only ecclesiastical penalties ;• the deacons had the care
of the poor f^ the right to elect preachers, elders, and deacons be-
*' Calvini Institt., iv. 8, 1 : De spirituali tantum potestate loquor, quae propria est
Ecclesiae. Ea autem consistit vel in doctrina, vel in jurisdictione, vel in legibus feren-
dis. Locus de doctrina duas habet partes,' auctoritatem dogmatum tradendorum, et
eorum explicationem. iv. 3, 4 Qui Ecclesiae regimini secundum Christi institutionem
:
praesunt, nominantur a Paulo primum Apostoli, dein Prophetae, tertio Evangelistae,

quarto Pastores, postrenio Doctores. Ex quibus duo tantum ultimi ordinarium in Ec-
clesia munus habent alios tres initio regni sui Dominus excitavit, et suscitat etiam in-
:
terdum prout temporum necessitas postulat. Inter Pastores ac Doctores hoc discriminis
esse puto, quod Doctores nee disciplinae nee Sacramentorum administration!, nee moni-
tionibus aut exhortationibus praesunt, sed Scripturae tantum interpretationi, ut sincera
sanaque doctrina inter fideles retineatur pastorale autem munus haec omnia in se con-
;
tinet. § 6 Dominus, cum Apostolos mitteret, mandatum illis dedit de praedicando

:
Evangelic et baptizandis credentibus in remissionem peccatorum. Antea autem manda-

verat, ut sacra sj-mbola corporis et sanguinis sui ad exemplum distribuerent. En sanc-
tam, inviolabilem, perpetuamque legem impositam iis qui in Apostolorum locum succe-
dunt, qua mandatum accipiunt de Evangelii praedicatione, et Sacramentorum adminis-
tratione. § 8 Caeterum quod Episcopos et Presbj-teros et pastores et ministros pro-
:
miscue vocavi, qui Ecclesias regunt, id feci ex Scripturae usu, quae vocabula ista con-
fundit quicunque enim verbi ministerio funguntur, iis titulum Episcoporuni tribuit.
:
iv. 9, 13 Nos certe libenter concedimus, si quo de dogmate incidat disceptatio, nullum
:
esse nee melius nee certius remedium, quam si verorum Episcoporum si/nodus con\ema.t,
ubi controversum dogma excutiatur. Multo enim plus ponderis habebit ejusmodi defi-
nitio, in quam communiter Ecclesiarum pastores, invocato Christi spiritu, consenserint,
quam si quisque seorsura domi conceptam populo traderet, vel pauci homines privatim
eam conficerent. Deinde ubi collecti in unum sunt Episcopi, commodius in commune
deliberant, quid sibi, et qua forma docendum sit, ne diversitas oft'endiculum pariat.
Tertio banc rationem praescribit Paulus in dijudicandis doctrinis. Nam cum singulis
Ecclesiis attribuat dijudicationem (1 Cor., xiv. 29), ostendit, quis in gravioribus causis
sit ordo agendi nempe ut Ecclesiae inter se communem cognitionem suscipiant. Sta-
: —
tuo, non ab uno Concilio opprimatur, sed
ideo interire in Ecclesia veritatem, etiamsi
mirabiliter a Domino servari, ut iterum suo tempore emergat et superet. Hoc autem
perpetuum esse nego, ut vera sit et certa Scripturae interpretatio, quae Concilii suffragiis
fuerit recepta.
^" Calvinii Institt., iv. 3, 8 : Besides the ofEciis, quae in verbi ministerio consistunt,
Paul, in Rom. and 1 Cor., also mentions others. Ex quibus quae temporaria fuerunt
omitto. —
Duo autem sunt quae perpetuo malient, gubernatio et cura pauperum. Guber-
natores fuisse existimo seniores ex plebe delectos, qui censurae morum et exerccndae
disciplinae una cum Episcopis praeessent. § 9. Cara pauperum Diaconis mandata fuit
iv. 11, 1 : Quemadmodum nulla urbs nullusve pagus sine magistratu et politia stare po-
test : sic Ecclesia Dei sua quadam spirituali politia indigct, quae tamen a civili prorsus
distincta est, eamque adeo nihil impedit aut imminuit, ut potius multum juvet ac pro-
moveat. Ista igitur jurisdictionis potestas nihil aliud erit in summa quam ordo compa-
ratus ad spiritualis politiae conservationem. § 2. On the passages Jo. xx. 23, and
Matth. xvi. 19 Utraque est generalis sententia, eadem semper ligandi solvendi(iuc po-
:
testas (nempe per verbum Dei), idem mandatum, eadem promissio. Eo autem difte-
runt, quod prior locus peculiariter de praedicatione est, qua verbi ministri funguntur,
hie ad disciplinam excommunicationis pertinet, quae Ecclesiae permissa est. § 5 In :
usu duo sunt consideranda ut a jure gladii prorsus separetur haec spiritualis potestas,
:
deinde ne unius arbitrio, sed per legitimum consessum administretur. Severissima —

enim Ecclesiae vindicta, et quasi ultimum fulnien, est exccmmunicatio, quae non nisi in
longed to the church, under the guidance of the clergy/^ How-

ever, in the G-enevese church constitution, Calvin conceded much
that was less essential, in deference to the circumstances of the
times.^2 The Calvinistic church government was carried out
much more strictly in France, where the civil power was out-
side of the Church.^'^ Here the Consistories, Colloquies, Provincial
necessitate adliibetur. Ilia porro aec vim, nee manum desiderat, sed verbi Dei potentia
conteuta est.
*' Calvini Institt., iv. 3, 12 : Quales eligere Episcopos deceat, Paulus duobus locis co-
piose exequitur (Tit., i. 9 ; 1 Tim., iii. 1) : Summa tameii hue redit, non esse eligendos
sanae doctrinae et sanctae vitae, iiec aliquo vitio notabiles, quod et illis adi-
nisi qui siiit
mat auctoritatem et ministerio ignominiam afferat. De Diaconis et Senioribus similis
prorsus est ratio.§ 14 Habemus ergo, esse banc ex verbo Dei legitimam ministri vo-
:
cationem, ubi ex populi consensu et approbatione creantur qui visi fuerint idonei.
Praeesse autem electioni debere alios Pastores, ne quid vel per levitatem, vel per mala
studia, vel per tumultum a multitudine peccetur. On ecclesiastical legislation, iv. 10,
2 . Hoc unum contendo, necessitatem imponi conscientiis non debere in quibus rebus a
Cliristo liberantur. § 29 Omues ecclesiasticas constitutiones, quas pro Sanctis et salu-
:
taribus recipimus, in duo capita referre licet alterae enim ad ritus et ceremonias, alte-:
rae ad disciplinam et pacera respiciunt. § 30 : Quia (Dominus) in externa disciplina et

ceremoniis non voluit sigillatim praescribere quid sequi debeamus (quod istud pendere a
temporum conditione provideret, neque judicaret unara saeculis omnibus formam conve-
nire), confugere hie oportet ad generales quas dedit regulas, ut ad eas exigantur quae-
cunque ad ordinem et decorum praecipi necessitas Ecclesiae poslulabit. § 31 : Jam
vero christian! populi officium est, quae secundum hunc canonem fuerint instituta, libera
quidem eonscientia, nullaquc superstitione, pia tamen et facili ad obsequendum propen-
sione servare, non contemptim habere, non supina negligentia praeterire.
*-
OrdonnancesEcclesiastiques de I'Eglise de Geneve, 1541 (Richter's Kirchenorden, i.
342. Comp. Henry's Calvin, ii. 109 Richter's Gesch. d. Kirchenverfassung. s. 171), issued
;
by the Sj'ndics, the Less and Great Council. The choice of a pastor was by the other
clergy, the smaller Council to confirm, the congregation to agree. All pastors to be an-
nually visited b}' a commission, consisting of two deputies of the Council and two of the
ministry. The Ancicjis were chosen, two from the Lesser Council, four from the Coun-
cil of Sixty, and six from the Council of Two Hundred. Thej' and the preachers form-
ed the Consistor}-, which administered church discipline. P. 352 : Et que tout cela se
face en telle sorte, que les ministres n'aj-ent aucune jurisdiction civile, et que par ce
Consistoire ne soit en rien derogue a I'autorite de la Seigneurie ni a la Justice ordinaire :
ainsi cjue la puissance divine demeure en son entier : et mesmes oil il sera besoin de faire
quelque punition ou contraindre les parties, que les Ministres avec le Consistoire, ayans
oui les parties et faictes les remonstrances et admonitions telles que bou sera, ayent a
rapporter le tout au Conseil, lequel sur leur relation advisera d'en ordonner et faire jugc-
ment selon I'exigence du cas (against this, Calvini Institt., iv. 11, 4 Neque enim con- :
sentaneum est, ut qui monitionibus nostris obtemperare noluerint, eos ad magistratum

dcferamus). A short slietch of these orders is in Calvini Ep. ad Gasp. Olevianum, Non.
Nov., 15C0 (Epistt. ed. Gen., 1575, p. 228). [Comp. M. Goebel, Disciplin in d. Refor-
mirten Kirche bei Calvin, in the Kirchliche Vierteljahrsschrift, 1845. L. W. Hassen-
kamp, Anfiinge d. Evaugelischen Kirchenzucht, in the Deutsche Zeitschrift, 1856, on Bu-
cer, and on the Lutheran and Reformed churches generally.]
*^ This Constitution was establislied at the first six National Synods (Paris, 1559;
Poitiers, 15G0 ; Orleans, 15G2 ; Lyons, 15G3 ; Paris, 1565 ; Verteuil, 1567) ; see the acts
in Tons les Synod'es Nationaux des Eglises Rcformessde France, par Aymon, a la Have,
2 T., 1710, 4. Ebrard, die Eiitstehung und erete Eutwickelung dcr Presbyterialverfas-
;
PART II.— CH. II.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 47. PUBLIC WORSHIP. 539
Synods, National Synods, in an ascending series, were pure eccle-
siastical tribunals ;
the National Synod had the highest authority.
But the government was aristocratic : the Consistories appointed
the lay elders, and the Provincial Synods the preachers ; the con-
gregations had only the right of declining to receive them. So,
too, in essential points, was the church government constituted in
Scotland — in Kirk Sessions, Presbyteries, Synods, and the Gen-
eral Assembly f^ and in the Netherlands — Kerkenraad, Classicale
Vergaderinge, Particulier Synode, Nationaal Synode.^^ In the
German Reformed churches, however, the princes had the su-
preme direction of church affairs, with a consistorial' constitution
although in some instances the presbyterial order was establish-
ed.^^ Only in Jiilich, Cleve, and Berg did the Reformed Church
receive a synodal constitution like that of Holland.^'
§ 47.
THE ORDER OF PUBLIC WORSHIP.

G. B. Eisenschmid, Gesch. d. vomehmsten Kirchengebrauche d. Protestanten, Leipzig,
1795. J. L. Funk's Geist und Form des von Dr. M. Luther angeordneten Kultus, Ber-
lin, 1818. A. H. Graser, die Rom. Kathol. Liturgie, mit steter Riicksicht auf die Litur-
gie der Griecli. und altesten EvangeL Luther. Kirche, 2 Th., Halle, 1829. Kliefoth die
urspriingl. Gottesdienstorduung inden deutschen Kirchen Luth. Bekenntnisses, ihre
Destruction und Reformation, Rostock und Schwerin, 1847. [Schoberlein, Der Evan-
gel. Gottesdienst, in Studien und Kritiken, 1854, transl. in Presb. Quarterh', 1857.
H. Alt, Der christl. Cultus, 2te Aufl., 1851. Der
Protest. Gottesdienst, von Dr. Karl
Bahr, in Zeitschrift f. d. Luth. Theol., 1852.Eutaxia. or Presb. Liturgies (bj' C. W.
Baird), New York, 2d ed., 1858; comp. Book of Public Prayer, compiled from Form-
ularies of the Reformed Churches, New York, 1856. Foreign Reformed Liturgies,
sung in der Ref. Kirche Frankreichs, in Niedner's Zeitschr. f. d. Hist. Theologie, 1849,
ii. 280.
** A. F. L. Gemberg, die Schottische Nationalkirche nach ihrer gegenwurtigen innern
und aussern Verfassung, Hamburg, 1828. K. II. Sack, die Kirche v. Schottland, Bei-
triige zu deren Geschichte und Beschreibung., 2 Th., Hamburg, 1844. 45. [Comp. the
Histories of the Church of Scotland by Iletherington, Lorimer, Wodrow, Cunningham
(1859), etc. The Divine Right of Church Government, New York, ed. 1844. The Scotch
Bulks of Discipline, and the Discussions of the Westminster Assemblj-, in Robinson's
Church of God, Phil., 1858.]
5* H. L. Benthem's Holland. Kirch- und Schulenstaat, 2 Th., Frankf. u. Leipzig, 1698.
^^ M. Goebel's Gesch. d. christl. Lebens in d. Rheinisch-Westphal. Evangel. Kirche,
ii. ii. 525. The church regulations of the Palatinate were here of great influence. Bj' a
decree of 15C3 elders and deacons were appointed (Richter, ii. 265). The church coun-
cil (Consistory) was established in Heidelberg as earh* as 1560 its rules were given
;
1564 (ibid., 276). Superintendents were continued, and held annual synods with tlie
clergy and teachers of the schools, at which their doctrine and life. and the state of the
congregations were examined (p. 280).
'' See the Literature, above. Note 35.
;
Notes and Queries, July, 1856. Alasco's Dutch Liturgy,', see British Mag., vols. sv.
and xvi.]
In the order of Public Worship there is a thorough-going dif-
ference between Luther and Zwingle : the former retained, as a

whole, the service of the ancient Church, and only excluded what
in it was positively corrupt ; while Zwingle shaped anew the whole
cultus, according to the guidance of the Holy Scriptures.
Luther, from the first, made the sermon pre-eminent as the
most important part of public worship but in the ceremonies ;
he did not wish to have any changes until the congregation had,
through preaching, been made to feel the need of alterations. Ac-
cordingly, after Carlstadt's violent reformation, he restored the
ancient service, removing, however, all coercion,^ even the obliga-
tion of private confession,^ and letting superstitious observances
* Luther's achtSermon von ihrn gepredigt zu Wittenberg in der Fasten, 1522, in two
editions, in Walcb, xx. 1 and C2.
' In 1523 Luther and Pomeranus restored " Confessionem auricularem and privatam
absolutiouem," which had been abolished during the disturbances about the worship of
images see Froschel, Fortges. Sammlung von alten und neuen theol. Sachen, 1731, s.
;
096. Luther ubi supra achte Predigt b. Walch, xx. CO [He who has remorse for sin,
and would have peace, let him tell his sins in private to his brother, and pra}- for abso-
lution and comfort this private confession should not be prevented, nor yet forced on
;
anj- one] " Wer sich nun mit den Siinden beisst, und derer gern los ware, will er einen
:
gewissen Trost und Spruch horen, damit er sein Herz stille der gehe hin und klage ;
seine Siinde in geheim seinem Bruder, bitte ihn um Absolution und um ein trostlich
\Vort. —
Darum habe ich gesagt, und sage es noch, dass ich mir diese heimliche Beichte
nicht will nehmen lassen. Ich will auch niemand dazu zwingen, oder gezwungen ha-
ben, sondern einem jeglichen frei heimstellen." Luther's Warnungschrift an die zu
Frankf. a. M., sich vor Zwinglischer Lehre zu hiiten, 1533 (Walch, xvii. 2448) [In con-
fession are two parts 1. The telling of sins, as to which our consciences, through God's
:
grace, have been delivered from the insupportable papal rule, that all sins must be con-
fessed. —
But with this freedom there is also the custom for penitents to tell of the sins
which most weigh on him but this, not in the case of those who know well what sin is,
;
as pastors, and Master Philipps, etc., but for j-oung people and common people, for their
better instruction. And order to find out if the}- know the Lord's Prayer,
this, too, is in
Credo, and Commandments. Absolution, spoken bj' the priest in God's place; and
2.
this is only God's word of comfort and peace. —

In the first part we learn the law, in the
second the Gospel] " In der Beicht sind zwei Stiick. Erstlich, die Simde erzahlen in
: ;
welchem Gewissen auch haben durch Gottes Gnade erloset—von der un-
Stiick wir die
traglichcn Last und unmoglichen Gehorsam des piipstlichen Gesetzes, darin er gebeut,
alle Siinde zu erzahlen. —
Neben dieser Freiheit behalten wir die "Weise, dass ein Beicht-
kind erzahle etliche Siinde, die ihn am meisten driicken. Und das thim wir nicht um
der Verstiindigen willen denn unser Pfarrherr, Caplan, M. Philipps, und solche Leute,
:
die wohl wissen was Siinde ist, von denen fodern wir der keines. Aber weil die liebe
Jugend taglich daher wachst, und der gemeine Mann wenig verstehet, um derselben
halten wir solche Weise, auf dass sie zu christlichcr Zucht und Verstand erzogen wer-
den. Denn auch solch Beichten nicht allein darum geschieht, dass sie Siinde erzahlen
sondern dass man sie verhore, ob sie das Vater Unser, Glauben, zehn Gebot, und was
—
der Catcchismus mehr giebt, konnen. Wo will man aber das besser thun, und wo ists
1
PART II.— CH. II.—LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 47. PUBLIC WORSHIP. 54
fall into disuse.^ First, in the year 1523, he began the reforma-
tion of the cultus. In his work on the Order of Public Wor-
ship^ he arranged for having Bible hours on week-days instead
nothiger, —
denn so sie sollen zuni Sacrament gehen ? Das andere Stiick in der Beicht
ist dieAbsolution, die der Priester spricht an Gottes Statt: und darum ist sie nichts an-
ders denn Gottes Wort, damit er unser Ilerz trostet und starket wider das bose Gewis-
sen, und wir sollen ihr glauben und trauen, als Gott selber. —
So brauchen wir nun der
Beicht, als einer christliclieuUebung. Im ersten Stucke iiben wir uns am Gesetz, im
andern am Evangelio. Denn im ersten Stiick lernen wir des Gesetzes reclit brauchen
(wie St. Paulus redet), niimlich die Sunde erkenjen und hassen. Im andern Stuck uben
wir uns am Evangelio, lernen Gottes Verheissung und Trost recht fassen, uud bringen
also ins Werk, was man auf der Canzel predigt."
= Sebast. Froschel, preacher in Wittenberg, in the preface to his Tractat vom Priest-
erthume (Wittenberg, 1565. 4.), describes the condition of the Church at Wittenberg as
he found it at his arrival, in 1522 (Fortg. Sammlung von alten und neuen theol. Sachen,
1731, s. In the parish church there was only one mass in the week, besides this,
G89).
on Sundaj-s and festivals. The deacons "gave the sacrament of the Supper in full to
whoever came, whether he had confessed or not." Nobodj' but Luther preached. On
Sundays and festivals he preached first in his cloister church, and then communed with
the other monks. Then he went to the parish church, and preached there after mass,
and again at 12 o'clock. In fast times he preached daily at 4 o'clock on the Catechism.
* In Walch, x. 262, after the original in Richter's Kirchenordnung, i. 1 [Three great
abuses have come into public worship 1. God's Word has been put to silence, only read
;
and sung 2. Instead of it, fables, lies, legends are told 3. The notion that such serv-
; ;
ice is a work for securing God's favor: and so faith has gone down, and every body
—
must give to churches, be a monk or nun. To remedy these abuses, the congregation
should never come together without hearing God's Word preached. So it was in the
times of the apostles, even daily, one hour in the morning. The preacher or reader
should also explain the word (in 1 Cor. xiv.); for if not it is of no use, as is seen in
cloisters. —
The Old Testament should thus be read through, chapter by chapter, each
dav half an hour or so and then the Psalms should be used, and some good responso-
;
ria, to the end of the hour, not to weary the hearers. In the evening the New Testa-
ment should be taken up in the same waj-. If all the people can not do this, at least
tli2 preachers and scholars should. On Sundays let all the congregation come togeth-
er, and read, and sing, and have preaching —
in the morning usualh' from the Gospels,
in the evening from the Epistles. —
Saints' festivals should be abolished but a good ;
Christian legsnd maj' be introduced Sunday- after the Gospel, b}- way of example. Yet
the festivals of the Purification and Annunciation of Marj', the Assumption and Nativi-
ty, may be kept for a time John Baptist's festival is also pure. None of the apostles'
;
legends but St. Paul's is pure, etc.:] " Drei grosse Missbrauch sind in den Gottesdienst
gefallen der erst, dass man Gottis Wort geschwiegen hat, und alleine gelesen und ge-
:
sungen in den Kirchen, das ist der ergiste Misbrauch der ander, da Gottis Wort ge-
:
schwiegen gewesen ist, sind neben einkommen so viel unchristlicher Fabeln und Lugcn,
beide in Legenden, Gesange und Predigen, das griiulich ist zu sehen der dritte, dass :
man solchen Gottesdienst als ein Werk than hat, damit Gottis Gnade und Seligkeit zu
crwerben, da ist der Glaub untergangen, und hat Jedermann zu Kirchen geben, stiften,
PfafF, Munch und Nonnen werden wollen. Nu diese Misbrauch abzuthun, ist aufs erst
zu wissen, dass die christlich Gemeine nimmer soil zusammenkommen, es werde denn
daselbs Gottis Wort gepredigt, u. gebett, es sey auch aufs kurtzist. Also ists aber zu- —
gangen unter den Christen zur Zeit der Apostel, und sollt auch noch so zugehen, dass
man taglich des Morgens eine Stunde friih um vier odcr funfe zusammenkame, und da-
selbs lesen licsse, es seyen Schuler oder Priester, oder wer es sej-, gleichwie man itzt
—
noch die Lection in der Metten liesct. Darnach soil der Prediger oder welchem es be-
fohleu wird, licrfur treten, und dieselb Lection ein Stuck auslegen, das die andern alle
5^2 FOURTH PERIOD.—DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1648.
of masses, and abolished saints' days. That "baptism might he

practiced intelligently, he translated the old ritual in his Little
Book on Baptism {Taufbuchlein).^ For the Sunday service he
wrote the Formula Missae et Commimionis pro Ecclesia Wit-
tembergensi (December, 1523) —a revision of the old ritual of the

mass.^ After he had begun to compose those German church
verstehen, lernen iind ermahnet werden. Das erst Werk heisst Paulus 1 Cor. xiv. mit
Zungen reden, das aiider Auslegea oder Weissagen, und mit dem Sinn oder Verstand
reden. Und wo diess nicht gesciiicht, so ist die Gemeine der Lection nichts gebessert,
wie bisher in Klostern und Stiften geschehen, da sie nur die Wiinde haben angeblahet.
Dicse Lection soil aber seyn aus dem alten Testament, niimlich dass man ein Buch fur
sich nehme, und ein Capitel, oder zwei, oder ein halbes lese, bis es aus sey, darnacli ein
anders furnemen, und so fortan, bis die ganze Biblia ausgelesen werde, und wo man sie
nicht verstehe, dass man furuber fabre und Gott ehre. Also dass durch tiiglicbe Ubunge
der Schrift die Christen in der Schrift verstandig, lauftig und kundig werden. Wenu —
nu die Lection und Auslegung ein halb Stund oder langer gewiihret hat, soil man drauf
iiigemein Gott dauken, loben und bitten um Frucht des Worts, etc. Dazu soil man
hrauchen der Psalmen und etliclier guten Responsoria, Antiphon, kurz also, dass es alias
ill einer Sturid ausgerichtet werde, oder wie lange sie wollen denn man muss die Seelen
:
nicht uberschutten, dass sie nicht mude und uberdrussig werden, Avie bisher in Klostern
und Stiften sie sich mit Eselsarbeit beladen haben. Desselben gleichen an dem Abend
ura sechs oder fnnfe widder also zusammen. Und hie sollt aber aus dem alten Testa-
ment ein Buch nach dem andern furgenommen werden, niimlich die Propheten, gleich-
wie am Morgen Moses und die Historien. Aber M-eil nu das neue Testament auch ein
Buch ist, lass ich das alte Testament dem Morgen, und das neue dem Abend, odder wie-
deruni und gleich also lesen, auslegen, loben, singen und beten, wie am Morgen, auch
ein Stund lang. — Auch ob solchs tiigliches Gottisdiensts vielleicht nicht die ganze Ver-
saramlunge gewarten kunnte, sollen doch die Pri^ster und Schuler, und zuvor diejeni-
gen, so man verhofft gute Prediger und Seelsorger aus zu werden, solchs thun. Des —
Sonntags aber soil solch Versammlung fur die ganzen Gemeine geschehen, uber das
tagliche Versammeln des kleinern Haufen, und daselbs, wie bisher gewohnet, Mess und
Vesper singen, also dass man zu beider Zeit predige der ganzen Gemeine, des Morgens
—
das gewohnlich Evangelion, des Abends die Epistel. Die tiiglichen Messen sollen ab-
sej-n allerdinge, denn es am Wort, und nicht an der Messen liegt. —
Aller lieiligen Fest
sollten absej-n, odder wo ein gute christliche Legende ware, auf den Sontag nach dem
Evangelio zum Exempel mit eingefuhrt werden. Doch das Fest Purificationis, Annun-
ciationis Maria liess ich bleiben, Assumtionis und Nativitatis mus man noch ein Zeitlang
bleiben lassen, wiewol der Gesang drinnen nicht lauter ist. Johannis Baptistae Fest ist
auch rein. Der Apostel Legend ist keine rein, ohn St. Pauli, drum mag man sie auf die
Sonntage ziehcn, odder so es gefillU, sonderlich feiren. Anders mehr wird sich mit der
Zeit selb geben, wenn es angehet. Aber die Summa sej' die, dass es ja alles geschehe,
dass das Wort im Schwang gehe, und nicht wiederum ein Loren und Dohnen draus werde,
wie bisher gewesen ist."
* In Richter's Kirchenordnung, i. 7. In the postscript Luther declares that he did
not mean to change it so as to have "anj- thing peculiar," but so as to spare the weak
consciences, " that they may not complain that I wanted to establish a new baptism."
* In Richter's Kirchenordnung, i. 2. The sequences, oftertorj-, and canon were omit-
ted ; in |)lace of the latter there was a simple consecration and distribution of the ele-
ments in both forms. Cantica velim etiam nobis esse vernacula quam plurima, quae
populus sub Missa cantaret, vel juxta gradualia, item juxta Sanctus et Agnus Dei. Quis
cnim dubitat, cas olim fuisse voces totius populi, quae nunc solus chorus cantat yel re-
sjiondet Episcopo benedicenti .'
— Sed poetae nobis desunt, aut nondum cogniti sunt, qui
pias et spirituales cantilenas (ut Paulus vocat) nobis concinnent, quae dignae sint in
—
PART II.— CII. 11.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 47. PUBLIC WORSHIP. 5-13
songs," which laid such mighty hold upon the heart, and contribu-
ted so powerfully to the spread of the Reformation he published ;
in 1526 his Deutsche Messe unci Ordnung- Gottisdienst,^ which
Ecclesia Dei frequentari. Interim placet illam cantari post communionem : Gott sei
gelobet uiid gebenedeiet. —Praeter banc ilia valet: Nu bitten wir den heiligen Geist.
Item Ein Kindelin so lobelicb. Nam non multas invenias, quae aliquid gravis spiri-
:
tus sapiant. Hacc dico, ut si qui sunt poetae germanici, extimulentur et nobis poemata
pietatis cudant. [Conip. Documents (2) for a new Form of Worsbip in the Church of
All Saints, Witteub., published by Mutter in the Zeitschrift f. d. Hist. Theol., 18G0.]
' Luther's iirst lij-mn was: ''
Nu freut euch, lieben Christen gmein" 1523 (Wackerna-
gel's Deutsches Kirchenlied, s. 129). Then appeared: " Etlich christlich Lieder, Lob-
gesang und Psalm, Wittenberg, 1524. 4.," containing eight hj-mns '' Nu freut euch lie- :
ben Christen (jnie in ;" three by Paulas Speratus, court preacher of Duke Albert of Prus-
sia: "-Es ist das Ileil tins hommen her ; In Gott glauh ich, dass er hat; IlUf Gott, wie ist
der Menschen Noih ;" by Luther: "xlc/t Gott vom Himmel sich darein (Ps. xii.) Es ;
spricht der Uniceisen Mund wol (Ps. xiv.) Aus tiej'er Noth schrci ich zu dir (Ps. cxxx.) ;''
;
by an unknown writer: "/» Jesus Namen heben icir an." Luther ad Spalatinum, 1524
—
(de Wette, ii. 500), also asks of him aliquem psalmorum in cantilenam transferre, sicut
hie habes meum exemplum velim autem novas et aulicas voculas omitti, quo pro cap-
:
tu vulgi quam simplicissima vulgatissimaque, tamcn munda simul et apta verba cane-
rentur, delude sententia perspicua et psalmis quam proxima i-edderetur. Libere itaque
hie agendum, et accepto sensu, verbis relictis, per alia verba commoda vertendum. A.
J. Rambach uber Dr. M. Luther's Verdienst um den Kirchcngesang, Hamburg, 1813.
Luther's geistl. Lieder mit den zu s. Lebzeiteu gebriiuchl. Singweisen, edited by Ph.
Wackcrnagel, Stuttgart, 1848. At the burial of Frederick the Wise in the cathedral
church of Wittenberg, Maj-, 1525, German songs of Luther were sung in turn with the
Latin Aus tiefer Noth schrei ich zu dir; Mitten loir im Leben sind; Wir rjlauben all an
:
einen Gott ; and Nu bitten wir den heilrjen Geist ; see G. Spalatiu's Hist. Nachlass und
Briefe, by Neudecker and Preller, Bd. i. (Jena, 1851) s. 70.
^ In Walch, x. 2GG, after the first edition in Richter's Kirchenordnung, i. 35. Preface :
"Before all else, I would cordially ask, and for the sake of the Lord, that all who see,
or would follow this order of ours in the worship of God, would not impose it as a law,
nor bind any bodj-'s conscience thereto, but use their Christian freedom at pleasure, as,
where, and as long as, matters make it seeml}-." Weekly Service: In the morning the
scholars sing some Latin hymns ; thereupon one reads some chapters of the New Testa-
ment in Latin, another the same in German then antiphonies and the sermon, Mon-
;
da}' and Tuesday on the Catechism, Wcdnesdaj- on the Gospel of Matthew, Saturday on
John's Gospel, Thursdaj' and Fridaj- on the Epistles then a German hj-mn, the Lord's
;
Prayer privately, collects, Benedicamus Domino. In the evening the same, without the
sermon, and reading in the Old Testament. Sunday Service: Three sermons, at five
or six in the morning on the Epistles, at the mass service on the Gospels, at evening
on the Old Testament. As to the principal service, the mass in German: "We let the
paraphernalia, altar, lights stay till v.c see reason to change them whoever will do dif-
;
ferently let him. But in the true mass, with real Christians, the altar should not stay
thus, and the priest should turn his face to the congregation, as doubtless Christ did in
the Supper. That waits its time.'' The order of service the congregation sings a sacred
:
—
song, then Krjrie eleison, Christe eleisnn. Kyrie eleison. The priest reads a collect with
liis face to the altar, the Epistles face to the people. —
Hymn bj- the congregation, " Nu
bitten icir den heiligen Geist" (Now we praj- the Holy Ghost), or some other. —The priest
reads the Gospel. —The
congregation sings ''Wir glauben alle an einen Gott." Sermon —
on the Gospel, paraphrase of the Lord's Praj-er, exhortation to those who wish to receive
the sacrament, both the last —
conceptis seu pi-aescriptis verbis, "so that one may not
—
have it one wa)' one day and anotlier diti'crently the next day." Then follows the ad-
ministration, thus (repeating the words of institution) Our Lord Jesus Christ, etc., in,
;
544 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I,—A.D. 1517-16-18.
was also shaped after the old ritual, but simplified, giving, in the
hymns, a part of the service to the congregation.
Along with this Grerman service, the Latin was for a long time
followed on the festival days. Luther's liturgical reformation was
concluded by the issuing, at the same time, of the Baptism Book,^
1526, in a simpler form, and afterward the Marriage Book.'" Be-
fore all things he endeavored to promote the spiritual growth of
the people, especially by his Catechisms." In the Liturgy no fur-
ther changes were made, excepting the omission of the elevation
of the host in the Lord's Supper,'- January, 1543.
memortj of me. But it seems to me to be in accordance •with the right observance that
the sacrament should be given right after the consecration of the bread, before the bless-
ing of the cup. For thus in both Luke and Paul
it is iu the same waj' with the cup,
;
after thej' have eaten, Meanwhile, sing the Sanctus in German {Jesaia dem Pro-
etc.
pheten das rjeschah, etc.) or the hj-mn, Gott sei gelobt ; or John Hus's song, Jesus Christ
;
our Lord. Then bless and give the cup, and sing what was not sung of the above hymns,
—
or the Afjnus in German. The Elevation we do not abolish, but retain, because it agrees
so finelj' with the German Sanctus, and means, that Christ has commanded us to remem-
ber him. For just as the sacrament is elevated bodily, and yet Christ's body and blood
are not seen iu it, so, too, by the preaching of the Word he is called to mind and eleva-
ted, and, in addition, confessed and highly honored in the receiving of the sacrament."
Then the collects and singing.
" Eichter's Kirchenordnung, i. 7. Here were omitted the breathing on the baptized
person, the salt, spittle, chrism ; and the exorcism was made much shorter.
*" In Walch, x. 854. The year usuall}- assigned is 1546, but it is alreadj- in the 2d
edit, of theShorter Catechism, Wittenberg, 1529 see Eiederer's Nachrichten zur Kir-
;
chen-, Gelehrten-, und Buchergeschichte, ii. 100.

" See Div. 1, § 4, Note 26.
'2 In Peuceri Tract. Hist, de Ph. Mclanchth. Sententia de Controversia s. Coenae,
Amb., 1595. 4., p. 24, it is said that this Elevatio had until then been observed proci- —
dentibus ad sonitum tintinnabuli, et pectora mox pulsantibus imperitioribus cum gemi-
tu et suspiriis. Comp. above. Note 8. Luther to the Chancellor Bri'ick, Jan. G, 1543,
de Wctte, 529; to Duke Albert of Prussia, Feb. 17, 1543, ibid., p. 541: "We have
v.
done awav with the Elevation in our churches, and I willingly allow it for this reason
alone, that such ceremonies must not be our masters, as if it Avere a sin to do otherwise
for we Christians will and must be masters of such ceremonies, so that they may not
grow over our heads as articles of faith." Melancthon wrote to the Landgrave Philip,
Jan. 1545 (in C. R., v. 20), "that many unlearned folks have made so much ado
17,
about Dr.INIartin's doing away with the Elevation, that there is much to write about it."
Comp. Luther's kurzes Bekenntniss v. heil. Sacrament, 1544, Walch, xx- 2225 f. Me-
lanchthon ad J. Schlaginhauffen, 18. Jun., 1544, C. R., v. 420 Etsi multa disputata :
sunt a multis de elevatione Sacramenti, tamcn in Ecclesiis nostris ideo placuit eum nio-
rem mutari, quod allegata hac elevatione aliqui confirmabant morem circuniferendi et
adorandi panis. Hanc autem circumgestationem constat extra rationcm Sacramenti
aqua circumgcstaretur sumpta ex ceremoniis baptismi. Sunt enim Sacra-
esse, 111 si
menta actiones institutae a Deo. Aqua non est Sacramentum, sed ipsa baptizatio so-
nante simul verbo Dei. Sic de Coena Dei sentiatur panis, ordinatus non ad sumptio-
:
nem sed ad circumgestationem, nequaquam est Sacramentum. Non enim alligandus

est Dous ad aliquam creaturam sine exprcsso verbo Dei, ut constat. At the end of 1543
Veit Dietrich also abolished the Elevation iu Nuremberg see Strobel's Nachr. v. d, Le-
;
ben und den Schriften Veit Dietrichs, Altorf und Nurnberg, 1772, s. 99.
PART II.— CH. II.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 47. PUBLIC WORSHIP. 545
Luther fully recognized the support which external usages de-

rive, in part from habit, partly from their hold upon the sensuous
nature of man;'^ and consequently, he wished that they might be
spared, until a change was demanded by the progressive culture
of the people. On the other hand, he always insisted that, with
exception of the sacramental acts, all the usages of public wor-
ship were of human origin, and urgently opposed the assumption
that they could be considered as works in themselves well pleas-
ing unto, and effectual with, G-od.'* Thus he regarded the ob-
servance of the Lord's day as only a human institution,^^ and re-
'^ Against church music, clocks, organs, pictures, under the aspect of meritorious
wrote hard sayings but he spealis differently of them as an expression
\vorlcs, Lutlier ;
and excitation of devotion, e. g. to Senfel, musician to the Bavarian court, Oct. 4, 1530;
de Wette, iv. 181 Plane judico, nee pudet asserere, post theologiam esse nuUam artem,
:
quae musicae possit aequari, cum ipsa sola post theologiam id praestet, quod alioqui
sola theologia praestat, scilicet quietem et animum laetum, manifesto argumento, quod
diabolus, curarum tristium et turbarum inquietarum auctor, ad vocem musicae paene si-
militer fugiat, sicut fugit ad verbum theologiae. Hinc factum est, ut prophetae nulla
sic arte sint usi ut musica, dum suam theologiam non in geometriam, non in arithmeti-
cam, non in astronomiam, sed in musicam digesserunt, ut theologiam et musicam habe-

rent conjunctissimas, veritatem psalmis et canticis dicentes. Luther Wider die himml.
Propheten, Th. 1, 1524, Walch xx. 213 [It is better to paint on the wall the creation,
the building of the ark, etc., than worldly, shameless pictures: would to God that the
lords and rich people might picture the whole Bible in their houses for every body to see,
God wants me to hear and read his works, especialh' the sufferings of Christ if I hear,
:
I must make a picture of it in my heart whether I will or no, when I hear about Christ,
;
I see in mj' heart the image of a man on a cross, just as naturallj' as my face is mirrored
in the water when I look there. If it is not sin, but right, to have Christ's image in the
heart, why should it be a sin to have it in the ej-es?] "Es ist besser, man mahle an
:
die Wand, wie Gott die Welt schuf, wie Noah die Area bauet, und was mehr guter His-
torien sind, denn dass man sonst irgend weltlich unverschiimt Ding mahlet: ja wollte
Gott, ich konnte die Herrn und die Reichen dahin bereden, dass sie die ganze Bibel in-
wendig und auswendig an den Hausem vor jedermanns Augen mahlen liessen, dass ware
ein christlich Werk. So weiss ich auch gewiss, dass Gott will haben, man solle sein
Werk hiiren und lesen, sonderlich das Leiden Christi. Soil ichs aber horen oder geden-
ken, so ist mirs unmoglich, dass ich nicht in meinem Herzen sollte Bilder davon maph-
en. Denn ich wolle, oder wolle nicht, wenn ich Christum bore, so entwirft sich in mei-
nem Herzen ein Mansbild, das am Kreuze hiinget, gleich als sich mein Antlitz natiar-
lich entwirft ins Wasser, wenn ich drein sehe. Ists nun nicht Siinde, sondern gut,
dass ich Christus Bilde im Herzen habe warum sollts Sunde seyn, wenn ichs in Au-
;
gen habe ?"

'* Augsb. Confession, Art. 2G (Baumgarten's Concordienbuch, s. "Auch werdon
84) :
dieses Theils vielCeremonien und Tradition gehalten, als Ordnung der Messe und an-
dere Gesiinge, Feste, efc, welche dazu dienen, dass in der Kirche Ordnung gehalten
werde. Daneben aber wird das Volk unterrichtet, dass soldier ausserlicher Gottes-
dienst nicht fromm macht vor Gott, und dass mans oline Beschwerung des Gewissens
halten soil, also dass, so man cs nachlasst ohne Aergernissj nicht d#ran gesundigt
wird. Diese Frciheit in iiusscrlichen Ceremonien haben auch die alten Vater gehal-
ten."
" Explanation of the Third Commandment in the Larger Catechism, in Baumgarten's
Concordienbuche, s. 673.
VOL. IV. — 35
tained the ordination of the clergy only as a testimony that they

were regularly called to their office,'^
Hence Luther was far from demanding an identity of ceremo-
nies in the new church and, though most of the German national
;
churches adopted the Wittenberg Service Book as a model, yet

many deviated from it. Particularly was exorcism in the rite of
baptism, which Luther retained, excluded from several of them.'"'
On the other hand. Confirmation, though recommended in a puri-

fied form by the Reformers,'^ was introduced into but a few of the
churches.'''
'^ See above,

§ 4G, Note 3. Luther Von dcr Winkelmesse unJ Pfaffenweihe, 1533,
Walch, xix. 1544: "Die Pfarren oder Predigtamt sind allezeit ausser iind liber den
—
Chresem durch Fiirsten, Herren, Stiidte, auch von Bischofen und andern Stiinden ver-
liehen, und durch solch Verleiheu ist der Beruf imd die rechte Weihe zum Ministerio
oder Amt blieben. Daneben hat man solche berufene Pfarrherren, so solche Lehen und
Amt empfangen, auch prasentiret, d. i zu den Winkelbischofen gewiesen, und sie lassen
investiren oder einweisen, wiewol solches nrcht der Beruf noch Lehen, sondern Bestiiti-
gung solches Berufs, und nicht vonnothen gewesen ist. Denn der berufene Pfarrherr
wohl ohne solche Bestiitigung hiitte konnen sein Pfarramt ausrichten." Melanchthon
ad Vitum Theodorum, Oct 1543, C. R., v. 187: Lutherus inpl iTndiaiws \iip!uv admo-
,
dum miratus est Collegae tui contentionem, ac affirmavit, si de ritu contenderet, multis
saeculis eum ritum non servatum ab Episcopis. —
Scd Ecclesiae vocatio vere est vene-
randa. Nee postea publicum testimonium. In Ham-
aliud fuit impositio manuum, nisi
burg, ordination bj' the la3'ing on of hands was not AVhen John
practiced before 1549.
Frederus, a disciple of Luther, after being in the sacred office, was called as Superin-
tendent to Stralsund in 1546, he would not receive ordination anew by the la^-ing on of
hands, as was there the custom, alleging that the call on the part of the magistracj- was
sufficient but he himself ordained others. He adhered to this position when called in
;
1551 as Superintendent to Rugen. Thereupon he got into a controversj' with John Knip-
strov, General Superintendent at Greifswald. The Wittenberg divines decided against
him (see Balthasar's Erste Sammlung einiger zur Pommer. Kirchenhistorie gehorigen
Schriften, s. 98) so, too, the sj-nod in Greifswald, 1556 (ibid., p. 106), but expresslj-, not
;
because the laj'ing on of hands was neccssarj-, but because it was prescribed in the
Church Service Book. Comp. Mohnike's Johannes Fvcderus (2 Stiicke, Stralsund, 1837.
4.), i. 9, 31; ii. 10, 21.
" So in Hesse, Wiirtemberg, the Palatinate, and several of the free cities, particular-
ly Augsburg, Uhn, and Strasburg; see J. M. Krafft's ausfuhrl. Historic vora Exorcismo,
Hamburg, 1750.
'8 Ep. Principum Evang. ad Carol. V. Imp. de Libro Ratisbon., 12. Jul., 1541, C. R.,
iv. 489 Yellcmus in Ecclesiis ubique Catcchismum cxerceri, ut liber nionet, et post
:
cxamen et professionem fieri precationem a populo propueris. Hanc credimus non esse
irritam, nee displicet addi impositionem manimm. Et haec fiunt in quibusdam Ecclesiis
apud nos. Wittenberg. Reformation, 1545 (C. R., v. 584); see § 36, Note 39.
" According to tlie Brandenburg Kircheuordnung, 1540 (Richter, i. 325), it was to be
chief!}- a(hiiinisterod by the bishop if this could not be, then hy the pastor.
; Besides this,
it was introduced into Hesse see Hess. Ordnung der Kirchenzucht, 1539, in Richter, i.
;
291, and Casselsche Kirchenordnung, iiiid., i. 302; in Waldeck, Kirchenordn., 1556, ibid.,
ii. 173 in Pomerania, Kirchenordn., 1563, ibid., ii. 235 (it was to be administered bj- the
;
Superintendent and the leading city pastors). Thereupon it was recommended by Chem-
nitz in his Exainen Cone. Trid., P. ii., p. 258, and the church service, drawn up by him
ar.d Andrcae for Duke Julius in 1565 (Richter. ii. 320), was introduced into Brunswick-
PART II.— CH. II.— REFORMED CHURCH. § 47. PUBLIC WORSHIP. 547
Thus the forms of worship in the Saxon Church still had much
resemblance to the Catholic, as long as Luther lived."" The Adi-
aphoristic Controversy seemed likely to prepare the way for a
greater simplicity hut the Calvinistic Controversy had an oppo-
;
site effect — leading to a firm and even high estimation of all those
Catholic vestiges, in contrast with the Calvinistic sobriety.^'
In the Reformed Church of Ziirich the publication of Leo Ju-
dae's Baptismal Book,"- 1523, seemed an indication that dU the
old ceremonies were not to be unqualifiedly rejected. However,
after pictures, altars, and all adornments had been removed from
the churches"^ in 1524, and Zwingle, in 1525, had exchanged the
ritual of the mass for a simple biblical celebration of the Lord's
»Supper,"^ they proceeded generally to reconstruct the service
of public worship after the pattern of the primitive Christian
Wolfeiibiittcl, but given in charge to the Superintendents alone. According to Gerber's

Hist, der Kirchenceremonien in Sachsen, Dresden, u. Leipzig, 1732. 4., p. 633, it was also
customary in Saxonj-, but came into disuse in the Thirty Years' War. J. F. Bachmann's
Geschichte d. Einfuhrung d. Confirmation innerhalb d. Evang. Kirche Berlin, 1852. ;
•° Luther to Chancellor Briick, April, 1541, de Wette, v. 340 " Es sind, Gottlob, un- :
sere Kirchen in den Neutralibus so zugericht, dass ein Laie oder Walh oder Spanier,
der iinsere Predigt nicht verstehen konnte, wenn er siihe unser Messe, Chor, Oi'geln,
Glocken, Casein, etc., wiirde er miissen sagen, es wiire ein recht papstisch Kirche, und
kein Untci-scheid oder gar wenig gegen die, so sie selbs unter einander haben." Me-
lanchthon ad Flacium, 5. Sept., 155G, C. R., viii. 841, writes in the same waj- to apologize
for the Leipsic Interim Ego etiara de ritibus his mediis minus pugnavi, quia jam antea
:
in plerisque Ecclesiis harum regionum retenti erant.

-' Thus they began to lay great stress upon exorcism in the countries in which it
was retained. In Prussia it was set aside in 1558, but restored in 15G7 ; see above, § 30,
Notes 25, 29. On the other hand, in Dantzic the majoi'ity of the preachers constantly
declared against it, and it was entirely abrogated by the magistracy in 1571 ; Itart-
knoch's Preuss. Kirchenhistorie, s. 710; Kraft's Historic v. Exorcismo, s. 964. In the
Church Service of the county of Henneburg, 1582, it was declared (Richter, ii. 461) that
exorcism, "because it was on the boundary of the papacj-," should be retained only for
.a time where it was still in use, but otherM-isc should be forbidden Kraft, p. 992. In ;
Xuremberg, on the other hand, a controversy about it sprung up in 1579, when some
Dutch persons living there wished to have their children baptized without exorcism.
Although some preachers were willing to abandon it, }-et the majoritj- declared bj- de-
grees against it see Stroljel's Miscellan., iv. 198. When it was abolished in Electoral
;
Saxony, 1588 (see § 41, Note 10), and in Anhalt, 1589 (ibid.. Note 13), it was looked
upon as a step toward Calvinism, and there sprung up a long and wearj' controversj-
with the Anhalters about it Kraft, p. 432. And so it made a greater sensation when,
;
ifter the death of the decided opponent of the Calvinists, Aegidius Hunnius, his Theses
de abrogando Exorcismo, Erfurti, 1G03, were published, in which he expressed a wisli
for its gradual abolition. On the controversy that ensued; see Kraft, p. 548, the Theses,
p. 567.
^^ To be found in Zwingle's Works, ii. ii. 22C. Like the Lutheran, it is a translation
of the Catholic, abbreviated. It retained the breathii'g, salt, exorcism, chrism, etc.
1, § 2, Note 88.
-2 Div.
'-*
Div. 1, § 2, Note 93. The Liturgy in Zwingle's Works, ii. ii. 233.
Church."^ And so all the traditional usages were set aside : in
place of the Horae Canojiicae, biblical readings were introduced

into both the minsters of Ziirich :^^ the organs were also broken
up in the Ziirich churches in 1527, and even singing in the
church done away with.^'' The usual service consisted only of
singing and prayer f^ the Lord's Supper was seldom celebrated ;^-^
in place of confession there was a general preparatory service ]^^
Form des Taufs,

*^ 1525. Ordnung d^r christl. Kilchen zu Zurich, Kinder ze touffen,
die Ehe zu bestiiten, die Predigt anzefahen und zu enden. Gedachtnus der Abgestorb-
uen. Das Naclitmal Christi zu begon ; Zurich, 1529, in Richter's Kirchenordn., i. 134.
-5 Bullinger's Eeformationsgesch., i. 290: they began 1525. In the choir of the great
minster assembled at eight o'clock in the morning all the pastors, preachers, canons,
chaplains,and older pupils. Zwingle began with a prayer; a student read the text in
the Latin ; Jac. Ceporinus, professor of Hebrew, expounded the Hebrew in Latin, Zwin-
gle the Greek Scriptures in Latin then one of the preachers interpreted it in German,
;
and concluded with prayer. The Old Testament was gone over from the beginning to
the end. In the female minster, OsAvald Myconius, at vespers, read the New Testament
in the same waj-, at first only in German. Afterward the Greek text was explained in
Latin, and all these readings were transferred to the academical auditorium ; comp. La-
vater De Ritibus et Institutis Eccl. Tigurinae, 1559, § 18, p. 75. The original arrange-
ment was manifestlj' in imitation of the Wittenberg week-day service, after Luther's or-
der (see above. Note 4).
Singing by the choir was abolished as early as 1525 (BullJnger, i. 291), organs in
-'
1527 (ibid. 418), " because the}- do not well agree with the apostolic doctrine, 1 Cor. xiv.
— For in olden times thej' would not have either singing or organs in the churches."
Lavater, § 10, p. 42 Morem cantandi multis de causis Ecclesia Tigurina non recepit,
:
tempus sacris destinatum coetibus duntaxat auscultationi verbi Dei et precibus impen-
dens. Interim tamen moderatum cantura, sive publice in coetibus sacris fiat, sive pri-
vatim domi, nequaquam improbat. Nam et Vitoduri et Steinae (duo sunt municipia di-
tionis Tigurinae) Psalmos vulgari lingua cantant.
^^ Lavater
(§ 9, p. 27) describes them. Public worship on Sunday was held in the
—
four citj- churches in the morning, in summer, at seven o'clock then at eleven in the
;
chief church, and in the afternoon at three o'clock. Diebus dominicis tribus signis,
quae campanis dantur, convocatur plebs. Paulo ante tertium signum adolescens ali-
quis, si quae domus, praedia, agrl, vineae venales sint, plebi significat item quae amis- :
sa sunt et reperta. Vocantur etiam qui uxores suas vcl maritos reliquerunt, ut in foro
matrimoniali respondeant. Dato tertio signo, magistratus interdum sua decreta, quae
totam plebem scire interest, promulgat. Mox verbi minister suggestum conscendit et
sermonera auspicatur. General church prayer. Sermon. Prayer about those who had
died during the week. Confession of sin. Lord's Praj-er. The Apostles' Creed (at first
also the angelic greeting, afterward omitted). Concio his verbis dimittitur: Pauperes
in vestris eleemosynis propter Dei praeceptum vobis commendatos habetote. Orate pro
me, idem facturus sum pro vobis. Abite in pace, Dominus sit vobiscum. Zwinglii Fidei
Ratio ad Car. Imp., 1530 (0pp., iv. 15) Credo ceremonias, quae neque per superstitionem
:
fidei neque verbo Dei contrariae sunt (quanquam hujusmodi nesciam an quae inveni-
antur), per caritatcm tolerari posse, donee lucifer magis ac magis allucescat. Sed simul
credo,— dictas ceremonias abolendas esse, quantumvis reclament qui perfido sunt animo.
About this writes Melanchthon ad Lutherum, 14. Jul., 1530, C. E., ii. 193 De ceremo- :
niis loquitur valde helvetice, i. e. barbarissimc, velle se omnes ceremonias esse abolitas.
'' In Zurich only on the two Christmas days, Maund^'-Thursday, and Good-Friday,
and on the two Easter daj's. Lavater, § 8, p. 23.

^° Lavater, § 13, p. 62 : Privatam confessionem et absolutionem Tigurina Ecclesia
;
PART II.— CH. II.—EEFORMED CHURCH. § 47. PUBLIC WORSHIP. 549
the ordination of preachers was made to coincide with their instal-
lation;^^ and Zwingle was not even favorable to the observance
of the Sabbath.22
On the other hand, in Basle the new German Psalms were cor-
dially welcomed,^^ and were sung in public worship, although

here too the organs were mute. It was the same in the neigh-
boring cantons of Schafhausen and St. Gallen. In Basle the play-

ing of the organ was restored under the Antistes, Sulzer,^'* in 1561
but in Zurich it was banished, and even church singing was not
introduced until 1598.^^
The Church of Greneva adopted substantially the Zurich order
of service,^^ but also introduced the French Psalms of Clement
non retinuit, quia caret praecepto et exempio
Contenta est publica ilia con-
Scripturae.
fessione, quae ab omnibus, ministro praeeunte, soli Deo
Interim vero, si qui in ca-fit.
sibus difficilioribus scelere aliquo pressi, consilium a ministro petant, non rejicit. Abso-
lutionem item publice annunciat minister, testificans poenitentiam agentibus et creden-
tibus in Christum reraissa esse peccata. Item privatim homines consolatur ex verbo
Dei, non tamen novum aliquem ritum instituit. § 13, p. 52 : Ante certos statutosque
quibus Eucharistia celebratur, habentur sermones ad populum de dignitate ct
illos dies,
usu Eucharistiae item quo pacto se quisque ad percipiendas sacras has epulas praepa-
:
rare debeat. Illis etiam ipsis diebus, quibus peragitur, breves exhortationes ad plebem
fiunt, ne quis indigne corpus et sanguinem Christi sumat ; see the confession of sin in
the Bernische Abendmahlsliturgie, 1529, Trcchsel's Beitrage zur Gesch. der Schweizer-
isch-Reform. Kirche, i. 96.
^ See § 46, Note 41.
" Zwingli's Uslegung des XXV, Artikels, 1523 (TVerke, i. 317) :
" I do not find that
laziness is the worship of God. If any bod}- goes into the field on Sundaj-, after having
done his duty to God, and mows, cuts, hews, or does any other necessar}' work which
the season demands, I know verj- well that this is more pleasing to God than mere idle-
ness. For the believer is above the Sabbath."
^^ Here, as in many German
cities, the Reformation began in 1526, with the singing
of German psalms in some of the churches and Oe'colampadius justified this in a peti-
;
tion, saying, " that the song of praise was the occupation of angels, a refreshment of the
soul, an allurement to prayer, a preparation for the more devout hearing of the Word
of God, etc., and was not onlj- enjoined upon the clergy and scholars, but as a general
rule," etc. see Hottinger's Helvet. Kirchengesch., iii. 293. Without doubt they used
;
in singing the collections of hj'mns which had been printed in great numbers (1524) in
Wittenberg, Erfurt, Nuremberg, Strasburg, and other places (see Wackernagel's Deutsch-
es Kirchenlied, s. 723 fF.) : psalms by Luther, Lud. Oeler, Heinr. Vogtherr; see A. Sara-
sin's Hist. Entwicklung des Psalmengesangs in d. Ref. Kirche, in the Baselsche Beitrage
zur vaterl. Gesch., Bd. 4. (1850), s. 321.
=* Och's Gesch. v. Basel, vi. 435.
^^ Hottinger's Helvet. Kirchengesch., iii. 966.
Les Ordonnances Ecclesiastiques de I'Eglise de Geneve, 1541 Eichter's Kirchen-
^^
;
ordnung, i. 342. Peculiarities Even in the Canton of Berne the Zurich mode of ordi-
:
nation (§ 46, Note 41) was not strictly retained in Brugg, 1544, there was the unequal
;
custom, " that some of the deans, with the chief magistrate, laid on hands upon those
presented, in the presence of the subjects, but others did not" (Hundeshagen, die Con-
flicte des Zwinglianismus, Lutherthums und Calvinismus in d. Bern. Landeskirche, s.
176). In Geneva the laying on of hands was whollj- given up ; Eichter, i. 343 : Quant
Marot and Theodore Beza in the church service.^^ The foreign

Reformed churches^^ followed, in this particular, the example of
Geneva. In 1573 was published Ambrose Lobwasser's German
translation of the French Psalms,^^ which, being adapted to the
old melodies, soon became the general hymn-book of the German
Reformed Church.
The Reformed Church every where laid stress on the point,
that, after the precedence of the primitive church, only psalms,
and not uninspired songs, should be sung in public worship. At
the same time they looked upon all music as something secular,
a la maniere de rintroduire, pour ce que les ceremonies du temps passe out esto tournees
en beaucoup de superstitions, a cause de I'inlirmite du temps, il suffira qu'il se fosse par
un des Ministres unc declaration et remonstrance de I'office auquel on Tordonne puis :
qu'on face prieres et oraisons, afin que le Seigneur lui face la grace de s'en acquiter.
The Lord's Supper was administered four times in the j-ear (p. 347) on the Sunday after
:
Christmas, at Easter, Whitsuntide, and on the first Sunda}- of September. Que le Di-
manche devant qu'on celebre la dicte Cene on en face la denonciation, afin que nul en-
fant y vienne devant qu'avoir fait profession de sa foi, selon qu'il sera expose au Cate-
chisme et aussi pour exliorter tous etrangers et nouveaux venus de se venir premier
;
representer a I'Eglise.
^' Ordonnances, 1541; Eichter, i. 347: Nous avons aussi ordonne d'introduire les
chants ecclesiastiques tant devant qu'apres le sermon, pour mieux inciter le peuple a
louer et prier Dieu. Pour le commencement on apprendra les petits enfans, puis avec
le temps toute I'Eglise pourra suivre. On Marot and his Psalms, see Beze Hist. Eccl.
des. Eglises Reformees au Eoyaume de France, i. 33. Claude Goudimel and Wilh. Franc
composed the melodies for them, and then Calvin published (1543) the fifty Psalms of
Marot. Beza thereupon translated the others into verse, and melodies were composed
for them bj-the same masters Ruchat Hist, de la Reform, de la Suisse, vi. 635 Baum's
; ;
Th. Beza, i. 182 Sarasin in den Baselschen Beitragen zur vaterlaudische Geschichte,
;
iv. 315.
^^ In the French Reformed Church the laying on of hands was again introduced in
ordination ; Sj-node de Paris, 1559, art. 9 (Synodes Nationaux par Aymon, i. 2) : Leur
election sei'a confirmee par les prieres et I'imposition des mains des ministres ; toutefois
sans aucune superstition. However, several churches did not adopt the laying on of
hands, and it was declared to be optional Synode de Paris, 15G5, art. 7, p. C4. Later
;
it was attempted to make it general Synode de Gergeau, 1601, art. 7, p. 236; Syn. de
;
St. Maixent, 1609, art. 4, p. 358. In the Dutch Church at first there was the laying on of
hands (Sj-nod of Wesel, 1568 see Mensinga Verhandeling over de Liturgische Schriften
;
der Nederl. hcrvormde Kerk, in Verhandeling. van bet Haagsche Genootschap Deel xi.),
Gravenhag., 1851, p. 49. But the S3-nod of Dort abolished it, 1574 (Mensinga, p. 51) :
Overmits de oplegging der handen in deze jongheid der kerke tot superstitie getogen en
sommiger bespotting onderworpen zou mogen wezen, hebben de broeders besloten, dat
men diezelve nalaten zal. However, the Synod of Dort, 1578, restored it, and since
—
then it has remained (Mensinga, p. 54). The Palatinate Church Service of 1563 (Rich-
ter, ii. 261) first declared that there should be a service of preparation on the Saturday
before the Sundaj' when the Supper was to be administered, in which three questions
must be answered in the affirmative by those assembled. At the same time, those who
were to commune for the first time must " make confession of their faith." Comp. Vinkc
over den Oorsprong van eenige Vragen bij de Voorbereiding voor bet heil. Avondmaal,
in Kist en Roj-aards Archief, vi. ii. 1.
^' Professor of Law in Konigsberg, in Prussia, died 1585.
1
PART II.— CHAP. III.— EVANGELICAL THEOLOGY. § 48. HISTORY. 55
and banished the organ from the churches. However, the or-
gan was restored in Holland/" 1637, and in the Palatinate,"
1655.
THIRD CHAPTER.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGICAL AND RELIGIOUS CULTURE IN THE EVAN-
GELICAL CHURCHES.
§ 48.
HISTORY OF THEOLOGY.
[Comp. Gass, Gescliichte der Protestantischen Dogmatik, 2 vols. 8vo Berlin, 1854-57. ;
A. Schweizer, Die Protestantischen Centraldognien, 2 vols. 8vo Zurich, 1854.] ;
The Reformers and their immediate successors were so much

engrossed by the urgency of ecclesiastical affairs, that they could
not cultivate the science of theology any further than was de-
manded by the pressing necessities of the Church. They were
chiefly occupied in producing popular works for the instruction of
the people, and controversial writings for the refutation of false
doctrines. Their other theological labors were restricted to exe-
getical and doctrinal works for the instruction of the better-edu-
cated classes, especially the clergy. But in all their writings they
kept aloof from merely learned investigations, that had no refer-
ence to practical use.

And yet they acknowledged the importance of a comprehensive
and scientific cultivation of theology ;i
and the directions now
given for theological study — pre-eminently those of Andreas Hy-
*" At the beginning of Reformation they were still played thus, 1578, in Haar-
tlie —
lem ;
images in 15CG, they were destroyed among the Wal-
in the disturbances about
loons, in Brabant and Flandei"s, but retained in the Northern Netherlands. The Sj-nod
of Dort, 1578, demanded that they should be given up however, they were kept by the
;
magistrates, who continued to support organists, and had the organs plaj'ed by them
before cr after public worship. In Leyden thej' were first in 1G37 again used in singing;
and the South Ilolland Sj'nod of Delft, in 1C38, declared this custom to be an adiaphoron.
Thereupon began an unedifj-ing strife between organists and counter-organists ; see Kist
bet kerkelijke Orgel-gebruik, in Kist en Royaards Archief, x. 189.
^' At first in Bacharach and Heidelberg ; see Wundt's Magazin fiir die Kirclien- und
Gelchrtengesch. der Pfalz, ii. 5G.
'
De non contemnendis Studiis humanioribus futuro theologo maxime necessariis cla-
rorum virorum ad Eobanum Hessum Epistolae Lutheri, Melanchthonis, Petri Mosellani,
Jodoci Jonae, Jo. Draconis, etc., Erphurdiac, 1520. Melanchthonis brevis discendae
theologiae Ratio, 1530 (Opp. ed. Yiteb., ii. 35).
perius, professor in Marturg (who died in 1564)" — already incul-

cate the need of scientific culture and preparation to an extent not
previously conceived.
The Reformers Holy Scrip-
started from the position that the
tures can be relied upon as the source of revealed truth, because
they have only one literal sense, and not several senses.^ As a
result of this position, previous exegetical works were, for the
most part, found to be unfitted for use, and others must take their
place.
Regarding scholasticism as the mother of so many errors, Lu-
ther often inveighed bitterly against Aristotle j**
and as, at first,
they had nothing to take the place of the old philosophical text-
books and lectures, philosophical study was for some time wholly
prostrate in*Wittenberg; although Luther did not at any time
desire that all philosophy should be set aside.^ Thereupon Me--
^ De Theologo s. de Ratione Studii Theol., libb. iv. Andr. Hvperio auctore., Basil.,
1556.
^ Lutheri Operationes in XXII. Psalmos priores, 1521, ad Psalm, xxii. 19 (Jen., T. ii.
243 verso) Cumprimis S. Thomas cum Lj-ra et suis in orbem vulgare coeperunt qua-
:
drigam illam sensuum Scripturae, literalem, tropologicum, allegoricum et anagogicum,

ac in has quatuor partes dividere banc vestem Christi. —
Nonne impiissimum est sic par-
tiri neque iidem neque mores neque spera tribuas, sed solam histo-
Scripturas, ut literae
riam jam inutilem? In Luther's answer to the " uberchristliche, iibergeistliche, und
iiberkiinstliche Buch des Bocks Eraser, 1521," see the section on The Letter and the
Spirit, against Eraser's assertion that Scripture has a double sense a literal and a spir- —
itual. Walch, xviii. 1602 " The Hoi}- Spirit is the most plain and simple of all M-riters
:
and speakers in heaven or on earth hence His Word can not have more than one plain
;
sense, which we call the literal tongue-sense." Corap. Ph. Melanchth., Eleraentorum
Rhetorices, libb. ii., diligenter recogniti, Viteberg, 153G, in lib.ii. the section De qua-
tuor sensibus sacrarum literarum ; e. g., G. 4 : Oratio, quae non habet unam ac simpli-
cem sententiam, nihil certi docet. G. 5 : Si orania sine discrimine velimus transfor-
mare in varios sensus, nihil habebit certi Scriptura. — Haec interpretandi ratio maxime
labefacit auctoritatem Scripturae. following Luther, and Reform. Theologians.
So all
* Luther and J. Langium, 8th Februarj-, 151G (de Wette, i. 15) Nihil ita ardet ani- :
mus, quam histrionem ilium, qui tam vere Graeca larva Ecclesiam lusit, multis revelare,
—
ignominiamque ejus cunctis ostendere, si otiura esset. Nisi care fuisset Aristoteles, vere
diabolum eum fuisse non puderet Melancthon, too, at first spoke disparaging-
asserere.
ly of Aristotle see Galle's Characteristik Mel. als Theologen, s. 110
; but we find an ;
equally' harsh judgraent in the Catholic philologian, Marius Nizolius ; see Ritter's Gesch.
d. christi. Philos., v. 446. But these opinions are only in respect to the hair-splitting
dialectics,and some theses of Aristotle's physics and metaph}-sics.
* Luther,An den christi. Adel deutscher Nation, 1520, Walch, x. 379: "Here now
m}' advice is, that the books of Aristotle, Ph3'sica, Metaphysica, De Anima, Ethica, which
have been hitherto reputed the best, should be whoUj' set aside, with all others which
make a boast about natural things, and yet teach nothing about either natural or spirit-
ual things. Besides this, nobody up to the present has understood his opinions, and so
much noble time and man}' noble souls have been vainh- burdened with useless labor,
study, and cost. And yet I would willingh* keep Aristotle's books on Logic, Rhetoric,
and Poetics, or have them abridged, for they can be read with profit, and exercise j-oung
PART II.— CH. III.—EVANGELICAL THEOLOGY. § 48. PHILOSOPHY. 553
lancthon began to simplify and purify the Aristotelian philoso-

phy f and his text-books were introduced into all the educational
establishments attached to the Reformation.'' In this way Aris-
totle came again to so high honor in all the reformed churches, that
the new philosophical systems which sprung up were generally
looked upon and opposed as perilous to orthodoxy f though that
people in speaking and preaching well but the comments and minute divisions had
;
better be left off." Luther, in a letter to Spalatin, December 9, 1518 (de Wette, i. 190),
expresses a wish that the Thomist philosophy might be left out of the Universitj', and
then, too, the Scotist, donee —
pura philosophia et theologia, omnesque matheses ex fon-
tibus suis hauriantur. Melancthon says in his inaugural oration, De Corrigendis Ado-
Icscentiae Studiis, 29th August, 1518, C. R., xi. 22, so much praised by Luther (ad
Spalat., August 31, 1518, in de Wette, i. 134) : In ea sura plane sententia, ut qui velit
insigne aliquid vel in sacris vel foro conari, parum effecturum, ni animum antea huma-
nis disciplinis (sicenim philosophiam voco) prudenter, et quantum satis est, exercuerit.
Nolo autem philosophando quenquam nugari ita enim fit, ut communis etiam sensus
:
tandem obliviscare. Sed ex optimis optima selige, eaque cum ad scientiam naturae,
tum ad mores formandos attinentia. In primis hie eruditione Graeca opus est, quae na-
turae scientiam universam complectitur, ut de moribus apposite ac copiose dicere queas.
riurimum valent Aristotelis moralia, leges Platonis, Poetae. Necessaria est omnino ad —
—
hanc rem historia, cui non invitus uni coutulero, quidquid emeretur laudum universus
—
artium orbis. Complector ergo philosophiae nomine scientiam naturae, morum rationes
et exempla. Luther's Table-Talk, Walch, xxii. 369 " Theologj' must be empress
:
;
philosophj' and other good arts should be her servants, and not govern her." P. 220G :
" Aristotle is one of the best teachers in philosophia morali, to tell us how to lead a fine-
ly-tempered outward life but in natural! philosophia he is fit for nothing." Cf. J. II.
;
ab Elswich, De varia Aristotelis in Scholis Protestantium Fortuna (before J. Launoii De

varia Arist. in Acad. Paris. Fortuna Diss., Vitemberg, 1720), p. 18.
* Mel. Declam. de Philosophia, 1536, C. R., xi. 282 Eruditam philosophiam require,
:
non illas cavillationes, quibus nullae res subsunt. Ideo dixi, unum quoddam philoso-
phiae genus eligendum esse, quod quam minimum habeat sophistices, et justam metho-
dum retineat talis est Aristoteles doctrina. Sed huic tamen aliunde addenda est ilia
:
praestantissiraa philosophiae pars de motibus coelestibus. Nam reliquae sectae plenae

sunt sophistices et absurdarum et falsarum opinionum, quae etiam moribus nocent. Nam
illae hj-perbolae Stoicorum sunt omnino sophisticae, bonam valetudinem, opes et similia
non esse bona commentitia est et aTraOeta, falsa et perniciosa opinio de fato. Epicurus
:
non philosophatur, sed scurratur, cum aflirmat omnia casu extitisse tollit primam cau- :
sam, et dissentit in totum a vera phj-sicorum doctrina. Fugienda est et Academia, quae
non servat methodum, et sumit sibi liccntiam immoderatam omnia evertendi quod qui :
facere student, hos necesse est multa sophistice colligere. Quanquam is qui ducem Aris-
totelem praecipue sequitur, et unam quandam simplicem ac minime sophisticam doctri-
nam expetit, interdum et ab aliis auctoribus sumere aliquid potest ab Elswich, p. 36. ;
' Rhetorica, 1519,1521, 1531. Dialectica, 1520. Epitome Ethicorum,

1537, 1550. Comm.
de Anima, 1540, recognitus, 1560. Initia Doctrinae Physicae, 1555, 1559. Tennemann's
Gesch. d. Philos., ix. 117. Ruble's Gesch. d. neuern Philos., ii. 478. Eitter's Gesch. d.
christl. Philos., v. 495. Flacius and his followers (cf. Clavis Script., i. 893; Jo. Stolz
in Defensione Lutheri, p. 79), as well as Osiander, inveighed in vain against Aristotle ;
see ab Elswich, p. 52. [Koch, Mel's Schola Privata, 1859. C. Schlottmann, De Phil.
Mel. Reipublicae litter. Reform., Bonn, 1860. Planck, Mel. Praeceptor Germaniae,
I860.]
8 Beza ad P. Ramum, 1. Dec, 1570, in Bezae Epistt. Theolog., Genev.,
1573, p. 202:
Nobis certum ac constitutum est, et in ipsis tradendis logicis, et in caeteris explicandis
disciplinis ab Aristotelis sententia ne tantillum quidem deflectere. The philosophy of
:
of Peter Raraus^ (who died in 1571, on the night of St. Bartholo-

mew) by the French Reformed Church, and that of
\vas favored
Rene Descartes^" (who died in Sweden, 1650) found adherents in
the Netherlands. However, through the influence of the unceas-
ing polemics, dialectics became more sharp and refined and con- ;
sequently, from the close of the sixteenth century, a new scholas-

ticism began to be formed in Germany and the Netherlands,
through the influence of that same Aristotelian philosophy. ^^
Among the German Reformers, Martin Luther^- and Melanc-
Ramus made way into Germany, particularly in several of the Westphalian schools,
its
in Diisseldorf,Dortmund, Corbach but where it showed itself in the Universities it was

;
violently opposed. In Leipsic, in 1591, Jo. Cramerus, Organi Aristotelici Professor,

was deposed on this account, and " Ramusism" was forbidden bj' an electoral decree
(Jo. Iliilsemanni Dialysis apologetica problematis Calixtini num Mysterium s. trinitatis
a solo vel. Test, possit evinci, Lips., 1650. 4., in praef., p. 8, 12, 13) in Helmstiidt, 1597
(Grdndl. Widerlegung von Buscher's Crj-pto-Papismus Helmstadiensis, Ltiucburg, 1641,
i. 26)cf. ab Elswich, p. 54.
;
Tennemann, ix. 420. Ritter, v. 471. [Ramus, Sa vie et ses ecrits, par M. C. Wad-
'
dington, Paris, 1855; comp. Eclectic (Lond.), Sept., 185C; Ritter's christl. Philos., ii.
p. 50.]
'" Tennemann, x. 200. [Bouillier, L'Hist. de la Phil. Cartesienne, 2 vols., Paris, 1854.
H. Schmidt, Rene Descartes und seine Reform der Phil., 1859. Edinburgh Review, 1852.
ii. 239 seq.]
Ritter, christl. Phil.,
" Dav.Chytraeus ad Theologos Witteberg., d. 20. Maji, 1595 (Chytraei Epistt., p.
1276) Nee prorsus de nihilo est, quod nuper ad nos ex Anglia quidam scribebat, nostri
:
temporis theologiam plane scholasticam esse, in qua nihil fere pietatis appareat, sed
verborum et argumentorum acuniinibus tantum se mutuo Theologi compungant. In
Germany the conflicts with the Jesuits afforded special opportunities for this scholasti-
cism. It made its first appearance in the religious conference at Ratisbon, appointed by
Duke Maximilian of Bavaria and the Palgrave Philip Louis, between the Ingolstadt
Jesuits and the theologians of the Palatinate, Saxony, Ansbach, and Wiirtemberg: the
chief disputants were the Jesuit, Jac. Gretser, and the Wittenberg theoloân, Aegidius
Hunnius see Acta Colloquii Ratisbon. de norma doctrinae cath. et controversiarum re-
;
ligionis judicc, Monachii, 1602. 4. One of the conditions of the colloquy was— p. 4
CoUocutores argumenta syllogismo, vel alia in logicis probata argumentandi forma in-
cludant and accordingly Gretser several times demanded (p. 7, 19) that the disputation
;
—
should be scholastice, dialectice. In Holland the first scholastic was Joh. Makowsky or
Maccovius, professor in Franeker see Twistzaak van Maccovius door J. Heringa, in the
;
Arcliief voor kerk. Geschiedenis, iii. 505. He was complained of at the Synod of Dort,
1619, because— methodum incommodam, sententias obscuras et ambiguas, verba philoso-
phica, metaphysica et scholastica saepe adhiberi (p. 557). The synod acquitted him of
heresj', but exhorted him, p. 543 In docendo utatur genere dicendi sacrae Scripturae
:
conformi, perspicuo, piano, et in orthodoxis Academiis recepto.

'==
On his life, and the works of Melancthon, Matthesius, and Cochlaus, see Div. 1,
before, § 1. Luther's Leben v. Karl Jurgens (till 1517, 3 Bde., Leipzig, 1846-47). E. F.
Vogcl's Bibliotheca biographica Lutherana, Halle, 1851. Stammbaum der Familie des
Dr. M. Luther, von Prof. Nobbe, in Leipzig, Grimma, 1846. —
Editions of his works the :
Wittenberg (12 German Tomi, and 7 Tomi Latini, 1539-59, fol.) was complained of for
Philippistic alterations. Hence the Jena edition was started, particular!}- by Amsdorf
(8 German Tomi and 4 Tomi Lat., 1556 ss., fol.) cf. Cypriani Hist. Tomorum Lutheri,
;
in the Fortges. Sammlung von alten und neuen theol. Sachen, 1726, s. 735, —
The fol-
;
III.-EVANGELICAL THEOLOGY. § 48. PHILOSOPHY. 555

PAKT II.-CII.
the former, a
thon took the foremost rank as theological writers ;
man of soul and power, was especially distinguished for his trans-
lation of the Bible, his Catechisms,
Hymns, Biblical Commenta-
ries,and Sermons. Philip Melancthon'^ was eminently versed in
obtained a
philosophy and philology, as well as in theology, and
wide influence by his Loci Theologici, and his numerous written
with them
judgments and opinions on theological subjects. Along
John Brenz (preacher in the Suabian
are deserving of mention,
Stuttgart, deceased 1570),^* as exegete and
Hall, then provost at
and Martin Bucer (in Strasburg, then in Cambridge,
preacher ;
works: the Altenburg, 1C61 ff.

lowing editions are enlarged, but only in the German
Theile, 4) the
tlie Leipsic 1729 ff., fol. so, too, the Halle (by J. G. Walch, 1737 ff., 24
;
;
introductions. On the other hand, the original text is given in the

last has very careful
Elsperger, 1826 ff., G7 vols, in German
Erlan-en edition (by Irmischer, Plochmann, and
kritisch u. hist,
and '>3 Tomi Lat 8 ) Luther's Briefe, Sendschreiben, und Bedenken,
1825 ff. [vol. vi., Seidemann, 1856].—
bearbeitet by W.'m. L. de Wctte, 5 Th., Berlin,
stehen, 1527, Walch, xx. 1112)
Luther (Dass diese Worte Christi d. i. m. L. noch feste
book which I ever made, which the
savs that his church Postils are the "very best
pa'nists,too, willingly hav^." Among his exegetical works, the most valuable are his
to the Galatians (on the latter, a
commentaries on Genesis, the Psalms, and the Epistle
longer commentarj-). [On Luther, comp. Hare's Mission of the Comfort-
shorterand a
1855 revised edition. On Irmischer's edition, see Router's Rcpertorium,
er vol ii
Life of Luther, by Henry Worsley, 2 vols., Lond., 1856-57. An edition

\u- 1855
1857. A. C. Seidemann, Luther's Grundbesitz, a
of the Table-Talk in Bohn's Library,
1860. H. Vorreiter, Luther's Eingeii mit
long article in Zeitschrift f. d. Hist. Theol.,
dem anti-christlichen Princip. d. Revolution, Halle, I860.] , ^ . .
Praefatio-
3 Omnium Opevum, P. iv., Wittebergae, 1562-64. fol. Ph. M. Epistolae,
or Corpus Eefor-
nes Consilia Judicia, Schedae Academicae, ed. C. G. Bretschneider,
xiv., Halis Sax., 1834-47. 4. [xxvii. vol., the last
issued for Melancthon'3
matorum, vol'l.
Bibliotheca Melanclithoniana, a list of his works and those

upon him,
iubilee 1859]
appended to Joach. Camerarii de Vita Ph.
Mel. Narratio, ed. G. Th. Strobel, Halae, 1777,
Theologen, und einer
p 543 r Galle's Versuch einer Characteristik Melanchthon's als
Melanchthon, s. Lebcn u. Wirken
Fntwickelung seines Lehrbegriffs, Halle, 1840. Ph.
Schwarzerde, by Forstemann, in the
von K Matthes, Altenburg, 1841. Geschlecht d.
Theolo'.'. Studien u. Krit., 1830, i.
119. [On Melancthon's Hypotyposen and Loci, see
Melancthon as a moral philos-
Schwarz in Studien u. Kritiken, 1855 and 1857; and on
1853.— Ledderhose's Life, translated by Krotel, New York, 1854. On his
opher ibid ,
of the Ter-centennial celeljration,

theological 'position, see the addresses on occasion
1859 by Rotlie, Kahnis, Dorner (in Jahrb. f.
Deutsche Theologie). Comp. Wohlfarth,
wie er leibte und lebte, 1860 and
Zuin Seoul iir-Andenken, 1858 Volbeding, Phil. Mel.
; ;
the works written for the same occasion, by

Czerwenka, Heppe, etc.]
1* Luther in his Table-Talk (Walch, xxii. 2290), says of him
" No one of the theo-
:
the Holy Scriptures as does Brentius

logians of our time so explains and discourses of
;
i:i°such a way that I often wonder at his mind,

and doubt my capacity. I believe that
us could do what he has done in explanation of the Gospel of John." Comp.
no one of
Luther's Preface to Brenz's Commentary on the
Preacher and Amos, in Walch, xiv. 188.
seven contain the exegetical works see
— Opp Tubing., 1576-90, viii. T. fol. The first
ii. 425. Joh. Brenz nach ge-
;
upon them, G. AV. Meyer's Gesch. der Schrifterklarung,

druckten und ungedruckten Quellen von Jul.
Ilartmann und K. Jiiger, 2 Bde., Ham-
Rechtglaubig-
bur^', 1840-42. [Geo. Veesenmeyer, J. Brenz, Selbst-Apologie fur seiue
d. Hist. Theol., 18G0, p. 15G sq.]
kcit'';' in Niedaer's Zeitschrift f.
;
deceased 1551),'^ in exegesis. In the next generation, Matthias

Flacius Illyricus^^ (who died in Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1575) ob-
tained a permanent reputation in church history and exegesis
Joachim Camerarius,^" professor of the Greek and Latin lan-
guages in Leipsic (who died in 1574), published excellent works
preparing the way for a learned exegesis of the New Testament
Martin Chemnitz, Superintendent in Brunswick (deceased 1586),
a highly esteemed doctrinal divine, ^^ adhered to the Melanctho-
nian type of dogmatics, while he tried, at the âme time, to satisfy
the strict Lutheran orthodoxy. After the adoption of the Formula
Concordiae, the theological statements of which document were
most definitely elaborated by Aegidius Hunnius,^^ Superintendent
and Professor in Magdeburg (who died in 1603), all the Philip-
pistic (Melancthonian) tendencies were decisively rejected, and
Melancthon's Loci were supplanted by Leonh. Hutter's (professor
in Wittenberg ; died in 1616)"" Compendium Locorum Theologi-
'^ Simon Giynaeus wrote about him, 1533: Palmam tibi in sacris Uteris inter Ger-
manos concedo, Verpoorten, p. 11. M. Buc, Enarrationes in sacra IV. Evang., Argent.,
1527. Aretii Felini (i. e., M. Biiceri) Comm. in Psalmos, 1529. Meyer, ii. 432. Buceri
Scripta Anglicana a Conr. Huberto collecta, Basil., 1577, fol. A. M. Verpoorten, Comm.
Hist, de Martino Bucero, Coburgi, 1709. [On Buccr, comp. Schenkel, in Herzog's Eeal-
encj'clopadie. F. VV. Baum, his Life and Writings, in Hagenbach's Leben d. Vater d.
Reform. Kirche, Bd. iii. 18G0. Rohrich, La Reforme en Alsace.]
i« On the Magdeburg Centuries (vol. i., Div. I., § 2, Note 11), see Sagittarii Introd. in
Hist. Eccl., i. 240. Ritter's Flacius, s. CI.— Flacius, Catalogus Testium Veritatis, Basil.,
155G. 4. Clavis, Scripturae Sacrae, 2 P., Basil., 15G7, fol. Meyer, ii. 134, 502. M.
;
Flacii Illyrici Leben u. Tod von J. B. Ritter, Frankf. u. Leipz., 1725. M. Flacius, 111.
eine Vorlesung von A. Twesten, mit Beilagen v. H. Rossel, Berlin, 1844. [W. Preger,
Flacius und seine Zeit. Erste Halfte. Erlangen, 1859.]
1' J. Camer., Notatio Figurarum Sermonis in libb. iv. Evangeliorum, Lips., 1572. 4.
Not. Fig. in Apostolicis Scriptis. Accessere et in lib. Trpu^zwv et aTrojcaXuv/Atios similes

notationes. Lips., 1572. 4. Mej-er, ii. 508.
" M. Chemnitz, Examen Cone. Tridentini, P. iv., 15G5-73. 8. Best edition, G. Chr.
Joannis. Francof. ad M. 1707, fol.— M. Ch., Loci Theologici editi Opera Polyc. t3'seri.
Francof. ad M. 1591. [See Gass, Prot. Dogmatik and Schenkel, in Herzog's Real-
;
encyclop.]
>3 Aeg. Ilunn., De Persona Christi ejusque ad dextram Dei sedentis divina majestate,
1585. Adsertio sUnae et orthodoxae Doctrinae de Persona et Majestate Christi, 1592.
Articulus de Trinitate per quaestiones et responsiones pertractatus, Francof.,. 1589.
Artie, de Justificatione, Vitemb., 1589. De Sacramentis Vet. et Novl Test., Francof.,
1595. De Providentia Dei et aeterna Praedestinatione, Francof., 1597. Tract, de Libero
Arbitrio, Francof., 1597. Art. de Peccato, ex Scripturae Sacrae fundamentis exstructus,
Vitemb., 1G06. Art. de Lege et Evangelio, Vitemb., 1607. Also many polemic writ-
ings. [Comp. Gass, Prot. Dogmatik, i. 163 ii. 42, et lyassim.']
;
*° drawn up by order of the Elector, Christian II., and introduced into

Viteb., IGIO,
all the schools; sec W;Uch, Bibl. Theol., i. 36. More full was his Loci Communes
Theol.. Vitemb., 1619, fol. Against Hospinian he wrote Concordia Concors de Origine:
et Progrcssu Formulae Concordiae, Vitemb., 1614, ful. [On Hutter, see Gass, as re-
;
PART II.— CH. III.-EVANGELICAL THEOLOGY. § 48. LUTHERANS. 557
corum. Dogmatics now assumed a scholastic form exegesis was ;
made entirely dependent on theology,^^ and almost all theolog-

ical talent was expended upon scholastic divinity and polemics.^^
Ethical science was very much neglected ;
yet the numerous the-
ological decisions ahout cases of conscience gave to the Witten-
berg divine, Frederick Balduin (who died in 1627), the materi-
als for the construction of a new system of casuistry ,"^-^
which
was at the same time in the strictest opposition to the Jesuit
perversions of morality. The Jena theologians of this period
were distinguished for their mildness of spirit and their learning
John Gerhard (who died in 1637) surpassed all previous achieve-
ments by his great work^^ on doctrinal theology and Sal. Glas- ;
sius, professor in Jena, in 1640 appointed General Superintendent
in Gotha (deceased in 1656), gave a new basis to exegesis in his

Philologia Sacra.^^ The Rostock professor, John Tarnov (who
died in 1625), stands almost alone in this period as a liberal and
learned exegete."'^
Among the theologians of the Reformed Church, the first to be
named for their exegetical and polemic writings are Ulrich Zwin-
ferred to above Heppe's Gesch. der Concordienformel, 1857, and his other works Franck,
; ;
Theologie d. Concordienformel, Erlangen, 1858.]

^' On the Commentaries of Aegidius Hunnius und Polj-carp. Leyser, see Meyer's
Gesch. d. Schrifterklarung, iii. 408.
•- See Ruperti Meldenii Paraenesls Votiva (soon after 1624, see § 42, Note 6). Cf.
Lijcke, s. 114 Innumei'abiles parturit feracissimum hoc saeculum disputationes et con-
:
troversias, plures quam aestas vermes, muscas, pulices et culices, de fide, ejusque capi-
tibus, quae quidem sic vocantui*et videntur dixi, dico, multas esse ex illis inanes nu-
:
gas et paleas, quia sine caritate.

^' Fr. Bald.j Tractatus luculentus posthumus —
de Materia rarissime antehac enucle-
ata,Casibus nimirum Conscientiae, Witteb., 1628. 4. Cf. Staudlin's Gesch. d. christL '
Moral seit dem Wiederaufleben der 'Wissenschaften, s. 288. De Wette's Geschichte der
christl. Sittenlehre, ii. 314.
=* Locorum Theologicorum T. ix., Jenae, 1610-22. 5. (denuo edidit, observationes nee
non praefationem, qua de vita scriptisque auctoris disseritur, adjecit J. F. Cotta, 22 veil..
Tubing., 1762-81. 4.) Comp. Vita Jo. Gerhardi conscripta a E. R. Fischer, Lips., 1723,
p. 386. Stiiudlin's Gesch. der theol. Wissensch., i. 242. — Confessionis Catholicae, in qua
Doctrina Catholica et Evangelica, ex Romano-catholicorum suffragiis confirmatur Auct.
J. Gerh., libb. ii. in 4 Partes, Jenae, 1634-37. 4. ; see Fischer, p. 401. Staudlin, ii. 16.
[Gass, ubi supra, i. 261 sq.1
^^ Jenae, 1623. temporibus accommodata a J. A. Dathe et G. L. Bauer, T. ii.,
4. (his
Lips., 1776-97. 8.) See Meyer's Gesch. d. Schrifterklarung, iii. 125, 333.
" Exercitationum Biblicarum libb. iv. (Rostoch., 1619. 4. On the sensation made
by its giving up the interpretations of Luther, Chemnitz, and Hunnius, see Tholuck's
Wittenb. Theol. des 17ten Jahrh., s. 153). Comm. in prophetas minores, Rost., 1622 ss.
4 (with a preface bj' J. B. Carpzovs on Tarnov's Leben u. Verdienste, Lips., 1688. 4.);
cf. Meyer, iii. 420.
gle^^ and John Oecolampadius.^^ Zwingle's work, De Vera et

Falsa Religione, was soon eclipsed by Calvin's Institutio Chris-
tianae Rcligionis f^ after which for a long time all productiveness
in doctrinal matters in the Reformed Church was brought to a con-
clusion. The opposition made to the Calvinistic dogmatics by Se-
bastian Castellio, professor of the Greek language in Basle (deceased
1563),^^ was without any general influence ;^^ his Latin transla-
^' Lebensbeschreibung M. u. Zwingli's von J. L. Hess, aus dem Franz, nebst cinem
literarisch hist. Anhang v. L. Usteri, Zurich, 1811. Zwingli's Werke, erste vollst. Aus-
gabe durch Melch. Schuler u. Job. Schulthess : Bd. 1 u. 2. Deutsche Schriften, vol. iii.-
viii. opera lat., Zurich, 1828-42. gr. 8. On his exegetical works, see Mej-er, ii. 402.
[Life and Times of Zwingle, from the German of Hottinger, bj- F. C. Porter, Harrisb.,
185G. Bib. Sacra, Life by Professor Bobbins, vols. viii. and ix. H. Christoft'el, Life of
Zwingle, etc. (in Hagenbach's Leben d. Reform.), translated b}' John Cochran, Edinb.,
1858. Stahl, in his work, Die Union, on Zwingle's theological sj'stem comp. Stier, in ;
Deutsche Zeitschrift, 1859, and Baxmann, ibid. E. Zeller, Das theolog. S3-stem Zwin-
gli's, Tiibingen, 1853. G. W. Roder, d. schweiz. Ref. Mag. Huld. Zwingli, St. Gallen,
1855. C. Sigwart, Zwingli, d. Charakter seines Systems, mit Riicksicht auf Picus Mi-
randula, 1855; comp. Jilger, in Stud, und Krit., 1856, and Jacobi, in Deutsche Zeitschrift,
1857, No. 1. E. Zeller, Ursprung und Charakter d. Zwinglischen Lehrbegriffs, in Theol.
Jahrb.. 1857.]
-^ Li German, Husgen, nicht Hauschein, see Ullman, in the Theol. Studien u. Krit.,
1845, i. 155. Lebensgesch. Dr. J. Oekolampads u. die Reform, d. Kirche zu Basel v. J.
J.Hcrzog, 2 Bde., Basel, 1843 (Additions bj' Ullmann, as above. Hagenbach's Review,
r)id., p. 191). Chronolog. Verzeichniss d. Schriften Oekol. in Hess, s. 413; comp. also
Herzog, ii. 257. [On Oecclampadius, see Hagenbach, ubi supra ; comp. Biblical Ke-
pertorj-, 1851.]
-^ Das Leben J. Calvin's d. grossen Reformators v. Paul Henry, 3 Bde., Hamburg,
1835-44 [transl., omitting the Appendix, bj' Dr. Stebbing, 2 vols., London and New
York, 1854]. Literature of his works in Henry, iii. ii. 175. J. Calvini Opera Omnia
Theol., T. Genevae, 1G17
vii., new edition, T. ix., Amstel., 1667,
; fol. In the Geneva
edition are wanting: Jo. Calv. Epistolae et Responsa. Genev., 1575, fol. better edi- ;
tion, Lausanne, 1576. 8. In the Amsterdam edition the Epistles are in Tom. xi. On
his exegetical writings, see Mej-er, ii. 450. [The Merits of Calvin as an Interpreter, b}'
Professor Tholuck, translated by L. Woods, Jun., in Bibl. Repos., AndoR'er, Jul}', 1832.
Calvin's Collected 'Works, translated and published at Edinburgh, 52 vols., completed
1855. His Correspondence, cd. bj* Jules Bonnet, translated, to be in 4 vols., two of
which are published. On his life, see Ilaag's France Protestante Guizot in Musee des ;
Protest. Celeb.; Gabriel's Hist, de I'Eglise de Geneve, 1855; Bobbins, in Bib. Sacra,
1845-46; New American Cyclopaedia; T. H. Dj-er, London, 1850; Revue Chretienne,
1854 Kirchenfreund, 1857 British and Foreign Quarterl}-, 1860.]
; ;
^" Seb. Castellio's Lcbensgeschichte, bj' J. C. Fuesslin, Frankf. u. Leipzig, 1775. [On
Castellio, see Schweizer, Central Dogmen, i. 310, 372, etc. ; Henrj-, Leben Calvin's, ii.
383; Trechsel's Anti-Trinitar., i. 208; Schweizer, ubi supra.]

^' De Haereticis an sint perscquendi, etc., cum praef. Mart. Bellii, Magdeb., 1554
(Henry, iii. ii. 89): another work against Calvin's doctrine of predestination (Henrv,
iii. ii. 28). On Henry,
88 [and Schweizer, as
the controversj-, see Fuessli, 50; iii. i.
aljove]. Tliese anon3-mous writings of Castellio .soon passed into oblivion

but the ;
chief contents were adopted in a work published after, Castellio's death by Faustus Soci-
nus, viz., Seb. Castellionis dialogi iv., Aresdorffii, 1578. 12. (De praedestinationo, de
electione, de libero arbitrio, de iide, an perfecte legi Dei ab hominibus obediri possit,
responsio de praedestinatione, defensio adv. libcllum Jo. Calvini, de calumnia.)
PART II.— CHAP. III.—EVANGELICAL THEOLOGY. § 48. REFORMED. 559
tion of the Bible'"*" was opposed in Geneva as a work of Satan.

On the other hand, Theodore Beza, professor and preacher in Ge-
neva (deceased 1605),^^ was considered a model in the interpreta-
New Testament and the French Reformed theologian,
tion of the ;
John Mercerus (who died in Usez, in Languedoc, 1570),^* prepared

excellent works on the Old Testament. John Drusius, professor
in Leyden and Franecker (deceased 1616), Louis de Dieu, pro-
fessor in Leyden (died 1642),^^ and the two Basle professors, John
Buxtorf, the father (died 1629), and his son (who died in 1664),^°
contributed materially to extend the study of the Oriental lan-
guages in the explanation of the books of Scripture. Here, too,
however, exegesis came into the service of dogmatics. Thus was

it in the learned commentaries of John Piscator, professor in Her-
born (died 1626) ;^^ but still more after the Arminian controver-
sies in Holland.^^ In the field of church history the most dis-
tinguished authors were Rudolph Hospinianus, preacher in Zu-
:
rich (died 1626) f^ Gerhard John Vossius, professor in Leyden,

and afterward in Amsterdam (died 1649).'"' David Blondel,
^- Biblia Interpretc Seb. Castalione una cum ejusdem Annotatioiiibus, BasiL, 1551,
fol., often reprinted. In the dedication to Edward VI. of England, Castellia assigns as
liis object, ut fidelis, et Latina, et perspicna esset haec translatio; conip. Me3-er, ii. 290.
In 1555 he published a French translation of the Bible. Beza opposed to it his Latin,
N. T. Latine jam olim a vet. Interprete, nunc denuo a Th. Beza versum, cum ejusdem
Annotationibus, Oliva Rob. Stephani, 155G, fol. then b}' Castellio Defensio suarum
; :
Translationum Bibliorum, et maxime Novi Foederis, Basil., 15G2 Beza, in reply Re- ; :
sponsio ad Defcnsiones et Reprehensiones S. Castell., 1563; conip. Castellio v. Fuesslin,

s. 43.
^^ Th. Beza nach handschriftl. Quellen dargestellt, b}' J. W. Baum, 2 Th., Leipzig,
1843. 51. [the third part, containing the Appendices, published 1852]. —N. T. cujus Grae-
co textui respondent interpretationes duae, una vetus, altera nova Th. Bezae, ejusdem
Th. Bezae annotationes, of this four editions, 1565, 1582, 1588, 1598, fol. From this text
of Beza was formed the texius receptus ; Meyer, ii. 72, 475. [Comp. Schlosser's Life of
Beza ;and Ilerzog, in his Encyclopedia.]
^* His commentaries were published b}^ Beza after his death, Comm. in lib. Job, and
in Sal. Proverbia, Ecclesiasten et Cant. Cant., Genevae, 1573, fol., in Genesin, Gen., 1598,
fol. Meyer, ii. 481.
^^ On both, Me3-er, iii. 413.
=^ Meyer, iii. 23, 169.
-'
Me3-er, His new German version of the Bible (Herborn, 1G02) is often un-
iii. 410.
intelligible, from its Meyer, iii. 369.
slavish adherence to the original ;
^^ Thus the exegetical works of Andreas Rivetus, professor in Lej-den, then in Breda
(f 1G51), and Franc. Gomarus, professor in Groningen (f 1G41) see Meyer, iii. 417. ;
^"^
De Templis, 1587, multo auctius, 1G03; De Monachis, 1588, auctius, 1609; Festa
Christianorum, 1593, cum additamentis, 1612 Ilistoria Sacramentaria, T. ii. 1598 and
;
1602 Concordia Discors, de Originc et Progressu Formulae Concordiae Bergensis, 1C07

;
;
Historia Jesuitica, 1G19 : collected edition Tiguri in fol.

*" Hist, do Controvcrsiis, quas Polagius cjusquc Reliquiae moverunt, libb. vii., Lugd.
;
preacher in Houdan, near Paris, and then successor of Vossius

in Amsterdam (died 1655),'*^ was famous for historical criticism;
and in the same sphere the kindred Episcopal Church of England
could point to the learned James Usher (Usserius), professor in
Dublin, and afterward Archbishop of Armagh, who died in 1655.^^
In the French Reformed Church, Daniel Chamier, professor in
Montauhan (died 1621), published the most complete polemical
work against the Roman Catholic Church;" Moses Amyrault
(Amyraldus), professor in Saumur (died 1664), an excellent sys-
tem of Christian ethics.** Louis Cappellus, professor in Saumur
(died 1658), investigated the history of the Hebrew text of the
Old Testament ; but at that time his works gave great offense,*''
though they laid the basis for a new period in Biblical research.
The same was the case with the exegetical writings of Hugo Gro-
tius (died 1645),*^ who, as an author, influenced theology at sev-
Bat., 1618. 4. (locupletatius cura Isaaci Vossii, Amstel., 1G55. 4.). On account of this
work, which displeased the Contra-Remonstrants, he lost his post in Lej'den, and was
even excommunicated for a time see Niceron's Nachr. v. beriihmten Gelehrten, i. 91
;
comp. the Synodale Handelingen in de Zaak der Remonstranten, in the Archief voor
kerk. Geschiedenis, vii. 69, 79, et passim.
*' Pseudo-Isidorus et Turrianus vapulantes, Gcnev., 1628. 4. De Eucharistia veteris
Ecclesiae, 1640. De la Primaute en Apologia pro Sententia
I'Eglise, Geneve, 1641, fol.
Hieronymi de Episcopis et Presbyteris, Amstel., 1646. 4. De Formulae Regnante Christo

in veterum Monumentis Usu, Amstel., 1646. 4. Tract, de Jure Plebis in Regimine Ec-
clesiastico, Paris, 1648. 8. De Joanne Papissa, Amstel., 1657. 8. [_Actes authentiques
des egliscs reform, de France, de Germ., de Gr. Bretagne, 1651.]
*= Gotteschalci et Praedestinatianae Controversiae Hist., Dublini, 1631. 4. Veterum
Epistolarum Hibernicarum Sylloge, Dubl., 1632. 4. Britannicarum Ecclesiarum An-
tiquitates, quibus inserta est Pelag. Haereseos Historia, Dubl., 1639. 4. De Romanae
Eccl. Symbolo Apostolico veteri aliisque Fidei Formulis, Lond., 1647. 4. Annales Vet.
et Nov'i Test., 2 P., Lond., 1650. 54., fol. (best edition, Genevae, 1722, fol., which also
contains Chronologia Sacra, De Rom. Eccl, symbolo and Usserii Vita a Th. Smitho con-
scripta). [Works by Dr. Elrington, xvi. vols., 1847-50, Dublin. Answer to a Jesuit
(1624), Camb., 1835.]
Dan. Cham. Panstratiae Catholicae, s. Controversiarum de Religione adversus Pon-
*'
Corpus, cd. cura Bened. Turretini, iv. T., Genev., 1626, fol. [Schweizer, ii. 233.]
tificios
** Comp.
§ 45, Note 8. La Morale chrcstienne ;i Mr. de Villarnoul, a Saumur, 1652-
60, 4 P., in 6 Banden cf. Staudlin's Gesch. d. christl. Moral seit d. Wiederaufleben d.
;
Wissensch., 406 do Wette, Gesch. d. christl. Sittenlehre, ii. 320. [On the school of
s. ;
Saumur, see Ebrard, Dogmalik, i. Gass, Gesch. d. Dogmatik, ii. but especially Schwei-
; ;
zer, Central-Dogmen, ii. 225-439, on Camero, Amyraut, and Dallaeus and 554-663 on ;
Pajon; cf. Theol. Jahrb. (of Baur artd Zeller), 1853.]

*5 Arcanum Punctationis revelatum, Lugd. Bat., 1624. 4. Controversy about this
with the Buxtorfs; see Meyer's Gesch. der Schrifterklarung, iii. 273.— Lud. Cappelli
Critica Sacra, Lutet., Paris, 1650, fol. Meyer, iii. 287. ;
*5 De Veritate Religionis Christ, cura G. J. Vossii, 1627. Annotationes in libros

Evangeliorum, Amst!, 1641, fol. Annott. in N. T. T., ii. iii., Paris, 1646. 50., fol. An-
nott. in V. T. 3 T., Paris, 1644, fol. Hugo Grotius nach s. Schicksalen und Schriftcn
1
PT. II.— CH. III.— EVANGELICAL CHURCH. § 49. RELIGIOUS STATE. 50
eral points, but who was not regarded by the Reformed Church
of that period as in sympathy with it.
§ 49.
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION OF THE PEOPLE.
One of the chief blessings of the Reformation was found in the

fact, that the increased religious knowledge was spread abroad
and confirmed by means of sermons, catechetical exercises, and
the care of souls and that a class of clergy was trained adapted to
;
this work. Thus, in consequence of Luther's urgent exhortations,'

schools were founded in all the cities attached to the Reformation ;
in the smaller towns there were at least schools for popular in-
struction,2 in the larger towns, higher institutions for education.^

In Saxony* and Wiirtemberg^ cloisters were appropriated to this
object. New universities and academies were also established.^
dargestellt v. H. Luden, Berlin, [A new edition, with translation, of Grotius on

1806.
the Truth of the Christian Religion, John Clarke, D.D., Lond., 18G0.]
bj'
[Comp., on this chapter, A. Tholuck, Das akadem. Leben des IGten Jahrh., 2 Bde.,
1854-55.]
'
An Deutseh^s Landes, dass sie christl. Schulen aufrich-
die Rathsherrn aller Stadte
ten und halten sollen. 1524. 4. (Walch, x. 532), translated into
M. Luther, Wittenberg,
Latin bj- Vine. Opsopiius De constituendis scholis M. Luther! liber, donatus latinitati.
:
Praecedit Ph. Melanchth. praefatio, Hagenoae, 1524 (the Preface is given in C. R., i. 666).
Der 127te Psalm, ausgelegt an die Christen zu Rigen, in Liefland. M. Luther, Witten-
berg, 1524 (de Wette, ii. 595), urged especiallj- the erection of schools and the regular
paj'ment of the clerg}-.
* The general plan of instruction was laid down in the Instruction to the Visitors,
1528 (Richter's Kirchenordnung, Besides religious instruction, reading, writing,
i. 100).
and singing, the children were to be taught onlj- in Latin, not German, Greek, or He-
brew (without doubt because then they could obtain a strict knowledge of grammar only
through the Latin) and for this object they were divided into three houses (classes), in-
;
structed by the schoolmaster and his two assistants. J. Wigger's Kirchengeschichte

Meklenburgs, s. 140.
^ Thus in the school in Nuremberg, which Melancthon aided in founding, dedicated
23d Ma}-, 1526 (the Oration in C. R., xi. 106), and where John Camerarius as rector,
Eoban Hess, and other able men were appointed. Comp. J. D. Schulze, Literaturge-
schichte der sammtl. Schulen im teutschen Reiche, Weissenfels u. Leipz., 1804. Wach-
ler's Gesch. d. Literatur, 2te Umarbeitung, iii. 33.
* The Prince's schools, founded by Maurice, Schulpforta and Meissen, 1543, and
Grimma, 1550. ,
' Theological stipendium in the Augustine cloister in Tubingen, from 1548. Bj- the
cloister-edict, 1556, schools were established in fifteen cloisters, which, however, had
been reduced to five at the close of the 15tli century ; see Joh. Brenz, hy Hartmann and
Jager, ii. 299.
' German Universities: Marburg, 1527; Strasburg, 1538; Konigsberg, in Preussen,
1544; Jena, 1557; Helmstadt, 1576; Altorf, 1575; Giessen, 1607; Rinteln, 1619. In
Switzerland: in Zurich, Collegium Carolinum, 1521; in Lausanne, Theol. Acad., 1537;
VOL. IV. —36
:
562 ,
rOURXn period.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1C48.
All these institutions had theological and religious education chief-

ly in view ; the training of the clergy was their most important
object. Some of these schools'' even attaine'd a great reputation,
and contributed in no recommend the Reformation.
slight degree to
In country places it was

some time the custom for the pas-
for
tors alone to instruct the youth in the Catechism.^ The cloisters

were, however, soon called to give aid, and were also obliged to
exercise the children in singing the hymns of the church.^ The
ecclesiastical ordinance of Electoral Saxony, in 15S0, first enjoined
the cloisters to open schools for general instruction. ^°
in Geneva Univ., 1558. In Holland, Universities in Leyden, 1575; Franeckcr, 1585;

Harderwyk, ICOO; Groningen, 1G14; Utrecht, 1636. In France, particularly the Acad-
emies in Montauban, Sedan (1562), and Saumur (1601). [The French Protestants es-
tablished (1578-1685) one or more colleges in every province of the kingdom, excepting
Proven(;e, thirty-two in all, with a course of instruction of seven years and also at least ;
one parochial school for every church. Comp. Nicolas, in the Bulletin de la Societe de
I'Hist. du Protest. Franq., 1856, pp. 497-511, 582-595. On the Academy of Geneva, see
Cellerier, in the same work, p. 13 sq., 200 sq., 253 sq. See also Bussiere, Protest, in
Strasb., etc., 1859.]
' Thus the school founded in the Dominican cloister of Strasburg b}- its leading teach-
er, Joh. Sturm (1537-1583), deposed as Calvinist, and died 1589. [Comp. Chs. Schmidt,
La Vie et les travaux de Jean Sturm, 1855.] (Th. Vcimel in Schwarz DarstcUungen aus
dem Gebiete der Pildagogik, Leipzig, 1833,
s. 103.) One in Goldberg, in Silesia, by Val-
entin Friedland Trotzendorf (1531-155G. G. Pinzger's Val. Friedl. Trotzendorf, Hirsch-
berg, 1825). One in Ilfeld, by the Abbot Mich. Neander (1550-1595. W. Ilavemann's
Mittheilungen aus dem Lebeu von M. Neander, Gottingen, 1841).
8 After Luther's suggestions, in his Deutsche Messe, 1526 (Richter's Kirchenordnung, i.
37) "This instruction must now be given, because there is not yet any special congre-
:
gation, it may be from the pulpit, at particular times or daily, as the need is and at ;
Iiome children and servants must be taught in private morning and evening, if thej' are
to become Christians. Not onl}- must they learn the word bj' heart, as before, but they
must be asked verse bj' verse, and must answer what each means, and how they under-
stand it." Ph. H. Schuler's Gesch. d. katechet. Religlonsunterrichts unter d. Protestan-
ten ; Halle, 1802, s. 49.
In the Saxon Church Order, 1533, the only injunction upon the sacristans in this
^
respect is about ha\'ing singing, especially in winter (Richter's Kirchenordnung, i. 228)

" Sie sollen die Jugend zuweilen, sonderlich im Winter, auch die andern Leute die
ehristliche Gesilnge lehren, und dieselben in der Kirchen zur Messe und vor und nach
den Predigten trculich und ordentlich helfen singen." On the other hand, the village
sextons in Lilbeck, 1531 (i. 150), Pomerania, 1535 (i. 249), and Meissen, 1540 (i. 321),
are enjoined to aid the pastor in the Catechism and the Saxon General Articles of 1557
;
(ii. 186) enjoin [that thej' teach the Catechism and singing Sundaj' afternoons, and on
some week-daj', and examine the children in the Catechism and this in all the villa-
;
ges] " Die Dorflviister sollen verpfiichtet seyn, alle Sonntage nach Mittag, mid in der
:
Wochen auch auf einen gewissen Tag die Kinder den Katechismum, und chrislliche
Deutsche Gesilnge mit Fleiss und deutlich zu lehren, und nachmals in den vorgesproch-
cnen oder vorgelesenen Artikeln des Katechismi wiederum zu vorhoren und zu exami-
niren, und do eins oder mehr Filial zu der Pfarr gehiiretcn, soil er mit solcliem Leln-en,
mit Rath seines Pastors, dermassen abwechseln, dass die Jugend in alien Dorfern nach
Nothdurft unterwicsen, mid ja nicht ver.silumet werde."
'" The Reformatio Ecclcsiarum Hassiae, 1526, published bj- the Synod of Ilomberg,
:
PT. II.— CII. III.— EVANGELICAL CHUECH, § 49. RELIGIOUS STATE. 5(53
Thus the Protestant churches now possessed great spiritual

treasures in their German version of the Bible, in their Cate-
chisms, and in their church songs ; while in preaching" and in
the schools they had institutions which laid these treasures open
to all. And yet even Luther found cause to complain of the in-
crease of license. ^^ This was the result in part of the transition
from church coercion to church freedom ; in part of a misappre-
hension of the doctrine of justification by faith ; in part of the
bitter polemics in which this new doctrine about faith was pro-
claimed to the people. For these polemics tended to make this
doctrine, in a one-sided manner, a matter of the mere understand-
ing, and not unfrequently presented it in so rude a method as only
to excite passion, and thus not unfrequently kept the real religious
marrow of the doctrine in the back-ground. These erroneous
tendencies had been already opposed by Melancthon in his In-
structions to the Visitors.^^ Luther, too, in his numerous sermons,
gave admirable examples of a style of preaching adapted to lay
hold of the heart and to arouse the moral sensibilities.^* But when
ordains, c. SO (see Eichtcr's Kirchenordnung, In omnibus civitatibus, oppidis et

i. 68) :
pagis sint puerorum scholae, ubi rudimenta et scribendi rationcm doceantur ; however,
this order, like the mosl^ of them, did not go into execution. In the Prussian Church
Ordinance, 15G8, the bishops were enjoined (ii. 302) to have schools for the cities, etc.
"Dass sie bei den Stiidten, auch ziemlichen Kirchen auf dem Lande anhalten, damitdie
Schulen wol bestellet und versehen werden." The peasants were required to pay eight
schillinge for ever}' hide [about thirtj- acres] of land, for the schoolmaster (p. 304). In
the ecclesiastical ordinance of Electoral Saxony, 1580, the first question asked of the
sacristans and guardians was, whether they would obey the order about the schools (ii.
413): "Ob er vcrmoge unser Ordnung die Schule angestellet, und alle Tage aufs wc-
nigst vier Stunden Schul halte, besondcrs aber den Katechismum die Kinder mit Fleiss
in der Schulen lehre, und mit ihnen Dr. Luther's geistliche Gesiing und Psalmen treibe."
The school money was two pennies the week. Then, p. 450, they are exhorted to use
all diligence about the schools, and see to them dail}-: "Es sollen auch alle Custodes
und Dorfkiisterer Schul halten, und derselben taglich mit allem Fleiss vermoge der
Ordnung abwarten, darinnen die Knaben lehren lesen, schreiben, und christliche Gc-
fcfuige, so in der Kirchen gebrauclit werden sollen, darauf der Pfarrer sein fleissiges Auf-
sehen haben, und das Volk mit Ernst dazu vermahnen soil."
" Which were also diffused among the people in Postils. So particularly both of Lu-
ther's Postils ; and Anton Corvinus (professor in Marburg, general Superintendent in
the principality of Calenberg, f 1553), Postillen iiber Evangelicn und Episteln, mit Lu-
ther's Vorrede, 1535. 37. (first published in German, then also in Latin) ; Job. Brenz,
Postille uber die Evangelieu (published by Joh. Pollicarius). Frankf., 1550 (see Brenz,
by Ilartmann and Jiiger, ii.471) lastly the Postils of Joh. Gerhard (sec § 48, Note 23).
;
Jena, 1G13, and,Joh. Arnd (see below, § 50, Note 22). Lcipsic, IGIG.
'* Sse above, § 30, Note 2.
'^ See above,
§ 34, Notes 20, 22.
'* Luther's homiletic rules are brought together in M. Conr. Portae (preacher in Eis-
leben, f 1585), Pastorale Lutheri, Leipzig, 158G. •!., and J. G. Walch's Samnilung klei-
;
disputes arose in the bosom of the Church, the polemic harshness
of Luther's other writings found numerous imitators even in the

pulpit.^^ The excellent homiletic directions of Andreas Hyperius^®
and Nicolas Hemming (professor in Copenhagen, afterward canon
in Rothschild, died 1600)^'^ had no great influence. Most of the
sermons were filled with one-sided dogmatic and polemic matter.
From the beginning of the seventeenth century a scholastic style
of preaching prevailed, not unfrequently conjoined with entire lack
of taste, or rude phraseology unworthy of the pulpit, and sometimes
with a display of useless learning ;^^ so that even the five-fold
Usus, which had become the rule in the structure of sermons,^^
could not make them useful for Christian culture. Pastoral in-
ner Schriften v. d. Gott gefiilligen Art zu predigen, Jena, 1746. Comp. Ph. H. Schu-
ler'sGesch. der Veriinderiingen des Geschmacks im Predigen, insonderheit unter den
Protestanten in Deutschland (3 Th., Halle, 1792. 93.), i. 38. E. Jonas, die Kanzelbered-
samkeit Luther's uach ihrer Genesis, ihrem Character, Inhalt u. ihrer Form, Berlin, 1852.
'* Comp. the extracts from Morliifs Sermons against Osiander, delivered in Konigs-
berg, 1551, in Salig's Hist. d. Augsb. Conf., ii. 966. That the Wittenbergers could be
equally harsh is seen in Major's Predigt im Oct., 1557, gegen seine Widersacher, Salig,
iii. 324.
See § 48, Note 2. A. Hj'p. de formandis Concionibus Sacris, s. de Interpretatione
'^
Scripturarum populari, libb. ii Marburgi, 1553, deuuo ed. H. B. Wagnitz, Halae, 1781
,
comp. Schuler, i. 95.

" Nic. Hemm. Pastor. Unterrichtunge, wie ein Pfarrherr^nd Seelsorger in Lehr,
Leben, und allem Wandel sich christlich vcrhalten soil, Leipzig, 1566 comp. Schuler, ;
i. 102.
Evidence of this in Schuler, i. 120, 150. On some of the better Saxon preachers,
'5
Tholuck's Geist der Luther. Theologen Wittenbergs im 17ten Jahrh. (Hamburg and
.êe
Gotha, 1852), s. C9. [Also, Tholuck, Lebenszeugen d. Lutherischen Kirche, 1859.]

" Usus and paedeuticus, after
didascalicus, elenchthicus, paracleticus, epanorthoticus,
2 Tim. iii. 16, Dav. Chytraeus ad Hier. Mencelium, Superint. Islebi-
and Rom. xv. 4.
ensem (Chytraei Epistt., p. 348): Utinam timore Dei et poenitentia et metu irae ac ju-
dicii divini advcrsus peccatum animos nostros et auditorum nostrorum ad verae pietatis
ac justitiae et dilcctionis Dei ac proximi exercitia potius, quam ad dispUtationum rixas,
quae non sublatam, sed mutatam esse superioris aetatis sophisticam ostendunt, adsue-
faceremus (Job. Val. Andreae) Veri Christianismi Solidaeque Philosophiae Libertas,
!
Argentor., 1618. 12., p. 99: De Evangelii quidem voce clara, pura, vereque apostolica
equidem est quod nobis gratulemur nee id Antichristum latet, frementem cum reliquis
;
Ecclesiae hostibus, ac ruptum paene medium atque utinam nunquam contentiosorum,

:
ambitiosorum spirituum inipugnatione eo adactum fuisset, ut plus nunc in malignitatis

eorum detectione evitationeque, quam nuda beneficiorum erga nos Dei confessione veri-
tatisque agnitione nobis sit negotii factum. Ea res incautioribus imposuit, ut hac hu-
manae rationis contentione et delectati admodum fuerint, et iis acquieverint, omnemque
vitam imprudentissime absumpserint. Nempe Trinitatem definire quam adorare, prac-
sentiam Christi probare quam omni tempore ac loco revereri, peceatorum poenitentiam
describere quam intra se sentire, operum mcrita refutare quam opus bonum facere, ac
per sacras literas frequenter volutari, quam dilcctionis christianae praxi occupari ma-
lunt: deniquc theologiam scientiam aliquam faciunt, cujus cognitio veluti logices aut
metaphysicae ad eruditionis famam impctrandam admodum utilis. Then follows a sad
account of the village pastors of the time.
PT. II.—CH. III.— EVANGELICAL CHURCH. § 49. RELIGIOUS STATE. 565
struction in the Catechism subsided into catechetical sermons, or

was altogether abandoned.^" In the Reformed Church a strict
discipline still upheld order ;-^ but in the German Lutheran

Church they seemed to care only for orthodoxy f^ and, besides,
ignorance, immorality, and rudeness penetrated the popular mind,
and reached a fearful height, especially during the devastations
of the Thirty Years' "War.^^ Behef in witchcraft was still preva-
lent, notwithstanding some opposition to it ;^* and in the seven-
=" Schuler's Gesch. d. katechet. Religionsunterrichts unter den Protestanten, s. 84.
'' Jo. Val. Andreae Vita ab ipso conscripta, ex autographo ed. F. H. Rheinwald, Berol.,
1849, p. 24 : Dum Genevae essem (the spring of 1611), notavi rem magni moment!, et cu-
jus non tam memoriam quam desiderium nisi cum vita nunquam posuero. Nam praeter
perfectam reipiiblicae liberae formam atque curara peculiare ornamentum et disciplinae
instrumentum urbs habet censuram, qua in omnes civium mores et minutissimos etiam
excessus hebdomatim inquiritur, primuni per inspectores vicanos, dein seniores, denique
ipsum Senatum, prout rei atrocitas, aut delinquentis vel duritia vel pertinacia exegerit.
llinc prohibentur omnes dejerationes et execrationes, aleae et chartarum lusus, lascivia,
petulantia, rixae, odia, doli, fraudes, emulsiones, comessationes, luxus, protervia, socor-
dia, bills immodica, rusticitas, nedura majora flagitia, quae propemodum inaudita hie
sunt et insolita. Quae morum castimonia mirum quam decori sit religioni christianae,
quam conveniens, quam propria, ut earn nobis abesse atque plane negligi omnibus la-
cr3'mis deplorandum sit, et ut restituatur bonis cunctis allaborandum. Me sane nisi re-
ligionis dissonantia arcuisset, morum consonantia aeternum devinxisset, adeoque omni
nisu exinde studui, ut tale quid nostris Ecclesiis conciliarem.
'^ How is seen in the example of the great astronomer, John Kep-
reckless thej- were
ler, who Comp. John Kepler's Leben und Wirken, by J. L. C. Freih. v.
died 1630.
Breitschwert, Stuttgart, 1831. Kepler was a devout Protestant, driven from Steier-
mark for his belief, in 1600, bj- the bigoted Ferdinand II. (p. 44) but he was tolerant ;
toward other churches, and rejected the doctrine of ubiquitj^ (p. 21); his assertion, that
the Earth moved, was held to be contrarj'' to Scripture (p. 35) and hence he could not ;
find any post in his fatherland, Wiirtemberg (p. 55). Comp. Tholuck's Luth. Theologen
Witteubergs, s. 82.
-^ J. B. Andreii und soin Zeitalter dargestellt, hy W. Hossbach, Berlin, 1819, s. 35.
Tholuck, s. 93.
'* Luther, too, believed that witches could harm men and cattle, but considered the
opinion that they could transform themselves and ride through the air to be a deception
of Satan see Decem Praecepta praedicata ann. 1517, in Loscher's Reformationsacta, i.
:
593. Even John Kepler participated in the belief of his times as to witches see Breit- ;
schwert, p. 130. On the other hand, it was opposed bj- Joh. Wier (Leibarzt des Herzogs
V. Cleve) de Praestigiis Daemonum, Incantationibus et Veneficiis, libb. vi., Basil., 1563.
4. (Noteworthy is Wier's correspondence with Brenz, 1565 and 1566. The latter had long
opposed the opinion that hail and thunder storms could be produced bj- witches, but con-
ceded that the}' might possiblj' injure men, and considered the laws to be just against
those who, even erroneousl}-, believed that the}' could hurt others with the help of the
devil. On the other hand, he granted that the blind rage which was sacrificing so manj-
as witches ought to be restrained Joh. Brenz, b}' Hartmann and Jager, ii. 484) Thom.
; ;
Erastus (phj-sician and philosopher in Basle) de Lamiis s. Strigibus, Basil., 1577 (Wundt's
Mag. f. pfalzische Geschichte, ii. 210) Augustin Lercheimer's christl. Bedenken u. Erin-
;
nerung von Zauberei, Frankf., 1585, fol. (also in J. Scheible's Kloster, ii. 206) Gabriel ;
Naude (physician in Rome and Paris), Apologie pour les grands hommes, soupcjonnes de
Magie, Paris, 1025 Cautio criminalis, s. de processibus contra sagas, lib. ad magistra-
;
tus Gevmaniae hoc tempore necesskrius, auctore incerto theologo orthod. (Frid. Spec,
teentli century the execution of witches had become so frequent^^

that the different churches seemed to rival one another in exhib-
iting their Christianity in this form.
§ 50.
COUNTER-WORKINGS OF MYSTICISM AND OF PRACTICAL CHRISTIANITY

IN THE LUTHERAN CHURCH.
In proportion as theology in the Lutheran Church degenerated

into a dry orthodoxy of the letter, without nourishment for the
spirit or power in the moral sphere, it was natural for those minds
that longed for a living faith to turn again in the direction of
mysticism. The mystics of the Middle Ages, esteemed as they
were by Luther himself, had constantly retained many quiet
friends in the Lutheran Church. And then, too, mysticism prop-
er, which was directly employed in the service of medicine by
Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, surnamed Paracelsus
(who died in Salzburg, 1541) S and at first advocated only by the
physicians of the school of Paracelsus," was further developed in
its theological aspects, and in this shape brought into opposition
to the theological scholasticism, at the beginning of the seven-
teenth century. Valentine Weigel, pastor in Tschopau, in Misnia
(who died in 1588), avoided giving offense while living f but in
Jesuit in Trier), Rintel., 1G31. [On -n-itchcraft and superstition in England in seven-
teenth centur}-, see Roberts's Social Hist, of Eng., 185G, p. 522 sq. Scott's Discoverj' of
;
Witchcraft, 1655 John Webster's Displaj'ing of Supposed Witchcraft

;
wherein a Cor-
. . .
poreal League betwixt the Devil and the Witch is utterlj- denied and disproved, Lond.,
1677 ; S. R. Maitland, The Conduct of the Clergj- with regard to Magic and Sorcerj-,
Theol. Critic, June, 1852."]
^''
G. C. Horst's Diinionomagie, oder Gesch. des Glaubens an Zauberei und damon.
Wunder, mit bes. Berucksichtigung des Hexenprocesses (2 Th., Fraukf. a. M., 1818), i.
197 ; ii. 149. An account of the way in which Kepler's mother was examined as a
witch, 1615, and of her defense by her son, is in Joh. Kepler's Leben bj- Freih. v. Breit-
schwert, s. 97. [A complet eedition of Kepler's works, by Chs. Frisch, vol. i.-iii., 18C0,
Frankf. Comp. Playfair, in Edinb. Rev., v. Life, in For. Qu. Rev., xv.]
;
' Onhim, as a physician, see K. F. H. Marx zur Wiirdigung des Theophr. v. Ho-
henheim, in den Abhandl. der Kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, Bd.
i. (1843), s. 73. Die Theologie des Th6ophr. Parac. v. Hohenheim, in Auszugen aus s.
Schriften dargestellt v. Dr. H. A. Preu, Berlin, 1839. On his philosophy, see Tenne-
mann's Gesch. der Philosophic, ix. 205. Ritter's Gesch. d. christl. Philos., v. 51G.
[Hagenbach, Vorlesungen uber die Reform., 337 sq. M. Carriere, Phil. Weltanschau-
iii.
ung Reform., Stuttg., 1847. Ritter, Christl. Phil., ii. 155 sq.]
d.
" Secta Medicorum Paracelsica, Hermetica, Spagirica, Chymica ; see Marx, s. 112.
Comp. Arnold's Kirchen- u. Ketzerhist., Th. 2, B. 16, Cap. 22, § 8.

^ On his life and writings, see Arnold's Kirchen- u. Ketzerhist., Th. 2, B. 17, Cap. 17.
PART II.— CHAP. III.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § bO. MYSTICISM. 557
liis quiet residence in the country he had written a series of

works, which began to be issued in 1609,* and created an im-
mense excitement by their theosophic and fanatical speculations.^
After 1612 Jacob Bohme's^ (shoemaker in Gorlitz, Philosophus
UnschulJigc Nachrichten, 1715, s. 22 coinp. s. 1075. He subscribed the Formula Con-

;
cordiae, 1580; see his Dialogus de Christianismo, Neuenstadt, 1G18. 4., s. 39 [Not as
man's bool^, but as coutaininij ia intent the Apostles' doctrine. He also complains of
the haste with which thej- were called upon to subscribe. Yet he did it to avoid the re-
proach that he did not believe the apostolic doctrine. But he must still say to the high
schools that thej- do not know Christ, etc.] "Nicht ihrer Lehre oder Menschen Biich-
:
ern habe ich mich untcrschrieben. Sondern dieweil sie ihren Intent auf die Apostoli-
sche Schrift, und dieselbige alien Menschen Biichern vorziehen (wie billig), konnte ich
das wol leidcn. —
Zu dem war es ein schnelle Uberhujung oder Ubereilung, dass man
nicht etliche Tage oder Wochen solche Ding einem jeden insonderheit zu uberlesen ver-
gonnete, sondern uur in einer Stunde dem ganzen Haufen vorgelesen, uud darauf die
Subscription erfordert. Zum dritten wollte mir armen Zuhcirer nicht gebiihren, dem
Teufel ein Freudenmahl zu machen und anzurichten, dass der ganze Ilauf geschrien
hiitte da, da, wir habeas wol gewusst, er sej-e nit unserer Lehr gemass. Also hiittj
:
mein unbeweglicher Apostolischer Grund miissen fiir eine vcrlogene Lehre gehalteii
wef den, welches Gott nicht gefallig, die Perlen fiir die Siiu zu schiitten, oder das Hei-
ligthum den Ilunden zu geben zu Lohn batten sie mich zutreten und zurissen, ware
:
mir billig geschehen, dass ich fiir der Zeit mir mein Leben hatte abgekiirzet mein Be- :
kanntnuss ware keinem unter dem ganzen Haufen niitze gewesen, nur iirgerlich, Gott —
wiird michs wol heissen, wenn ich soil sprechen zu den hohen Schulen sie kennen :
Christum nicht, wer-unberuft liiufet, richtet nichts aus. Mache mir also gar kein Ge-
wissen mit diesem Unterschreiben." Postille, i. 108 " Bist Du in der Zuhl der Priest- :
er, und wirst gewahr, dass dein Stand ungottlich ist, lass den iiusseru Menschen eineii
Priester seyn, lass ihn das Joch oder das Kreuz tragen, klage du es Gott, und bute dich
ja, dass du nach dem innern Menschen kein Priester se3-st."
* In Halle and in Magdeburg; see the chronological list in the Unschuldige Nach-
richten, 1715, s. 35. The first which aroused attention was " Kirchen- oder Ilauspostill
iiber die Sonntags- und fiirnehmsten Fest-Evangclien, Neustadt (Magdeburg), IGU."
Weigel's writings, after his death, were at first circulated in copies made by his chorist-
er, Weickert and their integrity, and even the genuineness of several, is consequently
;
doubtful.
* On his doctrine, see Arnold, Th. 2, B. 17, cap.
17, § 7. Dorner's Entwickelungs-
geschichte der Lehre v. d. Person Christi, s. 224. Baur's Gesch. d. Lehre v. d. Versoh-
nung, s. 463, and his Lehre v. d. Dreieinigkeit, iii. 257. Eitter's Gesch. d. christi. Phi-
losophie, vi. 77. [Comp. Niedner, Gesch. d. Kirche, L. Pertz, Der Weigelia-
737 sq.
nismus, in Zeitschrift f. d. Hist. Theol., 1857. Walch, Religionsstreitigkeiten, iv. 1024
sq. Planck, Gesch. d. Protest. Theol., 72 sq. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen uber die Ref.,
iii. 337 sq.]
« His life, after his own communications, by Abrah. v. Franckenberg, prefixed to his
works. Comp. Arnold, Th. 2,Bohme's Leben und Lehre, dargestellt
B. 17, cap. 19. J.
von Dr. W. L. Wullen, Stuttgart, 1836. Die Lehre des Deutschen Philosophen J. Bohme,
systematisch dargestellt v. Dr. J. Hamberger, Miinchen, 1844. Tennemann's Geschich-
te der Philos., x. 183. Dorner's Lehre von d. Person Christi, s. 231. Baur's Lehre v.
der Dreieinigkeit, iii. 261. Ritter, vi. 100. Bohme derived his Paraeelsian ideas from
his intercourse with physicians of that school ; viz., Balthasar Walther, Cornel. Weiss-
ner, and Tobias Kober. [Wullen, Bliithen aus J. Bohme's Mystik, Stuttg., 1836. A.
E. Umbreit, Jakob Bohme, Heidelb., 1835. Baur, Gnosis, 558 and in Zeller's Jahrb., ;
1850. Hamberger, Lehre des Deutschen Philos. Jak. B., Munchen, 1844. Tholuck, i:i
Zeitschr. f. christi. Wiss., 1854. Auberlen, in Ilerzog's Realencyclop. H. A. Fecliiier,
508 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-lGi8.
Teutonicus, died 1624) mystical book, " The Aurora Rising," be-
gan manuscript it was followed, after a pe-
to be circulated in ;
riod of ten years, by a large number of other works.^ Although

these two theosophists were independent of each other, yet many
of the ideas of the old mystics, of Paracelsus, and of the fanatical
Anabaptists, found an equal response in their writings, particularly
in their disdain^ of all Christianity of the letter, and of all scien-
Jak. B., Leben u. Schriften (Preisschrift), 1857. SchafF's Kircbenfreund, 1853. Christ.
Rev., Jul}-, 1854. Life, b^- Bialloblotzkj', in Penny Cj'clopedia. Works, 4 vols. fol. in
English, 1764-81. Ellistone was the chief English translator. Law proposed another
edition, this not being satisfactory ; see his Animadversions on Dr. Trapp. Comp.
Notes and Queries, viii. 13 ix. 24G and second series, i. 395, etc.
; ; See also, Hegel,
Gesch. d. Phil., iii. 29G ?q. Ritter, Christl. Phil., ii. 165 sq.]
' All these works were at first circulated in manuscript copies. His Aurora, oder
Morgenrothe im Aufgange, was first printed in 1631, 12mo. Tbe first imperfect edition
of his works was bj- H. Ammersbach and H. Beetke, Amsterdam (Ilalberstadt), 1675.
4. A more complete edition by J. G. Gichtel, Amsterdam, 1682, 10 Bde., 8. since then ;
often published the last edition by K. W. Schiebler, Leipzig, 1831—12, 4 Bde., and Stutt-
;
gart, 1835-46, G Bde.

^ B}- B. Weigel, Postille, i. 124 [We are all taught of man alone. We come from the
high schools, and are to preach Christ, whom we do not know. Our doctrine is from
men, and our life from the devil. Besides, we are compelled to swear that we will not
—
teach otherwise than what is prescribed in men's books Augsb. Confession, Philip's Loci,
and the like ; and he who Mill not is called a fanatic, and persecuted] " Sind wir nicht :
alle bloss von Menschen gelehrt, aufgeworfen und berafen Von hohen Schulen kom-
.'
men wir her, und sollen Christum predigen, welchen wir nicht kennen. Unsere Lehre
ist von Menschen, aus Menschen-Biichern oder Postillen, und unser Wandel oder Leben
ist vom Teufel den PIofFarth, Eigennutz, Faulheit, daniit jetziger Zeit fast alle Theo-
:
logen besessen sind, kommt furwahr nicht von Gott, sondern vom Teufel. So wir von
hohen Schulen und von Menschen gewahlt, geordnet, und geschickt sind, lassen wir es
dabei bleiben unser keiner gedenkt weiter zu lernen von Gott ja etliche miissen noch
; :
dazu vor Gott ein Jurament thun, sie woUcn nichts anders lehren, als was in Menschen-
Biichern vorgeschrieben ist. Damit sind audi etliche wohl zufrieden, um ihrer Faulheit
willen, beruhen gem auf dem Corpore doctrinae, auf den Postillen, auf der Augustana
Confessio, auf den Locis Philippi, auf den Schriften Lutheri, auf der Yiiter Buchern,
auf der Formula Concordiae sagen Gott Lob und Dank es ist alles ganz leicht in
; : !
der Theologie kurz zusammengefasst, so bediirfen wir nicht viel Studirens. Und so man
einen hiirte, der da postpositis hominum scriptis die heilige Schrift allein wollte handlen
—
und sich von Gott lehren lassen, so hiessen sie ihn einen Abtriinnigen von der Augsb.
Konfession, einen Schwiirmer, einen Schwenkfelder, der sich wolle den heil. Geist oder
die Salbung lassen lehren :vermSgen sie nicht wider einen solchen zu schreiben, so he-
ben sie Steine auf, und werfen nach ihm, d. i. giessen ihn bei der weltl. Obrigkeit an,
dass er getodtet, oder zum Lande hinausgeworfen werde." J. Bohme, Morgenrothe im
Aufgang, Cap. 22 [I need not the formulas of the philosophers and theologians, for I
—
have another master the whole of nature thence 1 learn mj' philosoph}' and theologj'.
:
12. But as men are gods, and have the knowledge of God, I do not despise their formulas
of philosoph}-, etc. 15. Nature, and not mj-self, condemns their pride and wrath] " 11. :
Ich brauche nicht ihrer (der Philosophen, Astrologen, u. Theologen) Formula u. Art, sinte-
mal ichs von ihnen nicht gelernet habe, sondern habe einen andern Lehrmeister, welcher
ganze Natur. Von derselben ganzen Natur mit ihrer instehenden Geburt habe
ist die
ichmeine Philosophiam, Astrologiam, und Theologiam studiret und gelernet, und nicht
von Menschen oder durch Menschen. 12. Weil aber die Menschen Gotter sind, und ha-
TART II.— CHAP. III.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 50. MYSTICISM. 559
tific theology ; in their exaltation of the inward light, and of im-

mediate union with God ; and in their adoption of the theories
of Paracelsus about the harmony of the visible and the invisible
world, and about man as the microcosm of the universe. Many
deviations from ecclesiastical orthodoxy were the inevitable conse-
(juence.^
As the tendency to the mysterious and wonderful was advancing
with rapid strides, leading to hazardous religious fanaticism, the
then youthful John Val. Andreae^" (born in 1586 ; deacon at Vai-
ben die Erkanntnus Gottes des Einigen'Vaters, aus dem sie seind herkommen, und in
Jem sie leben, so verachte ich ihre formulam der Philosophiae, Astrologiae, und Theolo-
giae gar nicht. Dann ich befinde, dass sie meistentheils gar auf rechtem Grunde ste-
liet,und will mich auch befleissen, dass ich ihrer Formula mochte nachfahren. 15. Ich —
habe dessen auch keinen Befehl, dass ich mich iiber sie soli hoch beschweren und sie
verdammen, ohne iiber ihre Laster der HofFart, Geitzes, Neides, und Zornes iiber das :
beschweret sich der Geist der Natur miichtig sehr, nicht ich, was wollte ich armer Staub
thun, der ich doch fast ohnmachtig bin 16. Allein das zeiget der Geist
.' ihnen ist das :
Pfund des Gewichtes und der Schliissel uberantwortet worden, und sie seind in ihren
Wolliisten des Fleisches ersofFen, und haben das Pfund des Gewichtes in die Erde ver-
graben, und den Schliissel in ihrer hoffartigen Trunkenheit verloren. 18. Darumb —
spricht der Geist der Natur, weil sie nicht wollen aufwachen vom Schlafe und die Thiir
aufmachen, so will Ichs selber thun. 19. Was konnte ich armer, einfaltiger Laj-e sonst
von ihrer hohen Kunst lehren oder schreiben, so es mir nicht von dem Geiste der Natur
gegeben ware, in dem ich lebe und bin ?
' An inventory of the errors of Weigel is given in Neue Beitrage v. alten u. neuen
theol. Sachen, 1755, s. 8G2, e. g. the Virgin Marj- was from heaven, the divine wisdom
;
;
Christ's humanitj' was not of the nature of Adam man has two sorts of flesh the one,
; —
earthly, from Adam the other, heavenlj', from Christ.
; Bohme held that there were
three persons in the Godhead, but also seven spirits, the sources of things that the ;
world was created from nothing but that God is this nothing that Christ received his
; ;
heavenly flesh from the heavenly Eve, etc.

'" J. v. Andreae De Curiositatis Pcrnicie, Argentor., 1G21. 12. After (p. 14 sq.) he
had spoken about the deceptions of chemistrj-, magic, and astrology, and complained
that its advocates would construct a new religion, he adds, p. 33: Emersit hac nostra
quam Weigelianam appellare posse-
aetate religio aliqua multiformis ac poh-pi instar,
nius, quod sub hoc nomine, cui injuriam non fecerim, circumferatur. Et cum primum
valde bona propinaret, et internum hominem egregie formaret, saperetque devotum quid
et coelicum spirans, nunc nescio an non supponat, certe monstrosissima quaeque, et in
religionem puriorem contumeliosissima profert, et haereseos pestilentissimae genuinum
exerit. Nolo hie exaggerare, quam in D. Luthcri maxima merita injuria sit, quam in
spiritum herois dicacula, passim omne verbi ministerium, et fidos Dei servos suggillet,
quam pro suo aethereo lumine omnes faculas rideat et conculcet, ut nihil hie lene aut
cum Christo, quemadmodum crepat, mansuetum reperias. Sed quod Sacramenta ele-
vet, Spiritum tantum interpretem de Christi carne, de beata Dei genitrice, de
jactitet,
damnatorum statu, de omniscientia aliqua, de imputationis figmento, de absolutionis
temeritate nefanda deliret, atque ubique Ecclesiam Christi maxima bile, summaque in-
juria oneret, id ut indignum, ita ad animum bonis et meliora sitientibus vocandum est,
nc vitia hujus saeculi perosi, et incommodas multorum administrationes dedignantes
hominis unius maledicentiae juxta et jactantiae se incogitantius concredant, aut banc
Fubdolam colendi Dcum rationem, quae foris nullibi pateat, et inter omnes religioncs
vcrsari possit, cunctasque mundi leges consuetudinesve admittat, illabi sibi patiantur.
570 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 15171018.
hingen, 1614 ; Superintendent at Calw, 1620 ; court preacher and

consistorial councilor in Stuttgart, 1639 ; Abbot of Bebenhausen,
1650; Abbot of Adelberg, 1654 ; died 1654),'^ in order to satirize
the credulous curiosity, which was not wanting even in his nar-
row circle,^^ wrote, after 1602,^^ the work entitled " The Chymic-
al Marriage of Christian Rosenkreuz, anno 1459," to which was
added, before 1610, " The Universal and General Reformation of

the Whole of the Wide World, by the Fama Fraternitatis of the
praiseworthy Order of the Rosicrucians."^^ When these writings,
" J. V. Andreae Vita ab ipso conscripta, ed. F. II. Rlieinwald, Berol., 1849, in Ger-
man in D. Clir. Seybold's Selbstbiographien beriihinter Manner, Bd. 2, Winterthur, 1799.
Comp. J. V. Andrea und s. Zeitalter, dargestellt v. W. Ilossbacb, Berlin, 1819. [Comp.
Niedner's Gesch. d. Kirche, 740 sq. Fabst, Andreae's entlarvter Apap, 1827.]
;
'= J. V. A. De Curiositatis Pernicie, p. 38 Hie equidem persaepe haesitavi, cum con-

:
junctissimos meos, caetei'a ingeniosos, pios, industries, literates, cautos, veros, sed cu-
riositatis labe conspersos, nee post frequentissimas elusiones, —
damna, ludibria, niliilo- —
minus eousque corrigi viderem, quin ad naturam levissimo objecto redirent, et spes (mca
opinione) non tam a'bjectas, quam emortuas resuscitarent, novisque impostoribus se tur-
pissime praeberent. Unde unam eorum artem reperi vel celare, vel fallere dissuadentes
amicos, aut certe subaudire, ac velut ab hac subliraitate remotos negligere paulo tamen;
post, ubi mendacium simulque aliquid sumtuum exbalarunt, rcdire, ac profundissimo

silentio omne vanitatis nij-sterium elevatum aut sepultum velle. Tales ego persaepo
pertuli, necnisi diuturna mora, postquam omnia monita frustra fuerunt, superavi, didi-
cique frequentissimis exemplis, quemcunque curiositatis eontagio corripuisset, nulla fide,
nullo vero, nidlis artibus sanari posse, sed Deo, sibi et tempori relinquendum, deniquc a
pauperie macerandum esse.
'5 Andreae, in bis Vita, ed. Rbeinwald, p. 10, speaks of tbis "Cbymische Hochzeit" as
one of the writings (the onh- one left) -wbich he had composed, from 1G02, exercendi in-
genii ergo. (Supcrfucrunt Nuptiae chymicae, cum monstroruni foccundo foetu, ludibri-
um, quod mireris a nonnnllis acstimatum, et subtili indagine explicatum, plane futile,
et quod inanitatem curiosorum prodat). In this Chymical Marriage first appeared the
name " Christian Rosenkreuz," although it was printed later than the " Fama," viz., first
in Strasburg, ICIC (reprinted at Ratisbon, 1781).
'* " Allgenieine und General-Reformation der ganzen weitcn Welt, beneben der Fama
Fraternitatis des loblichen Ordcns des Rosenkreuzes." This work came in manuscript
to Tyrol as earh- as IGIO (see Ilaselmcj-er's Reph', appended to the " Fama"), but was
first printed at Cassel, 1G14 (repr., Ratisbon, 1781). This "General Reformation" is a
translation of a work by a favorite author of Andreae's, viz., Traj. Boccalini's Rag-
guagli di Parnasso. In the second edition, Cassel, 1G15, was added the Confession oder
Bekanntnuss der Societiit und Briiderschaft R. C, which was also published in the orig-
inal Latin in Secretioris Philosophiae Consideratio brevis, a Phil, a Gabella conscripta,
et nunc primum una cum Confessione Fraternitatis R. C. in lucem edita, Cassellis, 1G15.
Comp. Die beidcn Ilauptschriften der Rosenkreuzer, die Fama und die Confession, kri-
tisch gepri'ifterText mit dem Latein. Originale der zweiten Schrift, Frankf. a. M., 1827.
That Andreae was tlie author of these works is now generally assumed (see Hossbacb,
s. 98 ;Guhrauer iiber den Verf. u. d. Sinn u. Zweck der fama fratern., in Niedner's Zeit-
schr. f. d. Hist. Theol., 1852, ii. 298) but it is still not beyond doubt. In bis Vita, p.
;
;"
10, Andreae openly confesses (see Note 13) that he wrote the "Chymische Hochzeit
but does not say that he was the author of the "Fama" and the " Confession," which
he manifestlj' reckons among the "monstrorum foecundus foetus" of the same. And
so, too, he says, p. 4G (see Note 17, below), doubtless in relation to the Chymische Iloch-
1
PART II.—CIIAr. III.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 50. MYSTICISM. 57
wliich were for a long time circulated only in manuscript, began

to appear in print, 1014, they awakened a strong and intense ex-
citement, and led to a confused search after that secret brother-
hood of deeply-dyed magicians.'^ In vain did Andreae speak in
the strongest terms against this confusion and misapprehension
;^^
7.cit, that he wished to suppress it, but that curiosity brought it again to notice, and
gave another progeny. In his oath on the matter, 1639 (see Note 16, below), An-
rise to
dreae could not have escaped from the difficulties by merely saying, "se risisse semper
Rosae-Crucianara fabulam," if he had himself been the author of the fable. The differ-
ent characteristics of tliese writings, too, are not to be mistalien. The Cliymische Hoch-
zeit is a mere satire in the Fama and Confessio, earnestness is mingled with the inven-
:
for
tion (e. g., adherence to the pure doctrine of the Reformation, rejection of projects
inaliing gold) the intermingling of earnest Christian truths with such loose sport, in
;
the fashion here found, is unnatural for such a man as Andreae. And now hear the
oldest witnesses. Melchior Brelerus, physician in ordinary of Duke August of Bruns-
wick, and an intimate friend of John Arnd, who, too, was on friendly terms with An-
dreae, in his Mysterium Iniquitatis pseudoevangelicae, 1621, p. 100, confidently asserts
that the Fama was by three distinguished persons, who wanted by means of it to get at
the alleged holders of the philosopher's stone. In the posthumous works of M. Chris-
toph Hirsch, preacher in Eisleben, an intimate friend of John Arnd (see Arnold's Kirchen-
mid Ketzerhistorie, iv., No. 25), it appears that Arnd had learned in a confidential way
from Andreae, that the with thirty other persons in Wiirtemberg, first published
latter,
the Fama, in order, l;y the judgments expressed upon it, to detect the lovers
means of
of the true wisdom. This shows that the Fama and Confession proceeded from a circle
known to Andreae, but not that he was the author. That mythical personage. Christian
Rosenkreuz, was his creation ; hence he could speak decidedlj- about the Brotherhood
of the Rosicrucians as a fable (see Note 16), since the idea of it, if it did not come from
him, did still originate in that phantas}' of his. Had he been the author of the Fama
and C(tnfession, it can not be explained vfhy, in his Vita (which was to go onl}- in man-
uscript into the hands of intimate friends), he did not avow it as frankly as he did that
he wrote the Ch^-mische Hochzeit.
'^ Arnold's Kirchen- u. Ketzerhist., Th. 2, B. 17, cap. 18. Hossbach's Andrea, s. 85.
Andreae, Mythologia Christiana, Argentor, 1619. 12., p. 290 (Apologorum Manipulus, 6,

c. 13), divides into the following classes those who had been seduced by the Fama Pri- :
mum quidem bonos aliquos, qui crcpuXfxaTa humanae fabulae annotantes ac pertaesi, ali-
quod lenimentum quaesivei-e. Dein decoctores sive eruditionis sive nummorum, ut suae
miseriae solatium acciperent. Postea infelices Chymicos, qui naturam omnem fodicantes,
nee nisi lippientes et claudicantes redditi, hie suave aliquod somnium sibi conciliare sa-
tegere. Sed et Podagrici, et desperatorum morborum alii, temporis et dolorum falli-
mentum sunt aucupati. Denique impostores quam plurinii, quibus is unicus finis, ut
confictis monstrosissiniis aenigmatibus, simulata arcanorum possessione, jactitata natu-
rae interpretatione, ementito silentii, temperantiae, obscuritatis sacramento, Magnatum
aures circumsonare, atque hinc aurum aliquod potabile conficere possint.
'^ J. V. A. Menippus, s. Dialogorum Satj-ricorum Centuria, Inanitatum Nostratium
Speculum, Cosmopoli, 1618. 12., p. 24, cap. 12., fraternitas A. De fraternitate ilia, quae
:
—
vulgo circumfertur, ecquid sentis? B. Minus magnifice. A. Quid ergo, an esse tales
aliquos credis, an curiosorum ludibrium ? B. Vix dixerim nisi quod male me habet,
:
tot viros bonos spe sua, et insolita expectatione excidere. A. Id nempe debebatur, qui-
bus prae simplici via Christi artificiosa aliqua et insolita arriserat. Turris Babel, s. Ju-
diciorum de Fraternitate Rosaceae Crucis Chaos, Argent., 1619. 12., at the end, p. 69:
Fama: Satis superque hominibus illusimi est liberemus tandem constrictos, confirme-
:
nius fluctuantes, erigamus lapses, revocemus transversos, sanemus morbidos. Ehem,

mortales, nihil est, quod fraternitatem expectetis : fabula peracta est. Fama r.dstruxit,
——
in vain did he, in a series of allegorical and satirical writings,

chastise all the follies of the times,^^ and work by word and deed
for the interests of practical Christianity ;^^ artful men made use
fama destruxit. Fama ajebat, fama negat : quicunque estis, sive curiosi sive supini,
sive mendici sive iinpostores, —sive athei sive superstitiosi, sive decoctores sive avari,
mihi et vobis spectatores plaudite. De Curiositatis Pernicie, Argentor., 1621. 12., p. 35 :
Huic cujusdam Kosaceae ludibrium, curiosorum hujus teniporis, ni

accessit fraternitatis
fallor, viscus et ofFendiculum. Si paucos bonos excipias, quibus tot rerum corruptio do-
luit, eniendationis spes animum fecit reliqua turba supra quam dici potest Democrito
;
risum civit. Continebat ea fabula quicquid salivam posset movere diviaatoribus, calcu-
latoribus, decoctoribus, microcosmicis, ecstaticis, cabbalistis, magis, et in universum cu-
riosis omnibus, atque planissime Aeoli utres pollicebatur. Adaugebat histrioniam tarn
multiplex concertatio propugnantium et impugnantium, invitantium et apparentium,
tentantium et credentium, ludentium et quiritantium, expectantium et desperantium,
et quis fando diversissimae inanitatis varietates explicet, quibus officinae occupabantur,
ac nundinales catalogi coronabantur. Jam metuebat clerus, ne qua nova haeresis or-
bem inundaret; jam trepidabat vulgus, ne quis ex Arabia exercitus colonias quaereret:
jam res literaria barbariem redire timebat. Sed lios plerosque liberavit ilia ipsa quae
detinuit rei vanitas, et erexit quae terrefecit nullitas, et dimisit quae convocavit fama.
StillAndreae remained under suspicion of being secreth- connected with the Rosicru-
cians when taking office in Stuttgart (1G39), in his Confession he was obliged to make
;
oath (Vita, p. 183), se risisse semper Rosae-Crucianam fabulam, et curiositatis fratercu-

los fuisse insectatuni.
" On these writings he says, Yita, p. 4C Cacterum, quod Deum sancte testor, non ea
:
mihi insectandi petulantia fuit, aut nocendi ulla libido, quam declamitatores aggere-
bant ; sed quod christianam causam animo fervide foverem et quovis modo promotam
vellem, quod, cum plana via mihi negaretur, per ambages et cuniculos persequi conatus
sum, iwn scoptico, quod aliquibus videbar, genio, sed ea arte, quam pii multi adhibuc-
runt, ut per lusuni et ingeniosa allectamenta seria agerem et Christianismi amorem pro-
pinarem. Is mihi scopus, id consilium fuit, quod si non satis circumspectunf; aetati
minus maturae et tot stimulis incitatoribus iniputetur. Sane ut primum multis aegre
facere morborum nostrorum tractationem animadverti, ipse dolui et extinctum volui ca-
nem, sed qui curiositate obstetrice hoc ipso denuo revixit, et aliam sobolem, quae pro-
fecto aeternum sepulta jacuisset, excitavit, cujus gratiam unis obtrectatoribus debeat, si
quid unquam gratiae invenerunt.

'*'
He sought to promote the better religious instruction of j-outh by his " Christliche
Evangel. Kinderlehre, Stuttgart, 1621" (comp. Schuler's Gesch. d. katechet. Religions-

unterrichts unter den Protestanten, Halle, 1802, s. 87 reprinted there, s. 329). He
;
called on those who had been deceived by the Rosicrucian Brotherhood to hold onlj- the
more firmly to the Brotherhood of Christ ; Invitatio fraternifatis Christi, 1617 comp. ;
De Curiositatis Pernicie, Argentor., 1621, p. 36: Itaque velut Babylonicae turris struc-
tores, non Unguis, sed judiciis et capitibus divisi ad sua paulatim, dispersi retroeunt.
Qui si quid egregii animo conceperunt, paratique meliora toto animo admittere, tueri et
propagare fuerunt; illam potius jam certam, tot amicis Dei expertam, jam toties Sa-
tanae, niundoque oppositam Christi fraternitatem amplectantur, mentemque integram
et conatus omnes eo convertant, ut societas Christi sub Evangelii legibus coalescat, ordo-
que mutuae caritatis emergat, ac donorum Dei communicatio in coeli honorem, Eccle-
siae florem, proximique rorem appareat. He described such an ideal state in his Rei-
publicae Christianopolitanae Descriptio, Argentor., 1619. 12. He soon formed the plan
of a stricter Societas Evangelica for this object. In the Vita, p. 100, the object of this
Christiana Societas is thus given Quae deposita argenti notabili summa in praesens
:
pauperum indigentiae succurreret : in futurum vero, si res ita ferret, vel occurrentibus
necessitatibus subveniret, vel posteris rectius prospiceret, et una amicitiae constantiam

servaret, moribusque deviis occurreret. The property grew to 18,000 florins ;
comp. his
PART II.— CHAP. III.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 50. MYSTICISM. 573
of the delusion, and actual brotherhoods of Rosicrucians were

formed.'^
As these mystical tendencies spread abroad the scholastic di-
vines turned with bitter hatred against them,^" in fact, against all
who appeared to favor them in any degree, and even against such
as were trying to build up Christianity through the influence of
pious feelings rather than by theological scholasticism.^' John
Arnd (successively pastor in Badeborn, in the Anhalt principality,
in Q,uedlinburg, Brunswick, and Eisleben ; Superintendent in
Celle in 1611 ; deceased 1621),^- though a martyr for Lutheran
Epist. ad Comenium, 1629, in J. A. Comenii Opera Didactica Omnia, Anistel., 1G57,
p.
284: Fuimus aliquot et niagnae notae viri, qui post Famae vanae (fraternitatis Roseae)
ludibrium in hoc coivimus, ante octennium circiter, et plures in procinctu erant cum :
nos exceperunt turbae Germanicae et propemodum disjecerunt. Scopus fuit: Cliristum —

loco suo restituere, pulsis passim idolis s. religiosis s. literariis. He drew up : Imago et
Leges Societatis Evangelicae, and Verae Unionis in Christo Jesu Specimen, selectissimis
ac probatissimis amicis sacrum, 1628. The society' seems to have remained small, but
to have continued after Andreae's death. Hossbach, s. 179. Spener says (in his War-
haftige Erzahlung dessen was wegen des s. g. Pietismi vorgegangen, Amsterd., 1700.
12., s. 18) of Andreae " For nn- part, I regard his writings so highh-, that if I could
:
and must call back a man from the grave to benefit our churches, it would probabl}- cost
me much thought whether I should select anj- one in preference to him."
" Andreae, in his Reipublicae Christianopolitanae Descriptio, Argentor., 1619. 12., p.
30, speaks of impostoribus, qui se Roseae Crucis fratres mentirentur. J. S. Semler, un-
parteiischeSammlungen zur Historie der Rosenkreuzer, 4 Stiicke, Leipzig, 1786-88. J.
G. Buhle iiber den Ursprung u. die vornehmsten Schicksale d. Orden d. Rosenkreuzer
u. Freimaurer, Gottingen, 1804. F. Nicolai's Bemerkungen uber die Geschichte u. Ur-
sprung der Rosenkreuzer und Freimaurer, Berlin, 1806. [The Fama and Confessio
were published at Frankfort, 1827. Comp. Herder in his Zerstreute Blatter, and in the
Teutsche Mercur. Naude, Instruction ;\ la France sur la verite de I'Histoire des Freres
de la Rose-Croix, Paris, 1623. W. Keller, Gesch. d. Freimauerei in Deutschland, Gies-
sen, 1859. In Notes and Queries, vols. vii. and viii., lists of works on the Rosicrucians.
Louis Figuier, L'Alchimie et lea Alchimistes, Paris, 1854 chap. v. La Societe des Rosc-
; ;
Croix, pp. 247-206.]

'° Comp., e.
g., Nicol. Hunnius (professor of theology in Wittenberg, in 1623 Super-
intendent in Liibeck, f 1643) christl. Betrachtung der ncuen Paracelsischen u. Weigeli-
anischen Theologie, Wittenberg, 1622 (comp. Nic. Hunnius, by Dr. L. Heller, Lubeck,
1843, s. Theod. Thummii (professor in Tiibingcn, f 1630) Impietas Weigeliana, h.
35) ;
e. CXX. Erroribus novorum Prophetarum coelestium, quos a

necessaria Admonitio de
Val. Weigelio nostra haec actus dicerc cocpit Weigelianos, Tubing., 1622. 4. Jo. Ger-
hardi Disputationes Theologicae, in quibus gloria Dei per corruptelas Weigelianos labe-
factari ostenditur, in his Dusput. Theol. j). 815.
^' v. Andreae Oratio Inaugur. Tubingae habita, p. 86 (Arnold's Kirchen- u. Ketz-
J.
erhist., Th. 2, B. 17, cap. 17, § 50), complains that Satan defiles with the name of Wei-
gelians all those who are.earnest in religion and for church discipline, so that it hardly
avails for them to prove their innocence and orthodoxy in ever so clear a manner. In
the Alethea Exul., p. 326, he complains, "that whoever now seeks to lead an honest
life is accused of being an enthusiast, a Schwenckfeldian, an Anabaptist."
'=Christian Gerber's Historie der Wiedergebornen in Sachsen (4 Th., Dresden, 1725),
ii. 210, and J. F. Gauhe's Appendix to it, containing an authentic and full Historia Arn-
diana, ibid., s. 263. Joh. Arndt, ein biographisclicr Versuch, ]>y F. Arndt, preacher in
orthodoxy,^^ and of wide-reaching influence in matters of prac-

tical piety, to see his hook, On True Christianity,
was compelled
fiercely attacked^* as savoring of that inysticism and these at- ;
tacks were even more strongly renewed during the seventeenth

century, in proportion as this book became the comfort and refuge
of all pious hearts. Even the distinguished dogmatic productions
of John Gerhard'^ were not sufficient to protect his practical writ-
ings from the charge of mysticism."'' And so, in this period, no-
body could complain of a one-sided, intellectual Christianity, nor
Berlin, Berlin, 1838. 0. Wehrhan's Lebensgeschiclite Joliann Arndt's. Hamburg, 1848.

H. L. Pertz de Jo. Arndtio ejusque Libris de vero Christianisnio (Gottingen prize es-
say), Hannoverae, 1852. 4. [Tzschirner's Memorabilien, iii. 1. M. Goebel, Gesch. des
christlichen Lebens in der Rheiuisch-Westphul. Evang. Kirche, 1852, ii. 464. Hagen-
bach, Vorlesungen iiber die Reformat., iii. 371 sq.]
" See above, § 41, Note 13.
^* The first book was published at Brunswick, 1G05 the whole four books probabh'
;
first in 1G09. Immediately after its appearance the first book was attacked bj' some of
Arnd's colleagues in Brunswick, for perverting the doctrine of justification bj' insisting
too strongly upon good works also for teaching that believers, even in this life, must
;
attain unto perfection and for using suspicious phraseologj- from Tauler, Weigel, and
;
others. Afterward a special case was made out against it, because Arnd (in the 2d book,
chap. 24) had incorporated twelve chapters from Weigel's Book of Prayer, although he
asserted that he did not know that this book (then current only in manuscript) was bj-
^Yeigel, and although no errors could be detected in this part of the work. After his
death, Arnd was specially assailed in Lucas Osiander's (chancellor and professor in Tu-
bingen) Theol. Bedenken, welchergestalt J. Arndens wahres Christenthum nach Anlei-
tung des heil. Worts Gottes anzuschen sej', Tubingen, 1G23. Comp. Rupertus Melde-
nius (§ 42, Note G), in Liicke, s. 141 Cum gemitu et lachrj'mis experiuntur (pii ac boni
:
viri), sanctum ilium virum, et de Ecclesia Dei praeclarissime meritum, Jo. Arndium,
imo Angelum Dei, missuni ad praedicandam poenitentiam adhuc semel ante novissimum
diem, tarn immanibus convitiis proscindi, et tot contumeliis affici, atque adeo deterri-
—
maruni haereseon maculis conspcrgi. Proh summe Deus, quo hae res tandem sunt eva-
surae! However, his defendants were not less numerous than his assailants. Comp.
Apologetica Arndiana, Schutzbriefe zur christl. Ehrenrcttung Job. Arnd's, Leipzig, 170G ;
G. B. Scharff, Supplementum Historiae Litisque Arndianac, Wittenb., 1727 Walch's ;
Religionsstreitigkeitcn der Luth. Kirche, iii. 186, v. 1131 ; F. Arndt, s. 64, 151, 203.
" See § 48, Note 23. [See Tholuck's Lebenszeugen, 1859 ; Deutsche Zeit^chrift,
Nov. 3, 18G0, Weingarten on MSS. of Gerhard.]
^^ A list of the same in Vita Jo. Gerhardi, quam exposuit E. R. Fischer, Lips., 1723,
p. 437. Among them, those most read were his Meditationes Sacrae, Jenae, 1606, Schola
Pictatis, d. i. L'nterrichtung zur Gottseligkeit, 5 Biicher, Jena, 1622. 23., in 12
christl.
vols., and his Postill (§ 49, Note 11). Gerhard complains, in a letter to Arnd, 1620
(Fischer, p. 505) Nee mihi parcunt, sed in publicis concionibus eorum errorum pera-
:
gunt reum, qui ne in mentcm quidem unquam mihi venerunt. Elsewhere (Fischer,
p. 177):
Qui studium hoc aevo pietatis graviter urget,
Et Sophias partem tractat utramque sacrae,
lUe Rosaecrucius vel Weigelianus habetur,
Et nota turpis ei scribitur haereseos.
De me non vevita est virosa calumnia id ipsum
Spargere, ct his nugls conciliarc fidcm.
;
PT. II.— Cn. III.— EVANGEL. CHURCH. § 51. ATTEMPTS AT UNION. 575
verge on the emotional phrases used by the old mystics, without

being himself exposed to the accusation of mysticism.^^
§51.
ATTEMPTS AT UNION.
C. W. Unionsversuche seit der Reformation, 2 Bde., Leipzig,
Heriiig's Gesch. d. kirchl.
183G. 08. Ch. G. Neudeckcr's die Hauptversuche zur Pacification der Evangelisch-
Protest. Kirche Deutsclilands, Leipzig, 1846. [Hoeninghaus, Chronol. Verzeichniss
d. Bckehrungen, Aschaffenb., 1837.]
The divisions and controversies between the different churches

were so opposed to the spirit of Christianity, and were at the
same time so inauspicious in political relations, that attempts
were constantly made to adjust them.
*' PIi. J. Spener's warhaflige Erzahlung dessea was wegen des s. g. Pietismi in
Deutscbland vor einiger Zeit vorgegangen, Amsterd., 1700. 12., s. 15: "Thus very
much had to be undergone on account of their zeal in practical Christianity, and for the
punishment of public abuses and crimes, by Dr. Andr. Kessler, Superintendent at Co-
burg (t 1G43) Dr. Am. Mengering, Superintendent at Halle (f 1647) ; Dr. Joh. Mat-
;
theus Meyfart, professor and pastor in Erfurt, against whom was arraj-ed almost the
whole body of the learned, on account of his public complaints about the corrupt state
of the universities and high schools, which he published in 1636 (Pennalismus od. Erin-
nerung v. d. Wiedererbauung d. acad. Disciplin, 1634. 4.); Dr. Joh. Schmid, professor
and president of the church convention in Strasburg (f 1658) Dr. Justus Gesenius,
;
General Superintendent of Hanover (f 1671); Dr. Sal. Glassius (f 1656, see § 48, Note
24), who, in Witten. memor. Theol. dec. 9, n. 3, p. 1216, was obliged to repeat the above
verses of Dr. Gerhard against his adversaries, who loaded him with the reproach of Wei-
gelianism ; and among the Nurembergers there was Joh. Saubertus (pastor of St. Se-
bald, t 1646), with his successor, Joh. Mich. Dilhern (f 1669), who, because calumny
could not find an}' other semblance against him, nor could he so easily be joined in
condemnation with other more violent persons, was forced by disputatious folks to bear
the name of a Syncretist." He especially appeals to Jo. Sauberti Theologi Umbra deli-
neata a Jo. Val. Andreac, Luneburgi, 1647, in which Andreae " describes the storj' of
his life, the state of the Church at that time, the proposals, behavior, and doings of the
dear man ;" and he gives a long extract from this work. Further, p. 19 " But after :
that time the thing itself did not change, onlj- the persons, who, inflamed with godlike
zeal, cried out against the corrupt life in the midst of our churches, and especially about
that new Gospel, which the famous Rostock divine, Dr. Paulus Tamovius had already,
1624, attacked (Da Novo Evangelio Orat., republished in J. G. Pfeifler Variorum Auc-
torum IMiscellanea Theol., Lips., 1736, p. 909), and showed that it was the cause of all
the misery which had flooded the whole of Christianitj-." In explanation of the passage
translated from Tarnov's address: "The new and false Gospel is a vain imagination
.".bout Christ, an error as to the grace and compassion of God, which does not come from
—
God's Word, but from the secret counsel of the prince of darkness, who promises deliv-
erance from sin and punishment, and eternal life to those that observe external wor-
ship, and confess the true Christianitj- with the mouth (even if it be denied in the heart)
and by such vain imagination liolds that all the good promised to the trup believer be-
longs to them, though thcj- have no real inward repentance, but only an external and
hj-pocritical." Comp. AValch's Religionsstrcit. d. Luth. Kircho, iv. 1060.
In the first attempts at union tetween the Roman Cathohc and

the Reformed churches, the Cathohcs met the Protestants with an
unusual spirit of concession ;^ but toward the close of the sessions
of the Council of Trent, when its proceedings threatened to make
the division remediless, they began, in some quarters, to recog-
nize, as the only method which promised success, the one already
advocated by Erasmus.^ The Queen Regent of France, Cathe-
rine de Medicis, recommended the Pope, 1561, to effect a recon-
ciliation of the parties by correcting abuses and simplifying the
doctrines;^ the Emperor Ferdinand laid similar proposals before
the Council, 1563.* Though these were neglected, yet they led
the Catholic theologians, Frederick Staphylus,^ George Wicel,*^ and
So in Augsburg, 1530; see Div. I., § 5, Note 13; the Ratisbon Interim, 1541, ibid.
'
§ 7, Note 41 the Augsburg Interim, 1548, ibid. § 9, Note 3.

;
' Erasmus ad Matth., xi. 30; see vol. iii., § 154, p. 482, Note 22. Also his Epist. ad
Jo. Carondiletum, Archiep. Panormitanum, dated January, 1522, prefixed to his edi-
tion of Hilarj-us, Basil., 1523, and in his Epistles, lib. 28, ep. 8: He complains here of
—
the curiosas, ne dieam impias quaestiones of the periculosa curiositas in the sphere
;
of theologj-, and exhorts, in contrast, to fixing the attention rather upon the moral claims
of Christianit}-. Summa nostrae religionis pax est et unanimitas. Ea vix constare po-
tent, nisi de paucissimis definiamus, et in multis liberum relinquamus suum cuique ju-
dicium propterea quod ingens sit rerum plurimarum obscuritas, et hoc morbi fere in-
:
uatum sit hominum ingeniis, ut cedere nesciant simul atque res in contentionem vocata
est, quae postquam incaluit, hoc cuique videtur verissimum, quod temere tuendum sus-
ceperit. —
Imo hoc demum est eruditionis theologicae, nihil ultra quam sacris Uteris pro-
ditum est definire, verum id quod proditum est bona fide dispensare. Multa problema-
ta nunc rejiciuntur ad sjnodum olKovjxiVLKvv multo magis conveniebat quaestiones
:
ejusmodi in illud rejicere tempus, cum sublato speculo et aenigmate videbimus Deum de
facie. Then he calls attention to the peculiar opinions of Hilary, which are now repu-
ted to be heresies, in proof of the position that the ancient Church was very watchful
about such deviations.
^ Div. I.,
§ 22, Note 4. Comp. G. Cassandri Epist. 37, ad D. Ximeuium, 15G1 (0pp.,
p. 1131) :
—
In France there are three parties, papists, Huguenots, and tertio loco est ordo
nioderatorum et pacificatorum, qui et corrigenda nonpulla in Ecclesia agnoscunt, neque
tamen importunitatem novellorum (ut vocant) concionatorum approbant: hi quaerunt
consilia, quibus Ecclesia ad normam divinae Scripturae et Ecclesiae priscae, quam mini-
ma potest mutatione, et retentis quoad fieri potest antiquitatis reliquiis, constitua-
fieri
tur, etutraque pars, vel certe qui in utraque parte saniores sunt, ad christianam concor-
diam et unionem reducantur. Hujus sententiae et animi sunt Rex Navarrae, et Regina
mater, Episcopus Valentinus,— Cancellarius Regni Ilospitalius dictus, optimi quoque et
praestantissimi ex regiis consiliariis, et inter eos vir doctissimus —Paulus Foxius, ex
Sorbonicis praecipui Espencaeus, et Salignacus Abbas, nee abhorret ab his Cardinalis
Lotaringus. He is reported to have said in a religious colloquy se libenter compro- —
mittere banc controversiam arbitrio Ecclesiae priscae, sen Patrum qiiingentoriim a Chris-
toannorum, reliquis qui insequuti sunt annis hand gravatim renunciaturum.

See below, § 57, Note 4.
*
* On him see
§ 39, Note 9. His work. Ad Imp. Ferd. I. de Reformanda Ecclesia Con-
silium, 1562, in Schelhornii Amoenit., ii. 499, is aimed particularly at lessening the pow-
er of the Pope, and the riches and privileges of the clergy.
^ On him see His Via Regia s. dc Controversiis Religionis capitibus
§ 30, Note 3.
:
PT. II.—CH. III.— EVANGEL. CHURCH. § 51. ATTEMPTS AT UNION. 577
George Cassander, to draw up comprehensive proposals, in order,

as it appeared, to bring about the desired union, at least in the
countries subject to the Emperor; but this was prevented by his
death in 1564. Cassander's^ proposition was especially notewor-
conciliandis Sententia, written on demand of the Emperor Ferdinand, but first sent to
Maximilian II: in 156i (best in G. Cassandri et G. Wicelii de sacris nostri teniporis Con-
troversiis, ed. H. Conring, Helmst., 1659. 4.), contains a concise outline of doctrine, and
points out the abuses to be remedied.
' On him see § 30, Note 3. Cass, de Officio Pii Viri in hoc Ecclesiae Dissidio, 15G1,
occasioned bj' the reassembling of the Council of Trent, in G. Cassandri Opp. (ed. Jo.
Cordesius), Paris, 1616, 781.
fol., p. Comp, p. 783: Eam doctrinam ut veram et eatho-
licam habendam quae sacris Uteris est expressa deinde, quae ex mente et
esse judico, ;
intelligentia earundem literarum ab ipsis usque Apostolorum temporibus est tradita, ct

per successionem ad nos usque derivata quarum utramque pari fidei integritate am-
;
plectendam duco. Tertio loco est, quae ab omnibus Ecclesiis, vel majore certe parte, est
recepta, et probabilibus rationibus e sacris literis confirmata. —
Quarto loco quaestionuni
quoddam genus est, quae neque tam claris Scripturae testimoniis, neque tarn antiquo et
magno consensu Ecclesiae nituntur, tamen posterioribus temporibus in hac praecipua
occidentali Ecclesiae parte institutae et receptae sunt quae cum divinis literis manifes-
:
te non repugnent, in earum confutatione neque pugnaciter agendum, neque ea de causa

Ecclesiarum pacem perturbandam puto. Quod si sententia aliqua, jam omnino recepta
et firmata, minus probabilis videatur, de ea tamen non passim et odiose contendenduni,
sed cum eruditis et moderatis viris placide inquirendum et disceptandum existimo.
Quae autem certorum hominum quamvis doctorum probabilibus disputationibus asse-
runtur, ita ut alii aliter de iis sentiant, liberam cuique quid velit sequendi potestatem
esse constat. Si quae vero sententiae et divinis literis et veteris Ecclesiae traditioni ad-
versae, et per errorem vel imperitiam, vel etiam ambitionem postremis his et corruptis-
simis temporibus invectae videntur, eas ut sarmentum vitandas et cavendas non nego
sic tamen ut privato homini lemere apud quosvis de iis contendenduni non putem, ubi
certa offensio, profectus et utilitatis nulla spes. Itaque prudentiam christianam hie ad-
hibendam, ut non temere et passim ubique dicas quicquid sentias, neque tamen unquam
dicas contra quam sentias: ubi vero gloria Dei vel proximi utilitas postulat, liljere et
constanter dicas quod sentias. P. 788 Omnes ii, qui ob reprehensionem nonnullorum
:
abusuum initio rejecti, conscientiae impulsu in ratione docendi et forma ministcrii ali-
quid immutarunt, ab Ecclesia defecisse dicuntur, et inter haereticos et schismaticos nu-
merantur: videndum est, quam id recte et juste fiat. Ecclesia enim Christi caput est
ct corpus ;a capite non receditur, nisi per falsani et Scripturis sacris dissentaneam de
capite Christi doctrinam a corpore vero non per quamvis rituum et opinionum diversi-
;
tatem, sed per solam caritatis defectionem. Quare, ut ante quoquo dixi, qui recta sen-
tentia de Christo capiti junguntur, et caritatis et pacis vinculo, etiamsi opinionibus qui-
busdam et ritibus discrepent, rcliquo Ecclesiae corpori connectuntur, nullo modo ut
schismatici et ab Ecclesia alieni habendi sunt, etiamsi ab alia Ecclesiae parte potenti-
ore et gubernationem obtinente rejecti, et ab eorum societate et comniunione separati
videantur. Neque enim quaevis rejectio et separatio schismaticos facit, sed initia sepa-
rationis et causae spectandae sunt, non enim separatio facit schisnia, sed causa. P. 791 :
Quicquid igitur in utraque hac Ecclesiae parte, sive ea anti,quo nomine catholica, sive
nuper nato evangelica nuncupatur, integrum, sanuni, doctrinae evangelicae et apostoli-
cae traditioni consentaneum invenio, id ut Christi Ecclesiae proprium veneror et am-
plector: eamque Ecclesiam, quod in fundamento verae et aposfoUcae doctrinae, quae hre-
vissimo illo fidei symholo continetur, consistat, nee impio schismatc a reliquarum Eccle-
siarum comniunione se separet, veram Ecclesiam, veraeque Ecclesiae et catholicae Ec-
clesiae Christi membrum esse judico. —
Neque ad banc uiiitatem catholicae Christi Ec-
clesiae divellendam et distrahendam, caeremoniaruni aliquot et quaestionuni diversita-
voL. IV. —37

thy, viz., to bring back the doctrines of the Church to their orio--
inal simplicity, as the condition of union. After the doctrine and
government of the Catholic Church had been established by the
Council of Trent, there could be no more proposals from the Catli-
olic side of yielding in respect to doctrine. The religious collo-
quies, started for various reasons, were unsuccessful attempts to
convince their opponents of their errors.^ The attempts made by
tern valere puto, modo in fundamento fidei cum capite Christo, et in sinccra caritate cum
corpore ejus, quod est Ecclesia, communio et societas retineantur. G. Cassandii de Ar-
ticulis Religionis interCatholicos et Protestantes controversis Consultatio ad invictissi-
mos Impp. Ferdinandum I. et Maxim. II. ejus successorem, 15C4
(0pp., p. 893 G. Cass, :
et G. Wic. de sacris nostri temporis Controversiis libri, cura H. Conringii, Ilelmst., 1659.
4., p. 1). He put the Augsburg Confession at the basis. On the foundation of his me-
diating proposals, see the Praefatio Divina Scriptura, tanquam eertissima quadam re-
:
gula, veteres in controversiis, quae statira post Apostolorum discessum extiterant, diju-
dicandis usi sunt sed saepe in his contentionibus evenit, ut de sensu et intelligentia
:
harum divinarum literarum non conveniret, ac non paucae controversiae ortae sint, qua-
rum in iis divinis Uteris non tam certa et aperta explicatio reperiebaUir. Quare semper
necesse fuit ad consensum universalem vetustissimarum Eccleslarum, tanquam ad publi-
cum et firmissimum testimonium vivae apostolicae doctrinae etverae scriptorum aposto-
licorum intelligentiae provocare, quod et hodie usu venire videmus. Quare longa et per-
tinaci contentione hue tandem ventum est, ut ea quoque pars, quae nudls Scripturis niti
hactenus visa est, nunc universalem hunc antiquitatis consensum usque adeo non asper-
netur, ut etiam in nonnullis gravissimls qnaestionibus summum causae suae lirmamen-
tum in ea collocent: id quod multis et clarissimis scriptorum illius partis testimoniis
probari potest. Elucct auiem hoc publicum Ecclesiae testimoniuin maxime in iis scriptori-
bus afque quae fuerunt ab aetaie Constantini usque ad aetatcm Leonis vel etiam
sci'vptis,
Gregorii. ex ea forma atque descriptione Ecclesiae, quae fuit iis temporibus, ap-
Quai-e
tissimum exemplum proponi poterit, ad quod controversiae omnes de religione, turn in
doctrina tum in caeremoniis, referri possint. Cur autem hujus temporibus exemplum
potissinnim proponendum sit, multae sunt causae. Primum quia turn per varia certa-
mina, eruditissima scripta, et gravissima Concilia praecipuae omnes de summis religio-
nis nostrae capitibus controversiae diligentissime et fidelissime pertractatae et discepta-
tae fuerunt. — Deindc quia ea aetate Ecclesia, quae hactenus servituti tj-rannidis fuerat
subjecta, tunc per universum fere orbem libertati fuit restituta, optimaque ratione ut
illi statui convenienti administrata. Itaque illi aetati maxime cum conditione Eccle-
siae nostrae tcmpestatis convenit. Ad
haec quia ea aetate sanctissimi et doctissimi an-
tistites extitcrunt, qui acceptam per manus a majoribus inde usque ab Apostolis doctri-
nam fideliter conservarunt, et Ecclesiis summa fide et diligentia tradiderunt, et ab omni

ambitione, avaritia, inscitia, quibus postea Ecclesia tantum non oppressa fuit, longissime
—
abfuerunt. Quapropter cum utraque pars universalem ilium antiquitatis consensum,
qui maxime in ea aetate, quam diximus, cernitur, tanquam certissimum testimonium
evangelicae et sincerae doctrinae amplectatur, magna jam via ad concordiam et pacifi-
cationem aperta esse videtur, modo utrinque hostilem animum et odium exuant, et
christianae caritatis eflectum induant, delude fidem servant, et quod acquura est prae-
stent.
^ In Germany the conferences appointed lij- James, Margrave of Baden, in Br.den,
1589, and in Emmendingen, 1590 (see Div. I., § 11, Note 2G), and that of Duke Maxi-
milian of Bavaria, and the Palgrave of Neuburg at Ratisbon, IGOl (ibid..
.""2). In Note
France conferences at N?nies, 1599, and at Fontaincblcaii, IGOO, and the various nf-
tlie
gntiations of Richelieu with the Reformed see Ilering, 1. 388. [Pur.ux, Illst. de Li Ref.
;
Franc;., Tome iv. 1800.]

PT. II.— CII. III.— EVANGEL. CHURCH. § 51. ATTEMPTS AT UNION. 579
some Protestant rulers to conciliate the Catholic Church by changes

in their national churches only imbittered their Protestant sub-
jects, without effecting any doctrinal concessions on the part of
the Catholics.^ Equally fruitless were the proposals, on the basis
of Cassander's ideas, made by Mark Antony de Dominis, Arch-
bishop of Spalatro, who died in 1624.'"'
In the controversies between the Lutherans and the Reformed,
the latter maintained the positions that both parties were essen-
tially agreed as to doctrine, that they should mutually tolerate
the discrepant opinions, and must make common cause against
the CathoUcs ; and Zwingle was the first to call this desirable re-
lation by the name of avyKpnTl(Tf^6g^^ But the Lutherans saw
soul-destructive error in the deviating doctrines of the Reformed,
and this became the general opinion in the Lutheran Church after
its victory over the Philippists, who were favorable to the Reformed.
The Polish Lutherans, indeed, under the influence of the Witten-
berg Philippism, had effected a union with the Reformed and the
Moravian Brethren of their land at Sendomir, 1570 ;'^ but after
the strict party had gained the victory in the Formula Concord iae,
they were led to retract this union by instigation from Germany.'^
' E. g., .John in. in Sweden, after 1571 (Div. I., § 18, Note 15, seq.) ; James I. and
Charles I. in England (above, § 29).
'" He fled to London, IGIG, and became a clergj'man in the Episcopal Church, and
there wrote his great work, De Ecpublica Ecclesiastica, libb. x. (2 Tom. Lond., 1G17 ;
-1G20, fol., contain onl}- lib. i.-vi., reprinted T. i., Heidelb., 1618 ; T. ii., Francof., 1G20.
fol. To was added, T. iii., Hanov., 1G22 (Francof., 1658), containing lib. vii. and
this
ix.) He allowed himself to be enticed baqk to Rome in 1622, and there died in prison,
1624 : his bod}- was burned. Comp. J. W. Jaegeri Hist. Eccl. et Polit. saeculi xvii., i.
242. Gabr. Barthol. Gramondi Ilist. Galliae ab Excessu Henrici IV., Amst., 1653, lib.
iii., p. 186. [Ilenrj- Newland, Life and Contemporaneous Historj- of De Dominis, Lon-
don, 1859. Comp. Notes and Queries, Julj-, 1859 and Dublin Review, 1859.]
;
1' Zwinglii Epist. ad Vcrbi Ministros Basileenses, 5. Apr., 1525 (0pp. vii. i. 390) : Ten-
tamur nunc hand contemnenda tentatione, puta ipsius Eucharistiae discussione. Quae
res plane non tantos tumultus dabit, quantos quidam sperant, si modo c-vyKpiTTLo-fxou
fecerimus, h. e. in dimicatione conscnsum : quem quaedam infirma et imbellia alioqui
animalia dum ab eis mali patiantnr.
faciunt, crudelissimos hostes sic terrent, ut nihil
Then Buccr, 1531 ; sec above, § 35, Note
Melanchthonis Eesponsio ad Criminatio-
23.
nes Staphyli et Avii, Vitcb., 1558, init. (0pp., iv. 813) Intuens Ecclesiarum nostrarum :
vulncra, cum propter alias causas multas ingcnti dolore afficior, turn vero eo magis cru-
cior, quod occupati intestinis bellis non studemus vel (TvyKpr\Ti(Tfxw, ut olim dicebatur,
nos adversus communes hostes eonjungere. Saepe etiam in querela de nostris dissidiis
Demosthenis epistolam recito, in qua hortatur cives, ut deponant domestica odia et sese
conjungant contra cxternos hostes.
'^ See Div. I.,
§ 15, Notes 20 and 21.
'^ These influences became marked from 1582; D. E. Jablonski Hist. Consensus Sen-
domiriensis, Bcrol., 1731. 4., p. 95. Here too preached a zealous Lutheran, Paulus Ge-
;
Even after this the Reformed showed themselves for the most
part favorable to ecclesiastical peace with the Lutherans, with tol-
eration of the opinions on both sides. The Synods of the French

Reformed Church for a long time made advances in this sense to
the Lutherans.''* mother church was
This peaceful spirit of his
unsuccessfully expressed in his Irenicum by Francis Junius (from

Bourges, professor in Heidelberg, and afterward in Leyden he :
died in 1602).'^ In the Lutheran Church these attempts were

received with less favor, because, by the shape into which the
doctrines about the Person of Christ and Election were then de-
veloped, it had separated itself still further from the Reformed
Church and also because the Lutherans were imbittered by the
;
change to Calvinism of several of the German national churches,

and by the hard treatment frequently experienced by the church-
es and preachers that still adhered to Lutheranism. The Synod
held at Mompelsgard in 1586' showed the fruitlessness of all ef-
'^
ricius,ill Posen, aiuUtores melius factiiros, si ad Jesuitas, quam ad aliam confessionem
evangelicam Consensu Polonico receptam transeant (Jablonski, p. 95). After tlie death
of the Lutheran Superintendent, Erasmus Gliczner, 1G03, the Lutherans no longer at-
tended the mixed synods, p. 121.
'* The National Sj'nod at Gap, 1G03 (Aj-mon Sj'nodes Nationaux, i. 274), expressed
the wish, d'entrer en conference et union avec les eglises d'Allemagne (qu'on appelle Lu-
therienues), pour oter le schisme, qui est entrc elles et nous, and determined, with this
in view, to write to the orthodox Universities in Germany, England, Scotland, Geneva,
and Sedan. Thej- received approving replies; but nothing more was done (i. 300).
Tiiereupon the Sj-nod of Tonneins, 1614, took up the plan anew (see § 45, Note 6); and
the Synod at Vitro, 1617 (Aymon, ii. 108), named a commission to perfect it. The
breaking out of the Arminian controversies enfeebled this zeal for union; but still the
Synod of Charcnton, 1631, declared that Lutherans were orthodox, and to be admitted
to the Lord'sSupper (§ 45, Note 8).
'* Irenicum, de Pace Ecclesiae Catholicae inter Christianos. quamvis diversos Sen-
tentiis, religiose procuranda, colenda atque continenda, in Psalmis Davidis, 122 et 133
Meditatio, 1592 (0pp., Gencv., 1613, 2 Tom., fol. i. 677).
'^ See
§ 42, Note 1. The dispute here was on five points De Coena Domini, de per-
:
sona Christi, de templis pontificiis reformandis (the Lutherans held, Acta Coll. Montis-
bell., p. 321 Imagines, quilms historiae ct res sacrao repraesentantur, adiaphoron esse
:
imagines, quae ad idololatrium prostant, abrogandas esse templa et altaria, imagini-

;
bus minime idololatricis cxornata non diruenda, organa musica ex templis non elimi-
nanda esse. On the other hand, the Reformed held: Usum picturae et sculpturae in
historiis sacris repraesentandis, etsi per se est uSta(fjopo^, tamen magis nocere, quam
prodesse, si in sacra loca inferantur, propter humani ingenii ad idololatricum cultum
propensionem : musicen minime damnamus
; sed ubi cantatur harmonice quod mcnte
non quid inde consequatur, nempe ut paulatim magna
intelligitur, res ipsa ostendit,
pars cultus Dei in cantiunculas mutetur, ct non Dei verbo mentes pascantur, sed inani-
bus sonis aures mulccantur: quamvis res per se sit aoiucpopo^, lapideam structurani,
quam altare vocant, vel ligneam mensam communem habere in usu sacrae Coenae do-
minicae tamen probabile non est,.Satanam unquam potuisse Coenae dominicae sacra-
;
montuni in illud horrcndum sacrificium denuo offercndi Christi commutare, si altaribus

PT, II.— CH. III.— EVANGEL. CHURCH. § 51. ATTEMPTS AT UNION. 581
forts at pacification. AVTien the danger from the Cathohcs in-

creased, it was felt, especially in the Palatinate, how desirable the
syncretism with the Lutherans would he. In this sense an Ex-
hortation was published at Heidelberg in 1606," followed by the
Ircnicum of David Parens (professor at Heidelberg; died 1622),
in 1614."^ Both were decisively and bitterly repelled by the Lu-
therans,'^ to the joy of their common foes.^"
Meanwhile the theological disputes in the Lutheran Church it-

self again became more violent and bitter. The controversy be-
tween the theologians of Giessen and Tiibingen on the Commu-
nicatio Idiomatum,~^ and the attack upon John Arnd's book on
True Christianity,^- gave all the more just ground for offense, as
it occurred while the Catholic predominance over Protestantism
was constantly increasing, and seemed to make the Protestant'

cause still more hopeless. Many persons were induced, by these
distractions in their own church, to seek for unity and peace in
christianae Ecclesiae caruissent) De Baptismo (the Lutherans maintained, p. 352 Bap-

;
:
tismum non signum duntaxat, sed lavacrum regenerationis vere esse, in casu extremo
necessitatis mulieribus licitum esse infantes baptizare. The Reformed held Allquam :
latentem virtutem aliani aquae (licet sacramentali) attribuere, quam sacramentalis sig-
existimamus manifestam esse idololatriam Baptismus pars est ministerii
nilicationis, ;
quod est expresso Dei verbo mulieribus, imo ctiam privatis personis, interdic-
publici,
tum) and de praedestinatione.
;
" Treuherzige Vermahnung der Pfillzischen Kirche an alle andere Evangelische

Kirchen in Deutschland, IGOG (tilso in Goldast's Polit. Reichshandeln, s. 894).
'^ D. Parei Irenicuni, s. de Unione et Synodo Evangelicorum Concilianda, Heidelb.,
1C14. 4., p. G6 Faciamus in re bona, quod tribunitius ille Prognostes Paulus Winded:
:
(Canon at Marchdorf, had just before written Prognosticon futuri status Ecclesiae, op-
:
positum insulsi cujusdam per Sueviam lutherologi libro de signis ruituri Papatus) suis
Poutificiis suadet in re mala : cava esset reipublicae
Si, inquit, saperent Caiholici, et ipsis
Et nos igitur pio sj-ncretismo adversus coramu-
christianae salus, syncretismum colerent.
neni hostem Antichristum studia consiliaque conjungamus, donee plenam illam concor-
diam bonis omnibus desideratissimam obtinere queamus. Neque mihi hie quisquam
dixerit, ita licentiam quidvis credendi in religione quaeri, Samaritanismum suaderi.
Absit a viris bonis tam inconsiderata vox. Nihil nobis cum Samaritanismo, cum Li-
bertinismo, cum vanis religionum confusionibus. Loquimur de tolerantia Christiana
mutua partium caetera consentientium, in hac una primaria contradictione dissidenti-
uni : Corpus Christi est in pane et uhiqua : corpus Christi non est in pane et uhique.
*^ G. Sigwarti Admonitio Christiana de Irenico Parei, Tubing., 161G. 4. Leonh.
J.
Ilutteri Irenicuni vere Christianum, Viteb., IGIG. 4. In these works syncretism was
also opposed, as if it had in view a mixed religion.
'" The Jesuit, Adam Contzen, wrote against Parous Consultatio de Unione et S3'no-
:
do Gencrali Evangelicorum, and De pace Germaniae libb. ii., and in it exhorted the
Lutherans, as dear brethren, not to unite with the Calvinists. How the Lutherans at
this time stood on the side of the Catholics against the Reformed, see the letter of the
imperial confessor, the Jesuit M. Becanus, to the court preacher of the Elector of Sax-
ony. Hoe von Hoenegg, 1G21 ; Div. I., § 12, Note 4.
" See § 42, Note 5. " Sec § 50, Note 24.
the Roman Church.^^ This led, in the Lutheran Church, to a

vigorous protest against that love of theological which
strife
would not endure peace and freedom in the Church, and which
was killing all living
piety by the dead letter.^*
The peril from the Catholics, meanwhile, was assuming a still
more threatening aspect,-^ and indicated the necessity of a union
with the Reformed and consequently the feeling toward them
;
became more mild. In the Leipsic Conference of 1631-^ the
-^ Ruperti Meldenii Paraenesis about 1625, in Liicke, s. 136 : Videtis, auditis, percipitis,
quam crebrae sint defectiones a vestra religione, quam frequentes airoaTaaiai, in quan-
tas angustias grex et numerus vestcr rcdactus ! Quam causam putatis subesse ? Ver-
bo dicam : facile princeps est vestra discordia et confusio. — Ecce enim homines sim-
plices, et fundamento non satis solido nixi, vestris otiosis subtilitatibus adeo redduntur
perplexi, adeo dubii et intricati, ut tandem, quid credant aut cui credant, plane igno-
• rent, inprimis si videant, spinosas istas quaestiones et disputationes jam non privatini
agitari, sed etiam in publica schismata et nervum erumpere. Sic enim illi secum : hem
quid hoc rei? ergone doctores ipsimet inter se de praecijmis capitibus (sic quidem ipsis vi-
dentur) dissentluiit ? Quid nobis agendum superest ? quid nos securos praestabit, utra pars
recte doceat ? o nos miseros ! quid si forte ab una vel altera parte, vel tandem ab vtraque
seducamur ? Quibus ignitis telis Satanae si accedant scandala vitae, a quibus certe im-
munes non quicunque rixis potius, quam aedificationi Ecclesiae dediti estis et in-
estis,
cumbitis, quam sit haec ad lapsum et abnegationem verae doctrinae via, divi-
praeceps
nate vos ipsi, aperitur porta Antichristianismo, credite. Hugo Grotius ad J. Duraeum,
1637 (Praestantium ac Eruditorum Virorum Epistolae Ecclesiasticae et Theol., Amstel.,
1704, fol., p. 796) Est autem haec res (unio Ecclesiarum) magis optanda Protestanti-
:
bus, quod quotidie multi eos deserunt, et se coetibus Romanensibus addunt, non alia de
causa, quam quod non unum est corpus, sed partes distractae, greges segreges, propria
cuique sua sacrorum communio, ingens praeterea maledicendi certamen.
** So particularly about 1625, Ruperti Meldenii (G. Calixti ?) Paraenesis Votiva pro
pace Ecclesiae ad Theologos Augustanae Confessionis also in J. G. Pfeiffer, Variorum

;
Auctorum Miscellanea Theologica, Lips., 1736, p. 136 and in F. Liicke, iiber den Fric-
;
densspruch In necessariis uuitas, in Non nccessariis libertas, in utrisque caritas (first

:
found in Meldenius), Gottingen, 1850, s. 87. Comp. Liicke's additional statements in

the Studien u. Krit., 1851, iv. 906. —Particularly did the numerous defenders of Arnd
(§ 50, Note 24) help to increase that feeling.
^^ The court preacher of the Elector of Saxony, Matth. Hoe v. Hoenegg (Div. I., § 12,
Note 3), whom the Jesuits had lured, was soon undeceived, when, after the Calvinists,
the Lutherans also were expelled from Bohemia (ibid., § 14, Note 27. Fidelis Admonitio
de Religione Papistica fugienda et Lutherana constanter retinenda ad Evangelicos in
Bohemia et alibi pressos scripta per fjcultatis theol. Doctores et Professores in Acad.
Wittebergensi, 1624. 4.) and when, from 1626, the Lutherans began also to be treated
;
with violence in German}- (ibid., § 12, Note 9). Then, with the aid of other Saxon theo-
logians, and bj' order of the Elector, he wrote the " Vertheidigung des Augapfels, 1628"
(§ 12,Note 12), from which the polemics against the Jesuits received a new impulse.
'^^
Occasioned by the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg and the Landgrave Will-
iam of Hesse. On the Reformed side were the court preacher of Brandenburg, Joli.
Bergius the Marburg professor, Joh. Crocius and the Cassel court preacher, Theophil.
; ;
Neuberger. On the Lutheran side, the chief Saxon court preacher, Matthias Hoe v.
Hoenegg, and the Leipsic professors, Pol3-c. Lej-ser and Heinr. Hopfner. The German
—
protocol of the conference has been often printed e. g. in the " Drei Confessiones oder
Glaubensbekenntnisse, welche in den Churf. Brandenb. die Religion betreffenden Edic-
tis oft genennet werden" (several times printed in Frankf. on the Oder, Cologne on the
PT. II.— CH. III.— EVANGEL. CHURCH. § 51. ATTEMPTS AT UNION. 583
points in dispute were debated, even on the Lutheran side, in a

much more moderate spirit than before, although they were not
here brought to an adjustment. By this Leipsic colloquy, John

Duraeus (Dury), a Scotch Presbyterian clergyman, who, as preach-
er to the English church at Elbingen, had been already busy
with thoughts about union, and afterward, in England, had won
over many of the Latitudinarians,^^ was emboldened to undertake
Spree, and Kiistrin), in D. II. Hering's Nachr. v. d. ersten Anfange d. Ref. Kirche in
Brandcnbufg, Ilalle, 1778; Append., s. 22; and in Niemej'er, Coll. Confessionum Re-
form., p. G53.
^' (Dean of Worcester, then Bishop of Exeter, "and at last of Norwich), Pax
Jos. Hall
Terris, in Diiraei Irenicoruni Tractatuum Prodromus, p. 297 Pauca fuerunt ilia fidei
:
capita, quae primaevis Christianis necessario credenda proponebantur. Neque vero plu-
ra sunt, quae a Christianis quibuscunque, ut scitu credituque ad salutem necessaria re-
quiruntur eadem nempe est et semper erit communis ilia fides tradita olim Sanctis, cu-
:
jus professione Christiani indigitamur, nee alia ex eo creari aut debet, aut v?ro potest.
Praecipua tot tantarumque inter Christianos litium causa fuit et adhuc est curiosa ilia
—
credendorum multiplicatio. lisdem vestigiis insistere debet remedium, quibus et mor-
bus ad sua nimirum principia (ut sero sapere discamus). reducendus est Christianis-
:
mus et modus statuendus illis articulis, in quibus velut de fide credendis acquiescere
;
debet plebs Christiana. Jo. Davenantius, Episc. Sarisburiensis (De pace inter Evangeli-
cos procuranda sententiae quatuor, Duraeo traditae, Londini, 1G38. 12., p. 59): Non
nostri saeculi theologis incumbit hoc negotiuni, ut populo Christiano novos ac funda-
mentalcs catholicae fidei articulos procudant. Qui Apostolorum et primitivae Ecclesiae
temporibus non fuit fundamentalis, nostris afiirmationibus, altercationibus, anathema-*
tismis nunquam evadet fundamentalis. Prima haec credibilia, quae ex toto Scripturae
corpore in symholum apostolicum collecta et comportata habemus, constituunt illam fun-
damentalis fidei regulam, quam Augustinus pusillis magnisque communem vocat, atque
—
ab omnibus perseveranter tenendam dccernit. Qui credit omnia, quae hoc brevi sj-mbo-
locomprehensa habemus, vitamque Christi praccoptis conforniem agere conatur, ex albo
Christianorum non est expungendus, neque a communione cum aliis christianae cujus-
cunque Ecclesiae membris abigendus. —Agnoscotamen dogmata multa praeter hosce
ex sacris Scripturis per firmam consequen-
articulos in sacris Scripturis contineri, atque
tiam posse deduci, quae sunt cognitu perquam utilia, et ad profectum in theologica sci-
cntia multum conducunt sed sub amittendae salutis aut communionis periculo turn de-
:
mum tenenda sunt, cum in Scripturis contineri, vel ex Scripturis necessario consequi
manifesto declarentur et intelligantur. In hisce si qua Ecclesia non potest veram suam
sententiam aliis Ecclesiis ita manifestam reddere, ut eas in eandem pertrahat, renunciare
debet illarum erroribus, fraternae tamen communioni propter hosce errores renunciare
non debet. Ilisce addo, quod etiamsi locus aliquis sacrosanctae Scripturae videatur
hisce Ecclesiis fundamentalem articulum stabilire, aliis non videatur, non est tamen in
hoc opinionum discrimine satis justa causa communionis abrumpendae, modo utraque
ipsum articulum pie credat, et in aliis Scripturae sanctae locis clare et solide fundatum
agnoscat. Denique et illud adjungendum, non esse impossibile, neque a bonorum Chris-
tianorum officio alienum, cum illis Ecclesiis communionem retinere, qui nobis opinionem
aliquam sequi videntur, quae revera non potest cum fundamentali articulo. cohaerere ;
dummodo ipsum articulum explicite profiteantur, et ambabus (quod ajunt) ulnis ani-
plexentur. Abhorret enim a caritate, imo a recta ratione, ut quis propter consequentias
nee intellectas, nee a se concessas putetur fundamentalem articulum negasse aut rejc-
cisse, quam firmiter credit, explicite asserit, et si opus esset veritatem ejusdem vol san-
—
guine suo obsignaret. Niniium sibi placet ilia Ecclesia, quae alias, in quibus nee inve-
nitur tyrannis, nee idololatria, nee haeresis niortifcra, propter aliquam intelligentiac in-
58 1:
FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
journeys, and to write Looks, for securing a union among all
the national churches formed on the basis of the Reformation.'®

However, he found as much disinclination to this among the Lu-
therans as he did sympathy among the Reformed f^ and so his
restless and self-sacrificing attempts were quite unsuccessful. He
died at Cassel about 1680.
§52.
GEORGE CALIXTUS.
Geschichte der S3-nkretistischen Streitigkeiten in der Zeit des G. Calixt von II. Schniid,
Eriangen, 18iG. G. Calixt u. d. Synkretismus von Dr. W. Gass, Breslau, 184C. Baur
uber d. Character und die geschichtl. Bedeutung des Calixtin. Synkretismus (in Baur's
u. Zeller's theol. Jahrbiichern, vii. ii. 163). [Henke, Georg Calixtus und seine Zeit,
i. ii. 2, 1853-GO, Ilalle ; conip. review bj- Ilundeshagen, in Stud. u. Kritiken, 185C.
George Calixtus and the Peace-makers, in Christian Remembrancer, London, 1855.
Walch called Calixtus Cal[vino ni]ixtus, and identified him with the number of the
firmitateni, tanquam sua communione indignas, aspernatur. Non sic priscae Ecclesiae
Patres, etc.
Writings of Duraeus Ilypomncmata de Studio Pacis Ecclesiasticae, Amstel., 163C.
2"*
:
4. Cousultatio Theol. super Negotio Pacis Eccl. Promovendo, Lond., 1G3G. 4. Capita
de Pace Evangelica, Lond., 1G57. 4. Irenicorum Tractatuum Prodromus, Amstelod.,
*16G2. 8. Comp. J. Chr. Coleri Hist. Jo. Duraei, Vitemb., 1716.4. C. J. Benzelii Comm.
Hist. Theol. de J. Duraeo, niaxime de actis ejus Suecanis, cum praef. J. L. Moshemii,
Ilelmst., 1744. D. H. Hering's neue Beitrage zur Gesch. d. Ref. Kirche in Branden-
burg, i. 369. Duraeus unfolds his scheme at length in the Dedication of his Irenicorum
Tractatuum Prodromus. In every national church there was to be a Collegium Pacifi-
catorium, constituted of some theologians and persons of high position these colleges ;
were to confer together upon the conditions and means of union, and come into corre-
spondence with one another. The main conditions were these 1. Negotium per dispu- :
tationem scholasticam nunquam esse agitandum 2. Ad praxim pietatis omnia concor- ;
diae consilia et media esse referenda 3. Per concessa in libris sj'mbolicis semper esse
;
procedendum 4. Omnia esse subordinanda fundamentalibus et irrefragabilibus Chris-

;
tianismi dogmatibus, quae ipsi Pontificii negare non possint 5. De sj-ncretismo, i. e., ;
de nova quadam religionum miscella, non esse deliberandum, sed de fundamentali Con-
cordia C. Nunquam agendum de factione aliqua politica contra Pontificios formanda,
;
sed de Protestantium innocentia manifestanda, ut pateat, haereseos crimen iis nullo jure
a Pontificiis imputari 7. Postquam in fundamentalibus inter partes consensum esse ap-
;
parebit, in reliquis tolerantiae innoxiae locum esse dandum 8. Prophetandi libertatem, ;
secundum s. Scripturas regulatam, et quae personalia non tractet, concedendam esse ;
9. Injuriarum praeteritarum amnestiam esse sanciendam, nee impune admittendum, ut
ulli se novis injuriis lacessant 10. Regimen Ecclesiarum utrique parti liberum esse re-
;
linquendum, ut illud, prout ex usu suo utilissimum judicabit Ecclesia quaelibct, consti-
tuat. The means recommended were the setting aside of the prejudices of the parties
:
against one another, the publication of books to recommend the union, and correspond-
ence between the parties.
-' Nic. Ilunnii (Superintendent in Lilbeck, f 1643) Theol. Consideratio Intcrpositionis
s. Pacificatoriae Transactionis a D. J. Duraeo tentatae (presented to the Council of Lfi-
leck in 1G41), ed. cum praef. Sam. Pomarii, Yitcmb., 1C77. Comp. Nik. Ilunnius, by
D:-. L. Ilcller, Liibcck, 1843, s. 123.
PART II.— CHAP. III.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 52. G. CALIXTUS. 5S5
beast ia the Apocalypse. Schweizer, Central Dognien, i. 171 ii. 532.

; Gass, Gesch,
(1. Dograatik, i. 248, 300; ii. 68. Niedaer, Gesch. d. christl. Kirche, 743-7.]
In the University of Helrastadt, under the influence of Hesshu-

sius (who died 1588), though neither the Formula of Concord nor
the doctrine of ubiquity was accepted, yet the strict Lutheranism
and passion for theological controversy^ of that restless man pre-
vailed, until, in the reign of the learned Duke Henry Julius (1589-
1613), and after the appointment of the distinguished philologist,

John Caselius (1589), there was a zealous cultivation of classical
studiesand the Aristotelian philosophy, which had been neglected
in the Universities since the decline of the school of Melancthon.^
As a consequence, the Melancthonian theological teaching became
])redominant,^ and the zealous Hesshusian, Daniel Hoffmann, was
obliged, in 1602, to yield to it.*
In these circumstances, George Calixtus, trained under the spe-

cial influence ofJohn Caselius (who died 1613), and of the phi-
such an ed-*
losopher, Cornelius Martini (deceased 1621), received
ucation at that University as fitted him to become the head and
leader of the new Helrastadt theology, in which the Melanctho-
nian tendency received new life and a new development. After
completing his academical studies, he traveled through England,
Holland, Italy, and France; became acquainted with the state of
many eminent men and in this
the different churches and with ;
way, as well as by a more thorough study of the different peri-
' Thus the controversy on the Formula Concordiae and on ubiquity was continued for
a long time, and with great violence, b}- the Ilelmstadt divines, especially Daniel Ilof-
mann, against Wurtembcrg and Saxon theologians; Walch's Religionsstreit. der Luth.
Kirche, iv. 503. [On Hesshusius, comp. C. A. "\yillvens, Tile. Hessh. nach handschriftl.
Quellen, Leipz., 18G0.]
= Die Univ. Ilelmstadt im IGten Jahrh. von E. L. Th. Ilenke, Halle, 1833, s. 57.
^ Calixtus, in his Prooemium to Augustus, Do Doctrina Christ, and Vine. Lerin. Com-
mon., p. lii., cites the following sentence, which seems to contain tlie whole of the Ca-
from Caselii Ep. ad Laur. Schcurlium Quae religiosissimi omnibus
lixtine syncretism, :
saeculis,omnibus locis inter se consentientia tradiderunt, ea demum sunt aX?(3'tos icaô-

XiKu. Remarkable for its moderation was also the opinion of Duke Ilenrj- Julius about
the Reformed. In a letter to the Lutheran jirinces, assembled in Dresden, 15th Decem-
ber, 1610 (Schlegel's Kirchen- u. Reformationsgeseh. v. Norddeutschland, ii. 374), he ex-
pressed the desire that the Reformed might not be excluded from the religious peace ;
that they might not separate from them, lest tlie Catholic part}' more easily suppress
them ; and that instead of separate alliances there sliould be a general union effected
by a diet.
When, in 1598, he began a fight against philosophy in general; Walch's Religlons-
str. d. Luth. Kirche, iv. 514; Planck's Gesch. d. Protest. Theol. nach der Koncordien-
formcl, F. 91 ; Ilonke, s, 82; Thomasius de Controvcrsia Hofmanniana, Erlang., 1844.
:
58G FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.
ods of ecclesiastical history, he obtained a more comprehensive

view of Christianity than was at that time usual in the Lutheran
Church,
He returned to Helmstadt in 1613, and became professor in
the University December, 1614. Though he did not bring back
from his journey any preference for any other Church, and through
his whole life maintained that the Lutheran Church was the pur-
est of all, yet he had adopted the opinion of the peace-makers and
Remonstrants, that the essential doctrines of Christianity were held
by all the churches, and desired to propagate this opinion, and to
bring the adherents of all the churches to some nearer understand-
ing. As he saw that the great hinderance to this union was in the
exaggerated importance attached to the special doctrines of par-
ticular churches, so, too, he detected many excrescences, which
he desired to have entirely removed. With this in view he at
once commenced an attack on the peculiar doctrines of the Roman
'Catholic Church, which was continued through his whole life,^
because these doctrines, in spite of their want of truth, were ty-
rannically insisted upon as necessary to salvation.^ He was aU
^ Upon his journey he wrote, in Cologne, a work, Do Pontificio Missao Sacrificio Tract.,
printed there by Bartoldus Nihusius, then warmest friend, Francof. ad Moen., 161-i
his
(Cal. Digressio de Arte Nova, § 10). Colloquium Hemelschenburgense inter G. Calix-
tum et P. Angustinum Jesuitam de Principio credendorum, 1G14. De Religiosa Adora-
tione disp., 1G23. 4. De Conjugio Clericorum, 1031. 4. In 1G22 Nihusius became a
Catholic in Cologne, and wrote : Ars Nova dicto s. Scripturae uiiico lucrandi ex Ponti-
ficiisplurimos in partes Lutheranorum, detecta nonnihil ct suggesta thcologis Ilelmsta-
diensibus, G. Calixto praesertim et Conr. Hornejo, Ilildcs., 1G33, in whicli he insisted,
in particular, that the Catholics did not have to prove the truth of their doctrines, be-
cause they were possessed of them by a long tradition but that the Protestants were
;
bound to substantiate their opposition by the verj- words of Scripture. To this Calixtus
replied in his Digressio, qua excutitur Nova Ars, quam nuper commentus est B. Nihu-
sius, appended to his Epitomes Theol. Moralis, Pars I., Ilelmst., 1G34. 4., and there, §
262, —
enumerated the Roman Catholic errors. De visibili Ecclesiastica Monarchia, 1643.
4. De Sacrificio Christi semel in Cruce oblate et initerabili, 1644. Responsum Maledi-
cis Theologorum IMoguntinorum pro Rom. Pontilicis infallibilitate praeccptoque commu-
nionis sub una Vindiciis oppositum, 2 Partes, Ilelmst., 1644. 4. De Missis Solitariis,
1647. Disp. de Primatu Rom. Pont., 1650. Ad Ernestum, Landgravium Ilassiae rc-
ponsum, Ilelmst., 1651. Acta inter Dom. Ernestum, Ilassiao Landgravium ct G. Ca-
iixtum, Ilelmst., 1651. The Capuchins of Maycnce wrote against him, especially Valc-
rianus Magnus in reply, G. Cal. Responsum ad Actionem, quam tertiam pro Disputa-
;
tione inter praccipuos dissidentes de Fide Christiana numerant P. Valerianus Magnus

cjusque Socii, Ilelmst., 1652. 4.
' Epist. ad Aug. Ducem vor Cassandri do Comm. sub utraque Specie, 1642, d. 3
Pontifex — vult, — suam

auctoritatem majorem esse Evangelio, vult, in sua manu esse,
sancire fidei decreta, sive articulos fidei staluerc. —
Haereticos autem, inter quos praeci-
puc Protestantcs numerat, et quotannis per borribilem buUam, quam Coenae Domini
vocant, devovet, cxui vult fortur.is, lionoribus, fama ct vita, Rcgcs ct Principcs corum
PART II.— CHAP. III.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 52. G. CALIXTUS. 587
ways averse to the Calvinistic views of the Lord's Supper and of

predestmation ; but he no more considered them to be fundament-
al errors thanReformed those doctrines in which the Lu-
did' the
therans differed from them.'' Strict Lutheranism was as exchi-

sive as Roman CathoHcism and in opposition to its harshness he
;
advocated the milder theology of Melancthon, particularly in reject-

ing the doctrine of the ubiquity of Christ's body,^ in maintaining
the necessity of a new life in order to salvation,^ and in his theory
of original sin.^"
regiiis et principatibus dejici. — Quamdiu certe adsertionibus et bullis talia sancientibus
Roma inhaeret, irreconciliabilem esse nemo non intelligit. Cal. Responsum ad Actio-
nem tertiam P. Valeriani M., 1G52, saj's, p. 28 : 1. Quod inter particulares Ecclesias
Pontificiam, Lutheranam et Keformatam Pontificia sit omnium inquinatissima; 2. Quod
nemo, qui rem intelligat, ab alia puriore ad illam impurissimam illaesa conscieutia
transire possit 3. Quod liaec ipsa Pontilicia Ecclesia dogmata, quaecunque potuerit,
;
ad augendum et stabiliendum quaestum cleri et dominatum Pontiiicis detorserit vel in-

vexerit; 4. Quod Ecclesia, in qua dego, nulli defectui vel errori, quod attinet articulos
fidei ad salutem necessarios, sit obnoxia. P. 4G Si ea credit Poutifex, quorum indi-
:
cium antea fecimus, hactenus sane cum eo in fide communicamus. Quatenus autem —
stabiliendo quaestui»cleri suaeque potentiae multa commentitia et nova fingit et super-
addit, seque in regno Christi ab ipso Christo constitutum esse Proregem, totiuscjue mun-
di arbitrum et dominum jactitat; eatenus profecto cum eo communem fidem non habe-
mus, sed quam ipse tidera appellat, nos errores, et quidem ingentes ac perniciosos, esse
dicimus.
' G. Calixtus de Praecipuis Christianae Religionis Capitibus Disputt. XV. anno IGll
habitae, Helmst., 1613 recusae ; Disp. VI., de Praedestinatione ; Disp. XL, de Coena Do-
mini. G. Calixtus Consideratio Doctrinae Pontificiae juxta ductum Concilii Trident,
et reformatae juxta ductum Confessionis Thoruni Boruss. anno 1G45 exhibitae, ed F. U.
Calixtus, 1C59. G. Calixtus de Tolerantia Reformatorum Consultatio, Francof., 1G50,
emendatius ed. F. U. Calixtus, Helmst., 1G97.
* G. Calixtus de Praecipuis Christ. Rel. Capitibus, Disputt. XV., 1611 Disp. III., do ;
persona et officio Christi, § 43 : Manifestum est ex hisce, ab Eutj'chianismo alienos non

esse, quicunque divina attributa — humanitati attribuunt, — nominatim qui immensitatem
sive omnipraesentiam carni adscribunt.
' G. Calixtus Epitomes Theol. Moralis, P. I., 1G34. 4., p. 3: Finis partis ejus, quam
ex disciplina theologica modo tractamus et moralem vocaraus, hie est, ut homo fidelis
in fide et statu gratiae perseveret, nee eo per peccata libere et contra conscientiam per-
petrata excidat. — Quemadmodum per hujusmodi sanctimoniae studium fides non acqui-
ritur, sed quae acquisita jam ante fuit, conservatur : ita quoque per idipsum studium
vita, sive jus, si ita loqui libeat, ad haereditatem vitae aeternae aliquando adeundam
non acquiritur, sed acquisitum, ne amittatur aut intcrcidat, custoditur, quin et con-
firmatur.
'" G. Calixtus, Epitome Theologiae, ex ore dictantis excepta et edita, Goslar., 1619,
p. 106, de statu post lapsum Supernaturalia ilia, quae habebat homo, penitus amisit,
:
iisque amissis non amplius est talis, qualcm Deus esse volebat, neque amicus, sed ini-
micus. Naturalia quidem retinuit, ut intellectum, voluntatem, appetitum, ejusque po-
tentias, habitus et actus naturalcs,quanquam et ilia sunt vitiata et debilitata in exer-
cendis actionibus suis, quantumvis naturalibus, praeterquam fuissent in statu innocen-
tiae quippe removebat donum originalis justitiae impedimenta, quilius nunc intrican-
;
tur et irretiuntur. P. 113 Haec carentia, cum qua nascimur, est peccatum illud, quod
:
originale solemus vocare, privative oppositum justitiae originali, nempe in intellectu ig-
norantia, tenebrae sive caligo in voluntate aversio a Deo et bono
; in appetitu rebellio. ;
Even works of Calixtus there were points which

in the first
gave offense to the stricter Lutheran divines.^ Though in other ^
instances, where the deviations were much less rtiarked. these the-
ologians had taken up their arms in opposition, they were yet
kept back from a controversy with Helmstadt, probably chiefly
from the fear lest Brunswick, which by its rejection of the For-
mula Concordiae seemed to be already on the way to the Re-
formed Church, ^^ might be led by such attacks to go over wholly,
following the example of so many other Grerman principalities.
A still greater sensation was made when Calixtus, following
essentially in the steps of Cassander, developed his peace-making
theology into the position^^ — that the fundamental doctrines of
Christianity, sufficient for salvation, were contained in the Apos-
tle's Creed, and in the common faith, explanatory thereof, of the
De peccato original!, and De poccato diss., 1G17, in G. Cul. de Peccato Tractatus Diver-
si, congesti a F. U. Calixto, Helmst., 1659. 4. Tliis Tliomist (Aquinas) view of original
sin is also declared to be correct in the Apology for tlie Augsburg Confession see Con-
;
cordia, ed. Rechenberg, p. 53 ; and hence Calixtus appeals to it.
" Caspar Pfaffradius, professor of theolog}- in Helmstadt, a Hesshusian (f 1622), in

his praef. to Lutheri de Servo Arbitrio lib. 1619, attaclvs the doctrine of Calixtus on
original sin, as laid down in his Epitome Tlicologiae. The Giessen divine criticised it
freely in a letter to his son-in-law, the Superintendent Wideburg in Wolfenbiittel, 31st

March, 1620 (in J. Hiilsemanni Dialysis Apologetica Problematis Calixtini, num Myste-
rium Trinitatis e solo V. T. possit evinci, Lips., 1650. 4., praef., p. 100), in Cal. Epitome
Theol. ; particularly in the articles de imagine Dei et de peccato, de praedestinatione,
de communicatione idiomatum ; much, he said, was ad palatum Papistarum, much Cal-
vinianis nou ingratuni. Comp. Tholuck's Wittenberg. Theologen im ITten Jabrhun-
dert, s. 101.
'2 Conr. Hornejus wrote from Verden as early as February, 1G16, to Calixtus (Henke,
Commercii Marburgi, 1840, p. 7): Retulit nuper nescio
Literarii Calixtini fasc. iii.,
quis e ducatu Brunsvicensi nobilis juvenis, famam esse in agro Bruusvicensi de plerisque
Academiae Juliae doctoribus veneno Calviniano' infectis, inter quos tu praecipuus sis.
Risi cum audirem hoc, —
sed et dolui postea, cum viderem ita remis velisque a quibus-
dam isto praetextu contendi ad extremam barbariem.
" First in the Prooemium to Augustini de Doctrina Clirist. libb. iv., de Fide et Sym-
bolo lib. 1, Vincentii Lerin. Commonitorium ed. G. Calixtus, Helmst., 1629. 8., in whicli
he adopts the method prescribed bj' Augustine and by Vincent for ascertaining the
truths of salvation. Of the subsequent writings of Calixtus, the most important, in
their bearings on tliis matter, are Digressio, qua excutitur Nova Ars, quam nuper com-
:
mentus est B. Nihusius, appended to Epitome Theol. Moralis, Helmst., 1634. 4. Disp.
de Auctoritate Antiquitatis Ecclesiasticae, Helmst., 1639. 8. Epist. ad Augustum, Du-
cem Brunsvic, vor G. Cassandri de Communione sub utraque specie dialogus ed. G. ;
Calixtus, Helmst., 1642. 4. Rcsponsum maledicis theologorum Moguntinorum pro

Rom. Pontificis Infallihilitate Praeceptoque Communionis sub una vindiciis oppositum,
2 Partes, Helmst., 1044. 4. Consideratio et tTriVyjiTis appended to Scripta facientia ad
Colloquium a Rege Vladislao IV. Torunii indictum ed. G. Calixtus, Helmst., 1645. 4.
Desiderium et Studiuni Concordiae Ecclesiasticae, 1G50, often printed; also appended
to G. Calixti Widerlegung der Verlaumdungen Dr. Jac. Wellers, and in answer to Dr.
Job. Hiilsemanni meisterliches Muster, Helmst., 1G51. 4.
—
PART II.— CHAP. III.— LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 52. G. CALIXTUS, 589
first and that the churches which acknowledged

five centuries ;
this,and viewed the additional tenets of the particular churches

as non-essential, should at once come into peaceful relations, and
thus pave the way for a future union of the churches.^* But
'* Desiderium Concordiae Ecclesiasticae, 1G50, § 4: Qui credunt, se non
et Studiiim
peccatorum remissioiiem conse-
propriis meritis, sed virtute ct merito passionis J. Chr.
cuturos, et post resurrectionem carnis suae ad gloriam perventuros confidunt, ponuntque
inter se et iram divinam meritum et mortem Christi praeterea baptizati sunt, et Eucha-;
ristia prout datur fruuntur opera autem carnis non perpetrant, sed temperanter, juste
;
et pie vivunt in praesente saeculo, exspectantes beatam spem et illustrem adventum

gloriae magni Dei et servatoris nostri J. Chr. eos a Deo filios haberi, et ad haereditatem
:
regni coelestis admitti certum est. Tales autem inter se longe magis conveniunt, et in-
timius conjunguntur, quam pridem memorati (lieathen, Jews, Mohammedans, and So-
cinians), nempe sicut membra sub capite Christo. Odisse itaque non oportet. Qui ex- —
tra corpus illud est, sive ejus corporis sub capite Christo membrum non est, non potest
salvari. Qui vero ejusdem corporis sub capite Christo membra sunt, inter se sunt fra-
trcs et sorores. Quod igitur attinet Pontilicios et Reformatos, aut negari oportet, quem-
quam eorum esse membrum Christi, et affirmari, omnes —aeternae morti addictos esse :
aut, si nobiscum aeternae vitae participes esse possunt vel erunt, tanquam ejusdem Pa-
tris — filios, tanquam concorpores et cohaeredes, tanquam fratres et sorores haberi et dili-
gi oportet. § 5 : Pium igitur est desiderium eorum, qui expetunt, dissidia et odia, quae
invaluerunt, proh dolor! inter illos, qui— ita, uti dictum fuit, credunt seque gerunt, aut
certe gerere debebant, mitigari, et si fieri queat, plane tolli. —Etiamsi vero actualis et ex-
terna ijer Sacramentum communio, inprimis propter exortas circa idipsum infelices con-
troversias, prohibeatur perseveret nihilominus virtualis et interna, consistens in mutua
;
benevolentia et caritate, qualem Christiano debet Christianus, et in desiderio studioque

removendorum inipcdimentorum, quae actuali et externae perfectae communion! obsis-
tunt. (S. Cath. Ecclesiae Symbola ct Confessiones, 1G49, praef. Superiora credentibus
et professis sinos actajungl prohibet sive distantia regionum, sive dissidia Principum,
sive aliud obstaculum, jmi^mur tamen animo et affcciu.) Quo animo si simus, teterri-
nuim schismatis crimen a nobis amolimur. § G Interea observandum, non esse viri :
boni, nedum Christian!, aliud sentire, ct aliud refragante conscientia profitcri. Qui —
apud animum suum persuasus est, nullam esse Pontificis avafxaprnaiau, nullum ex jure
divino primatum, nullum purgatorium, nullam transsubstantiationem non potest sal- ;
va conscientia prae se ferre et profitcri, quod esse credat. Qui persuasus est, sententiam —
aliquam esse veram, non potest absque mortal! crimine eam improbare vel damnare, et
ne quidem simulare, quod improbet vel damnet. Est autem ingens discrimen inter ista :
e(/o hanc sententiam non existimo esse veram ; erjo hanc sententiam vere haereticam judico,
et omnes ei addictos a divina r/ratia et coelesti rer/no exclusos. § 8 Porro observandum, :
constituta esse divinitus, a quibus cognitis et creditis pendere debeat aeterna hominum
salus, nee haec per arbitrium et constitutiones humanas auger! vel incrementum capere
posse. Quae ir/itur ad salutem Christianis jmmorum saeculorum et martyribus Christi siif-
fecerunt, haec etiam nobis hodie siijficiimt. Dices forte ergo non fuerit ad salutem ne- :
cessarium credere, quod Filius sit Respondeo: rem ipsam cre-

aeterno Patri o/nooucno?.
dere, nempe Filium euudem cum Patre suo Deum, ad salutem, et ut Filio
esse verum et
redemtor! nostro debitus cultus praestetur, est nccessarium per istud autem vocabulum :
rem efferre vel exponere, non quidem ad salutem est necessarium, est autem suo quodam
alio modo necessarium, nempe ad excludendas Arianorum ludificationes. Doctores sane
et antistites Ecclesiarum non alia ratione vel fide salutem consequuntur, quam simplices
Christian!. Multa tamen illis prae his scitu et cognitu sunt necessaria, non quidem directe
ad salutem, sed ad salutarem doctrinam rite explicandam, confirmandam et defendendam.
(Comp. Consideratio et kiriKpiaii, § 20, appended to Scripta facientia ad Colloquium 'I'ho-

run.) Then on the Media ad concordiam christianam promovendam ct procurandam faci-
entia. Among other things, § 10 Quae praecise ad salutem sunt necessaria, distinguantur
:
—
even these views, though in decided opposition to the strict Lu-

therans, were for a long time not assailed by them. Statins Bu-
ab aliis, quae pai'i modo necessaria non sunt ei si de illis fuerit consensus, quod ista atti-
:
net, etiamsi actualis communio plene exerceri nondum possit, cessent tamcn mutuae con-
demnationes, et obtiueat tolerantia. (In the Responsum ad Mogunt., P. i., § 44, he distin-
guitihes, after the manner of Bonavcntura and other scholastics, in what pertains to faith,
three things aidecedentia, constituent la, and consequentia : Quae const ituuiit fidem, Bona-
venturaep7'mc/;jateer credenda, sunt articuli sj-mbolo propositi. Antecedentm sunt, quae
ex luniine naturae sive de animae immortalitate, sive de Deo cognosci possunt. Ante- —
cedit quoque cognitio divinae canonicae Scripturae, e qua, quae fidem reapse constitu-
unt, doceri et deduci debent. Consequentia sunt, quae ex articulis ad fidem proprie fa-
cientibus tanquam corollaria eliciuntur, quo pertinent omnes quaestiones annatae, emer-
gentia dubia, et dogniatum appendices. In hisce aliquid posse vel intelligere ad offici-
um docendi rectius obeundum requiritur, non praecise ad salutem consequendam.
§ CG : Antecedentium et Consequentium cognitio non ad quosvis pertinet, sed ad perfecti-
ores.) § 12 Quaestiones, quarum decisio ad pietatem aut praxin christianam, sive spe
:
salutis, sive cultu divine, si\ê ofiicio caritatis, sive administratione Sacramentorum, sive
gubernatione Ecclesiae excrccndam, nihil confert, omittantur, vel tanquam indifferentes
ill medio relinquantur ad populum autem temere nunquam proferantur. (Consideratio
:
ct tTTixpio-ts, § 32, appended to Scripta facientia ad Colloqu. Thorun. Iterum atque ite-:
rum moneo, theologian! nostram practicam esse, et proinde quaestiones, quae ad praxin,
a nobis, inquam, praestandam et cxerceudam praxin, nihil faciant, pro indifferentibus
habcndas, nee de iis odiose et cum detriniento mutuae christianae caritatis contenden-
dum esse. lie divides theology, Prooem. in Aug. ct Vine, p. 3, in theologiam ecclesi-
Ksticam, quam didacticam et positivam vocari posse, et doctrinae capita proponere et ex-
ponerc diximus in exegeticam, quae Scripturas interpretetur in kistoriccun, quae aiiti-
; ;
quitatem evolvat; et dcnique in acudemicam, cujus sit disputare, doctrinani fidei adver-
sus haereticos tueri, et controversias circa illam exortas plene et accurate, quantum fieri
possit, expedire.) § 13 comparata sunt, ut populum non plane ignorarc

: Quae vero ita
ex usu sit, quod de populo dissentientibus vicino vel immixto, quomodo multis in locis
se res habet, afiirmari potissimum poterit ibi errores ea dexteritate refutentur, ut erga
;
crrantes commiseratio potuis subeat, quam excitentur odia et inimicitiae. § 14: Sufti-
ciat consensus circa to quod est m3'steriorum, etiamsi to quomodo non possimus penc-
trare. § 20 Quae Ecclesia aflirmat, quod aliae negant, et propter quod negatum eas
:
communione sua indignas judicat, ilia idipsura probare debet. § 21: Prolandum autem
erit primo et principaliter ex sacra canonica Scriptura. Quae quoniam testimonium
perhibet Ecclesiae, quod sit columna et Jirmamentum veritatis (1 Tim. iii. 15), praecipue
vero primitivae, diras ab ethnica Roma persequutiones passae, quod fuerit Ecclesia Sanc-
torum et Martyrum Jesu (Apoc. xvii. 6), consequenter ex unanimi consensu primae et pris-
cae Ecclesiae idipsum, quod controversum est, probandum venit. (Prooem. in August, et
Vincent., p. 48 : —
Deus in Scriptura nn-steria sive articulos fidei et sacramenta saluti
nostrae necessaria tradit revelando et sciscendo, sive insthuendo et mandando Ecclesia ;
vero eadem tradit nee revelando nee instituendo, sed de revelatis ac institutis divinitus
testificando.) § 22 : Si quod aflirmatur, non proponitur ut necessarium ad salutem, nee
ut causa scissionis vel dcnegatae conimunionis, baud opus erit de eo magnopere angi.
Sin ut tale, necesse fuerit demonstrari, non modo quod verum sit, sed etiam quod tale
verum, et quodsemper habitum et agnitum. Quid autem ut tale habuorit et agno-
tale
verit prisca Ecclesia, innotescit ex eis, quae adultos, priusquam baptizarentur, discerc
et edoctos profiteri jussit. Quos enim baptizabat, non alio loco quam vere Christianc-
rum et fidelium habebat, et mox usu sanctae Eucharistiae dignabatur. Nee ab eis aliud
in posterum requirebat, nisi ut in ea, quam professi essent, fide constantes, coetuiquc
fidelium conjuncti pie et inculpate viverent. Docebantur autem et profitebantur sum-
mam fidei, Symholo, quod Apostolicum hodie vacatur, comprehensam. (Responsum ad
^logunlinos, P. i., § 35 Symbolum- dictum AjwstoUcum, non quidem quod ab ipsis Apos-
:
tolis totidem verbis conceptum id enim si csset, canonis biblici partem facerct, libris-
:
PART II.-CHAP. III.-LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 52. G. CALIXTUS. 59I
scher, the Hanover preacher, stood for a long time alone in his at-
qu3 et scriptis apostolicis accenseretur : sed quod contineat summam totius doctrinae
apostolicae, cuivls adulto et rationis compoti ad salutem necessariae quin nee aliis, ;
qiiam quibus fuerunt Apostoli et Evangelistae, verbis expositam. That this

ipsi usi
symbol contains all the doctrinal articles necessarj- to salvation, he shows by citations
from the Fathers of the Church and from the scholastics, ibid., 39 ss.) Accesserunt
§
dcinceps Stjmbola alia ad explanationem apostolici facientia, et juxta quae idipsum
ca-
piendum, doctiores et doctores ultra simplicitatem ad accuratiorem disquisitionem
si
progredi necessitas aliqua vel haereticorum importunitas exigat. (Digressio de

arte
nova, appended to Theol. Mor., p. 443: Fidem nostram et doctrinam nostram complecti-
tur Symh. ApostoUcum; Symb. Nicaenuni, Constantinopolitanum et Athanasianum Ana.
:
;
thematismi Ephesini; Confessio Chalcedonensis ; Quae Nestorianorum et EutycJiianorum
rehquiis quinta et sexta Synodi opposuermit ; Quae item Pelagianis Africana plenaria,
sioe
Id vocari solet Milevitana synodus, et Arausicaiia secunda synodus opposuerunt.
Calixtus
published the same under the Sanctae Catholicae et Apostolicae Ecclesiae, ejus-
title:
que primorum oecumenicorum Conciliorum Symbola et Confessiones, 1G49; also annex-
ed to his Widerlegung Weller's und Hiilsemann's, 1G51. De sanctissimo trinitatis
mys-
terio contra Socinianos exercitatio, Helmst., 1G45, § 37: Omnia symbola, unum aposto-
licuni,quod simplicem fidem continet, si eycipias, doctoribus inserviunt, non laicis, quos
vocant: illorum enim est' dogmata fidei uberius exponere, contra objectiones
tueri, et
contradicentibus os obturare comp. Cassander, § 51, Note G, and the English bishops
;
Hall and Dayenant, § 51, Note 2G.) Accesserunt etiam doctorum scripta, de
dogmati-
lius,quibus Ecclesia ejus temporis niteretur, testimonium perhibentia. Consensu
itaque
priscae Ecclesiae ex symbolis et scriptis manifestato doctrina Christiana
recte confirma-
tur. Intelligimus autem doctrinam fundamentalem et necessariam, non quasvis
anna-
tas appendices et quaestiones, aut etiam quorundam Scripturae
locoruni interpretationes.
De talibus enim unanimis et universalis consensus non poterit erui vel proferri. Et nia-
gis apud plerosque spectandum est, quid tanquam communem
Ecclesiae sententiam pro-
ponant, quam quomodo earn confirment aut demonstrent. Comp. Prooem.
in August.
ctVinc, p. CD: Summa eorum
quae diximus hue redit, non potuisse fieri, ut Ecclesia
uniyersa, inprimis Ecclesia primorum saeculorum in vicem capitum
sive articulorum
fidei falsitates amplecteretur et ad posteros propagaret,
ut Ecclesia, inquam, universali-
ter antiquitus in fundamentis religionis crraret et hoc nobis constare ea certitudine,
;
qua sacris Scripturis divinisque promissionibus adsentimur: quae vero fuerit

publica et
passim recepta primorum saeculorum doctrina e priscorum doctorum
consensu, quern
scripta illorum inter se collatamanifestum relinquant, patere certitudine morali, quae in
illo quidem gencre maxima et formidinem oppositi sufficienterexcludat.— rewca?nas,
sit,
ait Yineentius, quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus

creditum est. Illud semper, ut
firmo stet talo, prima saecula et apostolicam aetatem proxime subsecuta
comprehendat
necesse est—Ad summum si a prime, ad quod Apostoli ipsi et scriptores
canonici perti-
nent, proxima quatuor saecula in tuam sententiam consenserint,
praescriptioneantiquita-
tis yicisti. Quin ad eum modum legitimae traditionis antiquitas non angustis, sed oppido
laxis, qumgentorum puta ab exordia aerae christianae annoruni
terminis circumscribitur.
This arbitrary limitation of five hundred years was also previously
proposed in France,
§51, Xote 2, and seems to have been recommended to Calixtus by its bearing on the
Catholics see Digressio de arte Nova, p. 244 Cum doctores
; :postcriorum saeculorum,
siquidem orthodox! sint, non dissentiant nee dissentire possint a doctoribus
priorum :
qui hos sccum concordare demonstraverit, ei de consensu reliquorum

sccuro esse licet.
Provocant itaque, qui in superioribus auditi fuere (Catholic divines), ad doctores
primo-
rum quinque saeculorum.— Quam sententiam nos quoque probamus, et sic genuinam
cc-
clesiasticam antiquitatem cancellis minime angustis includimus. P. 24G
Profitemur et :
promittiraus, quidquid ejus, quod a Christo et Apostolis descendisse et ad

salutem credi-
tu necessarium nos affirmamus, ab altera parte negatum fuerit, id
totum a nobis consen-
su et testimoniis jyrimorum quinque saeculorum, eo qui in superioribus
satis descriptus est
raodo, dcmonstratum iri. Contra vero oramus et flagitamus, ut vicissim Pontificii, quod
592 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1C48.
tacks upon the Helmstadt theology. ^^ But then came the collo-
quy which Calixtus, repelled by the Lu-
at Thorn, ^^ in 1645, at
therans, attached himself to the Reformed, and aroused hostility.^"
His adherents were first assailed Conrad Hornejus, professor in :
Helmstadt, for his doctrine of the necessity of good works ;^^ John
Latermann, in Konigsberg, on whose side were Michael Behra
and Christian Dreier, professors in the University, for holding sev-
eral Calixtine positions in addition to which it was also main-
;
tained by them that the doctrine of the Trinity was not distinctly
taught in the Old Testament.^^ At last, in 164S, began the at-
ipsi eadem in re affirmant et nos negamus, similiter demonstrent. He proposed in liis po-
lemics against the Catliolics the two principles, Ad Ernest. Landgr. Ilassiac rcsponsum,
1651, p. 22 Quidquid sacra Scriptura docef, est verum, and Quidquid jî'imorum quinque
:
saeculorum Ecclesia unanimiter professa fuit, est veriim. Comp. the similar views of
Cassander, § 51, Note G.
'^ Crj-pto-Papismus Novae Theologiac Helmstadiensis, das heiml. Papstthumb, in
the Newen Ilelmstadtischen Theologen Schriften nnter dem Schein der Evangel. Lehr
hin und wieder versteckt, durch M. Statium Buscherum, in 4 vols. (Hamburg, 1040).
Buscher, a disciple of Daniel Hofmann, and in philosophy a Ramist, was cited before
the consistorj' in Hildesheim to reply to a large number of accusations, but failed to ap-
pear, fled from the citj-, and died soon after see the proceedings in a worlc issued by
;
order of the Duke, " Griindliche Widerlegung eines unwarhaften Gedichts iinterm Titul
Crypto-Papismus," etc., 2 Th., Liiueburg, 1641. 4. Schmid Gesch. der Synkret. Strei-
tigkeiten, s. 49.
'^ See Div. I., § 15, Note 31. The design of this colloquy was so harmonious with
the views and wishes of Calixtus, that, before it was held, he collected the works pub-
lished in reference to it, to recommend them to general consideration: Scripta facientia
ad Colloquium a Ser. Poloniae Rege Vladislao IV. Torunii indictum. Accessit G. Ca-
lixti Consideratio et i-rriKpLcn<;, Helmst., 1G45. 4.
'' Schmid Gesch. d. Synkr. Streitigk., s. 69.
'8 Hornejus had already maintained, in his work, Diss. IX., de Justilicatione, 1C40,
—
in several theses, a necessitas bonorum operum ad aetcrnam salutem consequendam,
and was blamed for it b}' Wilh. Lej-ser in Wittenberg, in a letter (contained in J. Hul-
semanni Dialysis Apologetica Problematis Calixtini, p. 450). Hornejus defended his
thesis in a'disputation, De fide et bonis Operibus. Resp. M. Jo. Latermanno, 1G43; and
then Hulsemann, though without naming Hornejus, refuted this Majoristic doctrine (see
§ 37, Note 10 sq.) in his Supplcmentuni Breviarii Theologici, Vitemb., 1644. At last
Hornejus, bj' his Disp. de Sunima Fidei, non qualislibet, sed quae per Caritatem opera-
tur. Necessitate ad Salutem, 1646, gave occasion to the Elector of Saxony to call the
attention of his theological Faculty to the matter; and then a letter of warning was sent
to Calixtus and Hornejus bj- the Faculties of Leipsic, Wittenberg, and Jena de phra- —
fibus et sententiis ipsorum scandalosis, which was violently answered.
'^ Latermann, under the presidency of Calixtus, had defended a thesis, De sanctissi-
mo Trinitatis Mysterio contra Socinianos Exercit., Helmst., 1645, and in this had said,
§ 5 :Quanquam mysterium, de quo agimus, Patriarchis et Prophetis suo quodam modo
ex peculiar! Dei revelatione cognitum fuissc inficias ire nolimus ita tamen in libris, ;
quos instinctu Spiritus sancti cdiderunt, contineri, ut a quovis ibi deprehendi aut olim
potuerit, aut nunc seposito N. T. possit, id vero negamus ibique vestigia potius quam
:
—
aperta animumque convincentia dicta reperiri. existimamus. And then the passage,
Gen. i. 26, faciamus hominem ad iniaginem et similifudinem nostrum, was recognized as a
lucvlcntum vestigium. This very unsuspicious assertion was not criticised until the vie-
PART IL—CHAP, III.—LUTHERAN CHURCH, § 52. G, CALIXTUS. 593
tack against the central points of the system of CaUxtus, his views
about the Christian doctrine of salvation, and his projects for ef-
fecting the pacification of the churches.^" Making use of an ex-
pression long since in ill repute among the Lutherans, this posi-
tion was denominated Syncretism. Thus began the Syncretistic
Controversy.
lent Coelestinus Mislenta, professor in Konigsberg, when holding a disputation there—

de aeterna Dei praedestinatione, 1646, objected to Latermann as an advocate of several
Helmstadt errors, and among them the above opinion. As other Faculties were called
upon to give a judgment upon this controversy, Wittenberg and Strasburg in particular
were led to pronounce against that view see Hartknoch's Preussische Kirchenhistoria,
;
s. 605. Calixtus wrote about it De Quaestionibus, num Mysterium s, Trinitatis e so-

:
lius V. T. Libris possit demonstrari, et num ejus Temporis Patribus Filius Dei in pro-
pria sua Hj-postasi apparuerit, Diss., Helmst., 1650. 4.
="•
Jo, Conr, Dannhaueri (professor in Strasburg) Mysterium Syncretism! detecti, pro-
Symphonismo compensati, Argentor., 1648. 4, Abrah, Calovii (preacher in

scripti, et
Dantzic, who became (1650) professor and General Superintendent in Wittenberg, the
chief opponent of the Syncretists) Digressio de Nova Theologia Helrastadio-Regiomon-
tanorum Syncretistarum, Calixti, Horneji, Behmii, Dreieri, Latermanni, first published
at the end of his Prolegomenis Institutionum Theologicarum, Dantisc, 1649, 8. after-
;
ward in his Systema Locorum Theologic, i. 881.

VOL, IV. —38
END OF VOL, IV.

DATE DUE

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4

iFrtrni tl|p Sjthrarg of

Pnur^tott 3Il|?nlo9tral §?mtttary

BR 145 .G47 E5 1868 v.

EranslatcU antr ISliiteU

VOL. IV.— A.D. 1517-1G48.

THE REFORMATIOX AND ITS RESULTS TO TIIE PEACE QF WESTPHALIA.

HARPER & BROTHERS,

Only three sections of the present volume of G-ieseler's Church

History have ever before been publishecl in an English transla-

vorite objects of Dr. Grieseler's indefatigable researches. In no

church history is found in his exposition of the doctrinal develop-

the desiderata of our English literature. Neander's history does

sults, the chief value of this work to the student is perhaps to be

found in its accurate citations from the original autliorities. To

dispensable. But as many of the notes are in German, and as

the bulk of the volume would be too much enlarged by giving

which may prove sufficient for the general reader.

As to the value of this history, the verdict is unanimous among

tical denomination. It is an indispensable help and guide to all

interested in such investigations. It is so thorough and exact,

of historic truth and the spirit of Christian charity.

Union Theological Seminary,

PART FIRST OF FIRST DIVISION.

§ 1. German Reformation to 1524 13

Diet of Augsburg 135

^ 2G. Under Henry YIII 323

PART SECOND OF FIRST DIVISION.

Ende. Francof. ad M. 1785, P. iii. S ; in French, with notes by P. F. le Courayer, a

quarium, s. Miscellanea Groningana nova ad Hist. Eeformationis ecclesiasticam prae-

Orbe Gestarum, ab ann. 1500 usque 1566. Colon. 1567. 8.

Eeformations-Almanacli herausgeg. v. Friedr. Kej'ser. 3. Jahrgg. Erfurt, 1817. 19.

Burckart, of Spelt, in the bishopric of Eichstiidt, court preacher of Saxony, afterward

^ Historia Vitae Ge. Spalatini exposita ab Chr. Schlegelio. Jenae, 1693. 4.

conscripta, ed. D. J. Chr. Gu. Augusti, Vratisl. 1819. 8.

EISE OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY AND SWITZERLAND. H

1805. Th. 2. s. 33 Schuler as above, s. xxiv. 46).

12 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.— A.D. 1517-1G48. .

Melanchthonis a Camerario, Z^vinglii a Myconio, Calvini a Theodoro Beza conscriptae,

CHAP. I.— GERJIAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 13

mont, Strasb. 183G.

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY TILL 1524.

The corruption of the Church, and the necessity of a Reforma-

stated with very different degrees of precision. The people were

clesiastical oppression, suspected many a pious deception, and felt

the emptiness of what Church offered them in the name of re-

mation in Head and Members. A few persons of deeper pene-

every concession would be a confession of past errors, and that its

power would thus be undermined. After it had overcome the vio-

strides, must gradually penetrate the popular mind. But here a

ligible results. These results, however, without a knowledge of

evoked.^ Only a well-timed and genuine reformation, overthrow-

be kindled at the same time with hostility to the long-endured

his enthusiastic influence upon the people, by calculating how

tion to the formidable colossus of the Papacy. Only an enthusiast-

16 FOURTH PERIOD.— DIV. I.—A.D. 1517-1G48.

ic, world-despising piety could give adequate courage and strength

sightand thorough knowledge would he necessary to guard his

CHAP. I.— GERMAN REFORMATION. § 1. INTRODUCTION. 17

religious spirit, which could not he satisfied hy the mechanical

coepit, ubi et iu Psalmorum multas perspicuas

sententias reperit, quae confirmabant hanc de fide doctrinam et consolationem, quae in

et Cameracensem (Petrus de Alliaco) paene ad verbum memoriter recitare poterat. Diu